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ALLYN    AND    BACON'S   SERIES   OF  SCHOOL    HISTORIES 


THE 

ANCIENT   WORLD 

FROM  THE  EARLIEST  TIMES  TO  800  A.D. 


BY 


WILLIS    MASON   WEST 

SOMETIME    PROFESSOR   OF    HISTORY    AND    HEAD    OF   THE 
DEPARTMENT  IN  THE  UNIVERSITY  OF  MINNESOTA 


REVISED   EDITION 


ALLYN    AND    BACON 
Boston  Netjj  gork  Chicago  V 


f^ 


ALLYN   AND    BAGON'S   SERIES   OF 

SCHOOL    HISTORIES 

J2mo,  half  leather,  numerous  maps,  plans,  and  illustrations 


THE- ANCIENT  WORLD.    Revised.    By  Willis  M.  West.  • 
Also  in  twQ  volumes^   Part    I.  Greece  and~  the  East. 
Part  II.  Rome  and  the  West. 

MODERN  HISTORY.    By  Willis  M.  West. 

HISTORY   OF    ENGLAND.      By    Charles   M.    Andrews   of   Yale 
University. 

SHORT  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND.     By  Charles  ^.  Andrews. 

HISTORY  OF  THE   UNITED   STATES.    Revised.    By  Charles 
K.  Adams  and  William  P.  Trent  of  Columbia  University. 


BY  WILLIS   MASON  WEST. 


354Z9-2.^ 


Norf»aafi<  T^t%% 

J.  S.  Gushing  Co.  --  Berwiclt  &  Smith  Co. 

Norwood,  Mass.',  U.S.A. 


FOREWORD 

My  Ancient  World  appeared  nine  years  ago.  The  generous 
welcome  given  to  it  necessitates  new  plates ;  and  I  have  taken 
advantage  of  the  opportunity  to  rewrite  the  book. 

In  the  nine  years,  my  own  interest  has  shifted  from  political 
history  to  industrial  history.  This  change,  I  believe,  has  been 
general ;  and  I  trust  that  teachers  will  approve  the  correspond- 
ing change  in  the  book.  Less  space  is  given  to  "constitu- 
tions," and  more  to  industrial  and  economic  development  and 
to  home  life.  Many  generalizations,  too,  are  omitted,  to  make 
room  for  more  narrative ;  and  the  publication  of  Dr.  Davis' 
Readings^  makes  it  advisable  to  omit  most  of  the  ^^illustrative 
extracts  "  of  the  old  volume,  except  where  they  can  be  easily 
woven  into  the  story. 

The  Readings  is  accountable  for  another  modification  here. 
That  volume  presents  much  of  the  story  of  the  ancient  peoples, 
as  they  themselves  told  it,  in  so  simple  and  charming  a  manner 
as  to  make  the  best  possible  collateral  reading.  Every  high 
school  pupil,  I  feel,  should  own  the  book,  or  at  least  have  easy 
access  to  copies  on  reference  shelves.^  Other  library  reference 
in  this  book  has  been  reduced,  accordingly,  to  a  minimum. 

In  the  Ancient  World  I  ventured  to  present  views  of  the 
"  Mycenaeans  "  and  "  Achaeans,"  which  at  that  time  were  per- 
haps somewhat  radical  for  an  elementary  text.  Subsequent 
discoveries,  however,  have  fully  confirmed  them,  and  have  also 
opened  up  a  new  and  intensely  interesting  chapter  of  an  earlier 
Aegean  world,  besides  adding  much  to  our  knowledge  in  other 
fields  of  ancient  history.  These  new  results  I  am  glad  to  have 
a  chance  to  incorporate  here. 

It  is  doubtful  if  a  textbook  of  this  sort  should  give  room  to 

1  William  Stearns  Davis,  JJeatZm.grs  in  Ancient  History.  Two  volumes: 
"  Greece  and  the  East,"  and  "  Rome  and  the  West."  Each  $  1.00.  Allyn  and 
Bacon. 

2  This  view,  together  with  the  plan  of  library  work  for  this  volume,  is  ex- 
plained more  fully  on  page  9  o  o  /»  O  r^  O 


iv  FOREWORD 

any  incident  which  tlie  student  cannot  articulate  with  the  life 
of  to-day  —  or  which  is  not  essential  to  understanding  the  evolu- 
tion of  important  conditions  which  can  be  so  articulated.  This 
principle  has  not  been  adhered  to  so  rigidly  as  to  forbid  inclu- 
sion of  stories  of  universal  human  interest,  independent  of 
time ;  but  it  has  led  to  the  omission  of  many  names  and  events 
commonly  found  in  such  a  textbook,  and  it  also  explains  the 
various  references  to  present-day  conditions.  For  allied  rea- 
sons, too,  I  have  retained  the  emphasis  of  the  former  volume 
upon  the  Hellenistic  world  and  the  Roman  imperial  world  — 
on  which  our  modern  life  is  so  directly  based  —  at  some  cost 
to  the  legendary  periods  of  Greece  and  Rome. 

Perhaps  the  most  fundamental  change  is  yet  to  be  men- 
tioned. My  first  book  in  this  field  —  the  Ancieyit  History ^ 
of  twelve  years  ago  —  was  designed  avowedly  both  for  high 
schools  and  for  "niore  advanced"  students.  Something  of 
the  same  sort  lingered  in  the  Ancient  World,  the  successor  of 
that  first  volume.  But  in  writing  the  present  book  I  have 
kept  steadily  in  mind  the  first-year  high-school  pupil. 

Several  new  maps  have  been  added;  and  the  numerous  old 
ones  have  been  made  more  serviceable  for  teaching,  and  have 
been  carefully  adapted  to  the  new  text.  The  maps  for  "  gen- 
eral reference,"  however,  still  contain  a  few  names  not  used  in 
the  text,  to  assist  the  student  in  his  outside  reading.  Through 
the  generosity  of  the  publishers,  the  book  has  been  enriched 
with  many  new  illustrations,  which,  in  numerous  cases,  give 
emphasis  to  industrial  and  social  life. 

It  is  impossible  to  catalogue  here  all  the  friends  who  have 
contributed  to  making  this  volume  better  than  the  author 
alone  could  have  made  it.  But  I  must  at  least  take  space  to 
acknowledge  my  indebtedness  to  Dr.  William  Stearns  Davis. 
Dr.  Davis  has  read  the  complete  book  in  proof  sheets.  To  his 
scholarship  I  owe  the  avoidance  of  various  errors,  and  to  his 
fine  dramatic  sense  the  inclusion  of  some  striking  incidents. 

WILLIS   MASON   WEST. 

WiNDAGO  Farm, 
May,  1913. 


'< 


TABLE   OF   CONTENTS 

PAGE 

List  of  Illustrations vii 

List  of  Maps  and  Plans         .         . xiii 

Introduction  :  The  Part  of  Man's  Lifk  to  Study      ...  1 

PART  I  — THE  ORIENTAL  PEOPLES 

OHAl'TKK 

I.     Preliminary  Survey 11 

II.     Egypt 15 

III.     The  Tigris-Euphrates  States        .         .         .         .         .         .50 

Sa^IV.     The  Middle  States — Phoenicians  and  Hebrews          .  72 

V.     The  Persian  Empire    .         ." 82 

VI.     Summary  of  Oriental  Civilization 92 


VIL 

IX. 
X. 

XL 

\^    XII. 

XIII. 

XIV. 

XV. 

U^xvi. 


XVII. 
XVIIl. 


PART   II  — THE   GREEKS 

The  Influence  of  Geography .05 

How^  we  know  about  Prehistoric  Hellas      ....  101 

The  First  (Cretan)  Civilization 107 

The  Homeric  Age 116 

From  the  Achaeans  to  the  Persian  Wars    .         .         .         .  126 

The  Persian  Wars 163' 

Athenian  Leadership  :  The  Age  of  Pericles         .         .         .  l^j^  , 

Life  in  the  Age  of  Pericles 230 

The  Peloponnesian  War  .   .         .         .         .         .         .         .  242 

From  the  Fall  of  Athens  to  the  Fall  of  Hellas,  404-338      .  250 


PART  III  — THE   GRAECO-ORIENTAL   WORLD 

Mingling  of  East  and  West —  Alexander  and  his  Conquests  _^63 
The  Widespread  Hellenistic  World 273 


VI 


TABLE   OF  CONTENTS 


PART  IV  — ROME 

CHAPTER  PjLO«--   ^ 

XIX.  The  Place  of  Rome  in  History 297    I 

XX.  The  Land  and  the  Peoples     .        .         .        .         .        .  300 

XXI.  Legendary  History 307    [ 

XXII.  Conclusions  about  Rome  under  the  Kings     .         .         .  311 L 

XXIII.  Class  Struggles  in  the  Republic,  510-367        .         .         .  323 

XXIV.  The  Unification  of  Italy,  367-266 333 

XXV.  United  Italy  under  Roman  Rule 339 

XXVI.  Government  of  the  Republic 347 

XXVIL  The  Army 353 

XXVin.  Roman  Society,  367-200  b.c 357     ' 

XXIX.  The  Winning  of  the  West,  264-146  b.c.        .         .        .  363 

XXX.  The  West  from  200  to  146  B.c 382 

XXXI.  The  Winning  of  the  East,  201-146  b.c.         .         .         .387 

XXXII.  New  Strife  of  Classes,  140-49  b.c 399 

XXXIII.  The  Gracchi 419 

XXXIV.  Military  Rule  :  Marius  and  Sulla  .....  428 
XXXV.  Pompey  and  Caesar 437 


PART   V  — THE   ROMAN  EMPIRE 

XXXVI.     Founding  the  Empire  :  Julius  and  Augustus          .         .  445 
XXXVII.     The  Empire  of  the  First  Two  Centuries  :  Story  of  the 

Emperors 465 

XXXVIII.     The   Empire   of   the   First   Two    Centuries  :    Topical 

Survey 481 

XXXIX.     The  Decline  in  the  Third  Century         .         .         .         .526 

XL.     The  Rise  of  Christianity 533 

XLI.     Fourth  Century  :  Story  of  the  Emperors       .         .         .  541 

XLII.     Fourth  Century  :  Topical  Survey 556 

PART   VI— ROMANO-TEUTONIC   EUROPE 

XLIII.    The  Teutons 570 

XLIV.     The  Wandering  of  the  Peoples,  376-565  a.d.         .        .  576 

XLV.     The  "  Dark  Ages " 596 

XL VI.     Western  Europe,  600-768  a.d 608 

XL VII.     The  Empire  of  Charlemagne 624 

Appendix  :  A  Classified  List  of  Selected  Books  for  a  High  School , 

Library  in  History 637 

Index,  Pronouncing  Vocabulary,  and  Map  References  .         .  643 


ILLUSTRATIONS 

1.  Reindeer,  drawn  by  Cave-men  in  France  and  in  Switzerland     .  2 

2.  Prehistoric  Stone  Daggers  from  Scandinavia       ....  3 

3.  Series  of  Axes  ;  Old  Stone,  New  Stone,  and  Bronze  Ages          .  4 

4.  Some  Stages  in  Fire-making.     From  Tylor          ....  6 
6.    Portion  of  the  Rosetta  Stone,  containing  the  hieroglyphs  first 

deciphered 12 

6.  Part  of  the  Rosetta  Inscription,  on  a  larger  scale        ...  12 

7.  Photograph  of  Modem  Egyptian  sitting  by  a  Sculptured  Head 

of  an  Ancient  King  ;  to  show  likeness  of  feature      .         .         .17 

8.  Boatmen  fighting  on  the  Nile.     Egyptian  relief  .        .        .        .18 

9.  A  Capital  from  Karnak.     From  Liibke 20 

10.  Portrait  Statue  of  Amten,  a  self-made  noble  of  3200  b.c.    .        .  22 

11.  Egyptian  Noble  hunting  Waterfowl  on  the  Nile.     After  Maspero  23 

12.  Levying  the  Tax.     Egyptian  relief,  from  Maspero      ...  25 

13.  Egyptian  Plow.    From  Rawlinson 28 

14.  Market  Scene.     An  Egyptian  relief 29 

15.  Shoemakers.     Egyptian  relief,  from  Maspero     ....  30 

16.  Sphinx  and  Pyramids.    From  a  photograph       .        .        .        .31 

17.  Vertical  Section  of  the  Great  Pyramid 32 

18.  Ra-Hotep  ;  perhaps  the  oldest  portrait  statue  in  existence          .  34 

19.  Princess  Nefert ;  a  portrait  statue  5000  years  old        .         .        .  34 

20.  Temple  of  Edfu 35 

21.  A  Relief  from  the  Temple  of  Hathor  at  Dendera        ...  36 

22.  Egyptian  Numerals 37 

23.  Isis  and  Horus 38 

24.  Sculptured  Funeral  Couch  ;  picturing  the  soul  crouching  by  the 

mummy 39 

25.  A  Tomb  Painting ;  showing  offerings  to  the  dead       ...  40 

vii 


VIU 


ILLUSTRATIONS 


Weighing  the  Soul  before  the  Judges  of  the  Dead.     Egyptian 
relief 


27. 
28. 
29. 
30. 
31. 
32. 
33. 
34. 
35. 


37. 
38. 
39. 
40. 
41. 
42. 
43. 

44. 
45. 
46. 
47. 
48. 
49. 
50. 
51. 
52. 
53. 
54. 

55. 
56. 


Cheops  (Khufu).     A  portrait  statue  . 
Sculptors  at  Work.     An  Egyptian  relief 

Thutmosis  III 

Rameses  II 

Psammetichus  in  Hieroglyphs 

Neco  in  Hieroglyphs    .... 

Nebuchadnezzar  in  Cuneiform  Characters 

Colossal  Man-beast,  from  the  Palace  of  Sargon 

Assyrian  Contract  Tablet  in  Duplicate 

Assyrian  Tablets  ;  showing  the  older  hieroglyphs  and  the 

cuneiform  equivalents  in  parallel  columns 
An  Assyrian  "  Book  " 

An  Assyrian  Dog.     A  relief  on  a  clay  tablet 
Assyrian  "  Deluge  Tablet  " 
Assyrian  Cylinder  Seals 
Impression  from  a  Royal  Seal     . 
A  Lion  Hunt.     An  Assyrian  relief 
Section  of  the  Temple  of  the  Seven 

''restoration"  by  Rawlinson  . 
Parts  of  Alphabets 
Growth  of  the  Letter  A 

Jerusalem  To-day,  with  the  road  to  Bethlehem 
Impression  from  a  Persian  Cylinder  Seal    . 
Persian  Queen.     A  fragment  of  a  bronze  statue 
Persian  Bronze  Lion,  at  Susa 

Persian  Jewelry 

Scene  in  the  Vale  of  Tempe.     From  a  photograph 
Bronze  Dagger  from  Mycenae,  inlaid  with  gold 
The  Gate  of  the  Lions  at  Mycenae 
Mouth  of  the  Palace  Sewer  at  Knossos,  2200  b 

cotta  drain  pipes.     From  Baikie 
Head  of  a  Bull.     From  a  relief  at  Knossos 
The  Vaphio  Cups,  of  1800  or  2000  b.c. 


Spheres 


according 


c,  with 


later 


to  a 


terra 


ILLUSTRATIONS  ix 

PAnn 

57.  Scroll  from  the  Vaphio  Cups,  showing  stages  in  netting  and 

taming  wild  bulls.     From  Perrot  and  Chipiez        .        .         .109 

58.  Vase  from  Knossos  (about  2200  B.C.),  with  sea-life  ornament  .     110 

59.  Cretan  Writing Ill 

60.  "  Throne  of  Minos."     From  Baikie 112 

61.  Cooking  Utensils  ;  found  in  one  tomb  at  Knossos     .        .         .113 

62.  Cretan  Vase  of  Late  Period  (1600  b.c),  with  conventionalized 

ornament 114 

63.  Ruins  of  the  Entrance  to  the  Stadium  at  Olympia    .         .         ,  129 

64.  Ruins  of  Athletic  Field  at  Delphi f33 

65.  Greek  Soldier .  144 

66.  Ground  Plan  of  Temple  of  Theseus  at  Athens  ....  154 

67.  Doric  Column,  with  explanations.     From  the  Temple  of  The- 

seus           155 

68.  Ionic  Column 155 

69.  Corinthian  Column 165 

70.  A  Doric  Capital.     From  a  photograph  of  a  detail  of  the  Par- 

thenon     156 

71.  West  Front  of  the  Parthenon  To-day  ;  to  illustrate  Doric  style     158 

72.  West  Front  of  Temple  of  Victory  at  Athens  ;  to  illustrate  Ionic 

style 169 

73.  Marathon  To-day.     From  a  photograph 171 

74.  Thermopylae.     From  a  photograph  .         .         .         .         .         .     178 

75.  The  Bay  of  Salamis.     From  a  photograph        .         .         .         .181 

76.  Pericles.     A  portrait  bust ;  now  in  the  Vatican        .         .        .     196 

77.  Side  View  of  a  Trireme.     From  an  Athenian  relief  .        .         .     197 

78.  The  Acropolis  To-day 210 

79.  Propylaea  of  the  Acropolis  To-day    ....  .211 

80.  Erechtheum  and  Parthenon 212 

81.  Figures  from  the  Parthenon  Frieze 213 

82.  Sophocles.     A  portrait  statue,  now  in  the  Lateran    .         .        .     214 

83.  Theater  of  Dionysus  at  Athens 215 

84.  Thucydides.     A  portrait  bust ;  now  in  the  Capitoline  Museum     217 

85.  The  Acropolis  as  "  restored  "  by  Lambert         .         .         .         .221 

86.  Women  at  their  Toilet,     Two  parts  of  a  vase  painting      .        .     224 


X  ILLUSTRATIONS 

PAGE 

87.  Greek  Women  at  their  Music.     From  a  vase  painting      .        .  225 

88.  The  Disk  Thrower,     After  Myron  ;  now  in  the  Vatican  .         .  226 

89.  A  Satyr,  by  Praxiteles.    (Hawthorne's  "  Marble  Faun  ")         .  227 

90.  Plan  of  a  Fifth-century  Delos  House.     After  Gardiner  and 

Jevons 231 

91.  Greek  Girls  at  Play.    From  a  vase  painting     ....  233 

92.  A  Vase  Painting  showing  Paris  enticing  away  Helen        .         .  234 

93.  Greek  Women,  in  various  activities.     A  vase  painting     .         .  236 
94;   A  Barber  in  Terra-cotta.     From  Blumner         ....  237 

95.  The  Wrestlers 238 

96.  School  Scenes.    A  bowl  painting 240 

97.  Route  of  the  Long  Walls  of  Athens.     From  a  recent  photo- 

graph   248 

98.  The  Hermes  of  Praxiteles .254 

99.  Philip  II  of  Macedon.     From  a  gold  medallion  struck  by  Alex- 

ander        260 

100.  Alexander.     From  a  gold  medallion  of  Tarsus          .        .        .  264 

101.  Alexander  in  a  Lion-hunt.     Reverse  side  of  the  above              .  264 

102.  Alexander.     The  Copenhagen  head 265 

103.  Alexander  as  Apollo.     Now  in  the  Capitoline  ....  269 

104.  The  Dying  Gaul 274 

105.  Pylon  of  Ptolemy  III  at  Karnak 276 

106.  Venus  of  Melos.     Now  in  the  Louvre 288 

107.  The  Laocoon  Group 290 

108.  Julius  Caesar.     The  British  Museum  bust         ....  296 

109.  Remains  of  an  Etruscan  Wall  and  Arch  at  Sutri      .        .        .  302 

110.  Etruscan  Tombs  at  Orvieto 303 

111.  So-called  Wall  of  Servius .        .312 

112.  Cloaca  Maxima 313 

113.  An  Early  Roman  Coin  (Janus  and  a  ship's  prow)    .        .         .  315 

114.  Bridge  over  the  Anio 326 

115.  A  Coin  showing  the  City  Seal  of  Syracuse         ....  334 

116.  A  Coin  of  Syracuse  about  400  b.c 334 

117.  A  Coin  of  Pyrrhus 337 


ILLUSTRATIONS  xi 


PAOK 


118.  A  Coin  of  Pyrrhus  struck  in  Sicily 337 

119.  The  Appian  Way,  with  the  Aqueduct  of  Claudius  in  the  Back- 

ground      344 

120.  Head  of  a  Javelin 363 

121.  A  Roman  Boxing  Match 361 

122.  A  Coin  of  Hieyo  II  of  Syracuse 366 

123.  Ruins  at  Corinth •    .         .         .         .393 

124.  The  House  of  M.  Olconius  at  Pompeii 404 

125.  A  Court  in  a  Pompeian  House  (House  of  the  Vettii)        .        .  407 

126.  An  Excavated  Street  in  Pompeii 412 

127.  Temple  of  Apollo  at  Pompeii 425 

128.  A  Theater  at  Pompeii 430 

129.  A  Coin  of  Mithridates  VI 4a3 

130.  Sulla.     A  portrait  bust 434 

131.  Cicero.     A  portrait  bust 440 

132.  Pompey.    The  Copenhagen  bust 448 

133.  Julius  Caesar.     The  Naples  Bust 449 

134.  The  Forum  at  Pompeii .-450 

135.  The  Roman  Forum,  looking  south 453 

136.  The  Roman  Forum,  looking  north 454 

137.  Marcus  Brutus.     A  bust  now  in  the  Capitoline  Museum  .        .  466 

138.  Octavius  Caesar  as  a  Boy  .        .        .        .        .        .        .        .  458 

139.  Augustus.     The  Vatican  statue 461 

140.  Bridge  at  Rimini  built  by  Augustus 462 

141.  Church  of  the  Nativity 464 

142.  A  Gold  Coin  of  Augustus 466 

143.  Ruins  of  the  Claudian  Aqueduct.     From  a  photograph    .        .  468 

144.  A  Bronze  Coin  of  Nero 469 

145.  Agrippina,  Mother  of  Nero 470 

146.  The  Coliseum  To-day 471 

147.  Detail  from  the  Arch  of  Titus 472 

148.  A  Coin  of  Domitian 474 

149.  Temple  of  Zeus  at  Athens,  built  by  Hadrian     .         .         .         .476 

150.  The  Tomb  of  Hadrian 477 


xii  ILLUSTRATIONS 

PAGE 

151.  Marcus  Aurelius.     An  equestrian  statuo 478 

152.  Head  of  Commodiis.     From  a  coin 479 

153.  Interior  of  the  Coliseum  To-day 483 

154.  A  German  Bodyguard  :  a  detail  from  the  column  of  Marcus 

Aurelius 487 

156.    Part  of  the  Aqueduct  of  Claudius,  built  into  a  modern  wall     .  490 

156.  Aqueduct  near  Nimes,  built  by  Antoninus  Pius        .         .         .  493 

157.  A  City  Gate  at  Pompeii 495 

158.  Palace  of  the  Roman  Emperors  at  Trier .504 

159.  The  Black  Gate  at  Trier .505 

160.  The  Pantheon 508 

161.  A  Section  of  the  Pantheon 508 

162.  The  Coliseum,  seen  through  the  Arch  of  Titus          .         .         .  509 

163.  Trajan's  Column .510 

164.  General  Plan  of  Basilicas 511 

165.  Trajan's  Basilica,  "  restored  "  by  Can  in  a          ....  511 

166.  The  Arch  of  Titus 514 

167.  Trajan's  Arch,  at  Beneventum 515 

168.  The  Way  of  Tombs  at  Pompeii 517 

169.  Detail  from  Trajan's  Column,  showing  the  famous  bridge  over 

the  Danube 522 

170.  Ruins  of  the  Baths  of  Diocletian -.  542 

171.  Hall  of  the  Baths  of  Diocletian  :  now  the  Church  of  St.  Mary 

of  the  Angels 547 

172.  The  Milvian  Bridge  To-day 549 

173.  The  Arch  of  Constantine 552 

174.  Church  of  San  Vitale  at  Ravenna      .         .        .         .         .        .  587 

175.  A  Gold  Coin  of  Theodosius  II,  showing  Byzantine  character- 

istics         588 

176.  The  Tomb  of  Theodoric  at  Ravenna 600 

177.  The  Mosque  of  Omar  at  -Jerusalem 613 

178.  The  Damascus  Gate  at  Jerusalem 616 

179.  A  Silver  Coin  of  Charlemagne •  .  625 

180.  Throne  of  Charlemagne  at  Aachen   .         .         .         .         :        .631 

181.  Cathedral  of  Aachen  ;  the  "  Carolingian  part"         .         .        .  633 


MAPS  AND  PLANS 


PAOK 


1.  The  Field  of  Ancient  History 8 

2.  The  First  Homes  of  Civilization.     Full  page,  colored           after  12 
8,    Ancient  Egypt 16 

4.  Egyptian  Empire  at  its  Greatest  Extent 45 

5,  Assyrian  and  Babylonian  Empire 55 

().   Syria,  showing  Dominion  of  Solomon  and  Other  Features  of 

Hebrew  History 77 

7.  Lydia,  Media,  Egypt,  and  Babylonia,  about  560  b.c.     Full  page, 

colored after  82 

8.  The  Persian  Empire.     Full  page,  colored   .         .        .          after  84 

9.  Greece  and  the  Adjoining  Coasts.     Double  page,  colored    after  94 

10.  The  Greek  Peninsula.     Double  page,  colored     .        .          after  98 

11.  The  Greek  World.      (For  general  reference.)      Double  page, 

colored after  132 

12.  Peloponnesian  League 165 

13.  Plan  of  Marathon 170 

14.  Attica,  with  reference  to  Marathon  and  Salamis        .         .         .  180 

15.  Athens  and  its  Ports,  showing  the  ■"  Long  Walls "     .         ,         .  189 

16.  Athenian  Empire.     Full  page,  colored        .         .         .          after  198 

17.  Plan  of  Athens    .  ' 202 

18.  The  Acropolis  at  Athens 209 

19.  Greece  at  the  Beginning  of  the  Peloponnesian  War.     Full  page, 

colored after  246 

20.  Plan  of  the  Battle  of  Leuctra 256 

21.  Greece  under  Theban  Supremacy.     Full  page,  colored         after  258 

22.  The  Growth  of  Macedonia *  .  261 

23.  Campaigns  and  Empire  of  Alexander  the  Great.     Full  page, 

colored after  266 

24.  The  Achaean  and  Aetolian  Leagues 283 

25.  The  World  according  to  Eratosthenes         .        .        .        .        .  293 

ziii 


xiv  MAPS  AND  PLANS 


PAGE 


26.  Italy.     (For  general  reference.)     Full  page,  colored            after  302 

27.  The  Peoples  of  Italy •      .        .304 

28.  Rome  and  Vicinity 305 

29.  Rome  under  the  Kings 311 

30.  Italy  about  200  b.c.  ;  Roads  and  Colonies 348 

31.  Plan  of  a  Roman  Camp 365 

32.  Rome  and  Carthage  at  the  Opening  of  the  First  Punic  War       .  364 

33.  The  Mediterranean  Lands  at  the  Opening  of  the  Second  Punic 

War.    Double  page,  colored         ....          after  372 

34.  Roman  Dominions  and  Dependencies  in  146  b.c.       .         .         .  395 

35.  Vicinity  of  the  Bay  of  Naples 473 

36.  The  Roman  Empire  at  its  Greatest  Extent,  showing  Stages  of 

Growth.     Double  page,  colored   ....          after  488 

37.  Rome  under  the  Empire 529 

38.  The   Roman   Empire  divided  into   Prefectures  and   Dioceses. 

Double  page,  colored after  544 

39.  The  Rhine-Danube  Frontier  before  the  Great  Migrations.     Full 

page      .        .        .    ■    .        .        .        .        .        .        .        .572 

40.  The  Migrations.     Double  page,  colored      .        .         .          after  576 

41.  Europe   in   the   Reign   of   Theodoric   (500   a.d.).     Full   page, 

colored after  586 

42.  Europe  at  the  Death  of  Justinian  (565  a.d.).     Full  page,  colored 

after  590 

43.  Germanic  Kingdoms  on  Roman  Soil  at  the  Close  of  the  Sixth 

Century.     Double  page,  colored          ....  after  694 

44.  Kingdom  of  the  Merovingians.     Full  page,  colored  .         .  after  608 

45.  Europe  at  the  End  of  the  Seventh  Century.     Full  page,  colored 

after  622 

46.  Europe  in  the  Time  of  Charles  the  Great.     Double  page,  colored 

after  680 


THE   ANCIENT   WORLD 


INTRODUCTION 

THE   PAKT   OF  MAN'S  LIFE   TO   STUDY 

Through  the  ages  one  increasing  purpose  runs, 
And  the  thoughts  of  men  are  widened  with  the  process  of  the  suns. 

—  Tennyson. 

1.  The  first  men  had  no  history  They  lived  a  savage  life, 
more  backward  and  helpless  than  the  lowest  savages  in  the 
world  to-day.  They  had  not  even  fire,  or  knife,  or  bow  and 
arrow.  In  thoughts  and  acts  they  were  brutelike;  and  in 
brain  power  they  were  only  a  little  above  the  beasts  about 
them.  Their  chief  desires  were  to  satisfy  hunger,  to  keep 
warm,  and  to  outwit  more  powerful  animals.  Through  thou- 
sands on  thousands  of  years,  man  has  been  lifting  himself  from 
this  earliest  savagery  to  our  many-sided  civilization. 

Civilization  is  the  opposite  of  savagery.  To  raise  regular  food  crops, 
instead  of  depending  upon  hunting  and  fishing  or  upon  nuts  and  wild 
rice,  was  a  great  step  toward  civilization.  To  learn  to  use  oar  and  sail, 
to  work  mines,  to  build  roads  and  canals,  to  exchange  the  products  of 
one  region  for  those  of  another,  to  invent  tools  and  machinery  —  the  spin- 
ning wheel,  the  threshing  machine,  the  locomotive,  the  dynamo  —  all 
these  things  were  steps.  But  civilization  includes  more  than  these 
material  gains  :  it  includes  all  improvements  that  make  men  better  and 
happier.  It  has  to  do  with  mental  growth,  with  art^  literature,  man- 
ners, morals,  home  life,  religion,  laws,  education.  The  civilization  of  a 
people  is  the  sum  of  its  advances  in  all  these  lines,  material,  intellectual, 

and  moral.  - 

1  


2 


PREHISTORIC  AGES 


[§1 


The  first  steps  upward  were  probably  the  slowest  and  most 
stumbling.  We  know  little  about  them.  No  people  leaves 
written  records  until  it  has  advanced  a  long  way  from  primi- 
tive savagery.  And  so  we  cannot  tell  just  how  men  came  to 
invent  the  bow,  or  how  they  came  to  use  stone  heads  for  their 
arrows,  and  stone  knives,  and  stone  axes ;  or  how  they  found 
a  way  to  make  fire,  and  to  bake  clay  pots  in  which  to  cook 
food ;  or  how  they  tamed  the  dog  and  cow ;  or  how  they 
learned  to  live  together  in  families  and  tribes.     These  precious 


Reindeer,  by  Cave-Dwellers  (Old  Stone  Age;. 
On  slate,  in  France.  On  horn,  in  Switzerland. 

(For  some  thousands  of  years,  the  reindeer  has  been  extinct  in  these  countries. 
Compare  these  drawings  with  modern  pictures  for  accuracy  of  detail ;  and  note 
the  remarkable  spirit  and  action  depicted  by  the  prehistoric  artists.) 


beginnings  were  doubtless  found  and  lost  and  found  again 
many  times  in  different  regions;  but  before  history  begins 
anywhere,  they  had  become  the  common  property  of  many 
races. 

However,  though  we  shall  never  know  the  full  story  of  these 
gains,  we  do  know  something  of  the  order  in  which  they  came 
about.  Embedded  in  the  soil,  sometimes  many  feet  below  the 
present  surface,  there  are  found  relics  of  early  man,  —  tools, 
weapons,  drawings  on  ivory  tusks,  and  th^  bones  of  animals 
which  he  ate  or  by  which  he  was  eaten.^  "  Sometimes  such  re- 

1  Some  of  these  companions  of  early  man  are  now  wholly  extinct,  like  the 
huge  mammoth,  the  fierce  cave-bear,  and  the  terrible  saber-toothed  tiger. 
Geologists,  however,  find  skeletons  of  these  animals,  corresponding  closely 
with  the  drawings  of  prehistoric  artists. 


§2] 


STEPS  IN  PROGRESS 


mains  are  found  in  caves,  where  primitive  man  made  his  home; 
sometimes,  in  refuse  heaps  where  he  east  the  remnants  from 
his  food;  sometimes  in  the  gravel  of  old  river  beds  where  he 
fished.  As  a  rule  in  such  deposits,  the  lowest  layers  of  soil 
contain  the  rudest  sort  of  tools,  while  higher  layers  contain 
similar  remains  some- 
what less  primitive. 
By  the  study  of  many 
thousands  of  these  de- 
posits, scholars  have 
learned  how  one  tool  de- 
veloped out  of  another 
simpler  one,  and  have 
been  able  to  trace  many 
of  the  steps  by  which 
man  rose  from  savagery. 
This  study,  then,  gives 
us  a  series  of  pictures 
of  the  life  of  primitive 
man ;  but  we  cannot  get 
a  continuous  story  from 
it.  It  is  quite  apart 
from  history.  All  this 
early  time,  until  man 
begins  to  leave  writteii  prehistoric  Stone  Daggers  from 

records    of    his    life,    is  Scandinavia. 

called  prehistoric. 

2.  Prehistoric  time  is  conveniently  divided  into  the  Old 
Stone  Age,  the  New  Stone  Age,  and  the  Bronze  Age,  according 
to  the  material  from  which  tools  were  made.  In  the  first 
period,  arrow  heads  and  knives  were  pieces  of  fiint  merely 
chipped  roughly  to  give  them  a  sort  of  edge.  The  New  Stone 
Age  begins  when  men  learned  to  give  these  stone  weapons  a 
truer  edge  and  more  polished  form  by  grinding  them  with 
other  stones.  The  men  of  this  age  possessed  flocks  and  herds. 
They  knew  how  to  till  the  soil,  to  spin  and  weave,  to  make 


PREHISTORIC  AGES 


[§2 


pottery  and  decorate  it,  and  in  some  places,  before  the  close  of 
the  long  period,  to  build  cities  with  immense  palaces  and 
temples  of  stone  or  sun-baked  brick.  Commonly  they  buried 
their  dead  with  food  and  tools  in  the  grave.  This  indicates 
that  they  had  come  to  believe  in  a  future  life,  somewhat  like 
the  one  on  earth. 

At  last,  perhaps  by  a  lucky  accident,  some  Stone  Age  man 
found  that   fire  would  separate  copper   from  the  ore.     Now 

better  tools  were  possible,  and  a 
more  rapid  advance  began.  But 
copper  tools  were  still  clumsy  and 
quickly  lost  their  edge.  Soon 
men  learned  to  mix  a  little  tin 
with  the  copper  in  the  fire.  This 
formed  a  metal  we  call  bronze. 
Bronze  is  easily  worked,  and 
after  cooling,  it  is  much  harder 
than  either  of  its  parts  alone. 
The  men  of  the  Bronze  Age 
equipped  themselves  with  tools 
and  weapons  of  keener  and  more 
lasting  edge,  and  more  convenient 
form,  than  ever  before.  With 
these,  they  easily  conquered  the 
more  poorly  armed  Stone  Age 
men  about  them,  and  also  added  to  their  own  physical  comfort. 
The  use  of  bronze  seems  to  have  developed  independently 
in  various  centers ;  and  by  war  and  trade,  it  spread  over  wide 
regions. 

Finally,  men  learned  to  smelt  and  use  iron.  This  marked  a 
still  greater  advance,  —  the  most  important  gain  after  the  dis- 
covery of  fire.  By  the  opening  of  the  Iron  Age,  or  soon  after- 
ward, man  has  usually  invented  or  adopted  an  alphabet,  and 
his  history  proper  has  begun.  Sometimes,  as  with  the  peoples 
we  shall  study  first,  history  begins  long  before  the  close  of  the 
Bronze  Age. 


Series  of  Axes  : 

1  and  2,  Old  Stone  Age;  3,  New 
Stone ;  4,  Bronze  Age. 


§3] 


CONTRIBUTIONS  TO  CIVILIZATION 


Men  have  advanced  at  different  rates  in  different  parts  of  the  earth. 
When  Columbus  discovered  America,  all  the  natives  of  the  Western 
Hemisphere  were  in  some  part  of  the  Stone  Age,  —  as  are  still  some 
remote  tribes  in  our  Philippines  and  in  parts  of  South  America,  Africa, 
and  Australia.  But  in  the  valleys  of  the  Nile  and  Euphrates,  the  peo- 
ples we  are  first  to  study  had  risen  out  of  this  stage  at  least  7000  years 
ago.  Even  among  the  same  people,  the. different  "ages"  overlapped. 
Nobles  and  leaders  used  bronze  weapons,  while  the  poorer  classes  had 
still  only  their  stone  implements. 


3,    Our  Inheritance  from  Prehistoric  Man.  —  We  are  in  position 
now  to  appreciate  dimly  how  the  earliest  civilization  rested 


Some  Stages  in  Fire-making.  —  From  Tylor. 

upon  the  unrecorded  strivings  of  primitive  man  through  un- 
counted thousands  of  years.  Five  prehistoric  contributions 
are  so  supremely  important  as  to  deserve  special  mention. 

a.  The  use  of  Jire  seems  to  have  been  the  thing  that  first  set 
man  distinctly  above  other  animals.  Without  fire,  he  was 
limited  to  raw  food  and  to  stone  implements.  Tlie  Story  of  Ah  ^ 
pictures  a  youth  of  the  Stone  Age  discovering  the  use  of 
fire  from  a  burning  natural  gas  (presumably  set  aflame  by 
lightning).  Other  scholars  have  guessed  that  the  first  source 
of  fire  was  volcanic  lava,  or  a  tree  trunk  ablaze  from  lightning. 
Certainly,  at  some  early  period  of  the  Old  Stone  Age,  man  had 
conquered  that  dread  of  flame  which  all  wild  animals  show  and 
had  come  to  know  fire  as  his  truest  friend.     Charred  fragments 

1  This  little  book  by  Stanley  Waterloo  is  an  admirable  attempt  to  portray 
some  of  the  steps  in  early  human  progress  in  the  form  of  a  story.  It  will  be 
enjoyed  by  any  high  school  boy  or  girl. 


6  PREHISTORIC  AGES  [§  3 

of  bone  and  wood  are  common  among  the  earliest  human  de- 
posits. One  of  the  oldest  tools  in  the  world  is  the  "  fire-borer," 
a  hard  stick  of  wood  with  which  man  started  a  fire  by  boring 
into  a  more  inflammable  wood.  The  methods  of  making  tire 
which  are  pictured  on  the  preceding  page  were  all  invented  by 
prehistoric  man  ;  and  the  stick  and  bow-string  was  the  best 
way  known  to  any  of  the  great  historic  nations  that  we  shall 
study  in  this  book. 

b.  Most  of  the  domestic  animals  familiar  to  us  in  the  barn- 
yard or  on  the  farm  had  been  tamed  into  useful  friends  by  pre- 
historic man.  The  Asiatic  lands  where  civilization  began  were 
their  native  homes.  This,  no  doubt,  is  one  great  reason  why 
civilization  began  in  those  lands, — just  as  the  almost  total 
lack  of  animals  fit  for  domestic  life  is  a  reason  why  the  Ameri- 
can hemisphere  remained  backward  until  discovered  by  the 
Old  World. 

c.  Wheat,  barley,  rice,  and  nearly  all  our  important  food 
grains  and  garden  vegetables  were  tamed  also  by  the  prehis- 
toric man  of  Asia.  Out  of  the  myriads  of  wild  plants,  all  our 
marvelous  progress  in  science  has  failed  to  reveal  even  one 
other  in  the  Old  World  so  useful  to  man  as  those  which  pre- 
historic man  selected  for  cultivation.  Their  only  rivals  are 
the  potato  and  maize  (Indian  corn),  which  the  New  World 
aborigines,  in  the  stage  of  savagery,  selected  for  cultivation. 

d.  Language  is  one  of  the  most  precious  parts  of  our  inheri- 
tance from  the  ages.  It  is  not  merely  the  means  by  which  we 
exchange  ideas  with  one  another :  it  is  also  the  means  by 
which  we  do  our  thinking.  No  high  order  of  thought  is  pos- 
sible without  words.  Some  very  primitive  savages  to-day  have 
only  a  few  words.  They  can  count  only  by  fingers  and  toes  or 
by  bundles  of  sticks,  and  they  communicate  with  one  another 
somewhat  as  the  higher  animals  do.  In  the  dark  they  can 
hardly  talk  at  all.  The  first  word-making  is  slow  work ;  but 
through  the  long  prehistoric  ages,  among  the  more  progressive 
peoples,  there  were  developed  from  rude  beginnings  several 
rich  and  copious  languages. 


§4]  CONTRIBUTIONS  TO  CIVILIZATION  7 

e.  The  invention  of  writing  multiplied  the  value  of  language. 
Not  only  is  it  an  "  artificial  memory  " ;  it  also  enables  us  to 
speak  to  those  who  are  far  away,  and  even  to  those  who  are 
not  yet  born.  Many  early  peoples  used  a  picture  writing  such 
as  is  common  still  among  North  American  Indians.  In  this 
kind  of  writing,  a  picture  represents  either  an  object  or  some 
idea  connected  with  that  object.  A  drawing  of  an  animal  with 
wings  may  stand  for  a  bird  or  for  flying ;  or  a  character  like 
this  0  stands  for  either  the  sun  or  for  light.  At  first  such 
pictures  are  true  drawings :  later  they  are  simplified  into  forms 
agreed  upon.  Thus  in  ancient  Chinese,  man  was  represented 
by  7^,  and  in  modern  Chinese  by  /\» 

Vastly  important  is  the  advance  to  a  rebus  stage  of  writing. 
Here  a  symbol  has  come  to  have  a  sound  value  wholly  apart 
from  the  original  object,  as  if  the  symbol  O  above  were  used 
for  the  second  syllable  in  delight.  So  in  early  Egyptian  writ- 
ing, o,  the  symbol  for  "  mouth,"  was  pronounced  rH.  There- 
fore it  was  used  as  the  last  syllable  in  writing  the  word  khopirdj 
which  meant  "  to  be,"  while  symbols  of  other  objects  in  like 
manner  stood  for  the  other  syllables. 

This  representation  of  syllables  by  pictures  of  objects  is  the 
first  stage  in  sound  writing,  as  distinguished  from  picture  writ- 
ing proper.  Finally,  some  of  these  characters  are  used  to 
represent  not  whole  syllables,  but  single  sounds.  One  of 
Kipling's  Just  So  stories  illustrates  how  such  a  change  might 
come  about.  Then,  if  these  characters  are  kept  and  all  others 
dropped,  we  have  a  true  alphabet.  Picture  writing,  such  as 
that  of  the  Chinese,  requires  many  thousand  symbols.  Several 
hundred  characters  are  necessary  for  even  simple  syllabic  writ- 
ing. But  a  score  or  so  of  letters  are  enough  for  an  alpha- 
bet. Several  primitive  peoples  developed  their  writing  to  the 
syllabic  stage ;  and  about  1000  b.c,  in  various  districts  about 
the  eastern  Mediterranean,  alphabetic  writing  appeared. 

4.    The  Field  of  History.  —  History  is  the   story  of  the  re- 
corded life  of  man.     But  even  when  we  leave  out  prehistoric, 
ages,  there  is  still  too  much  human  life  for  us  to  study  properly. 


8 


THE  FIELD   OF  ANCIENT  HISTORY 


We  cannot  deal  with  all  historic  peoples.  We  must  narrow 
the  field.  We  care  most  to  know  of  those  peoples  whose  life 
has  borne  fruit  for  our  own  life.  We  shall  study  that  part  of 
the  recorded  past  which  explains  our  present. 

Thus  we  bound  our  study  in  space  as  well  as  in  time.  We 
omit,  for  instance,  the  ancient  civilizations  of  the  Chinese  and 
Hindoos,  because  they  have  not  much  affected  our  progress. 


The  Field  of  Ancient  History,  to  800  a.d. 


Until  after  Columbus,  our  interest  centers  in  Europe.  And 
when  we  look  for  the  early  peoples  who  shaped  European  life, 
we  see  three  preeminent,  —  the  Greeks,  the  Romans,  and  the 
Teutons. 

Ancient  History  deals  especially  with  these  three  peoples, 
from  their  earliest  records  until  their  separate  stories  become 
merged  in  one.  By  800  a.d.  this  merging  has  taken  place. 
Then  ancient  history  may  be  said  to  cease  and  modern  history 
to  begin.     This  book  will  deal  only  with  ancient  history. 


§4]  AND  THE  PEOPLES  9 

Of  these  three  chief  peoples  of  ancient  Europe  the  Greeks 
were  the  first  to  rise  to  civilized  life.  But  the  civilization  of 
the  Greeks  was  not  wholly  their  own.  It  was  partly  shaped 
by  certain  older  civilizations  outside  Europe,  near  the  eastern 
shores  of  the  Mediterranean.  The  history  of  these  Oriental 
peoples  covered  thousands  of  years;  but  we  shall  view  only 
fragments  of  it,  and  we  do  that  merely  by  way  of  introduction 
to  Greek  history.  Oriental  history  is  a  sort  of  dim  anteroom 
through  which  we  pass  to  European  history. 

One  of  the  Oriental  peoples,  the  Hebrews,  has  been  a  mighty  influence 
in  our  highest  life.  They  are  not  here  counted  a  fourth  among  the  great 
historic  races,  because,  after  all,  their  influence  came  to  us  largely  through 
Greece  and  Rome.  They  will,  however,  receive  particular  attention 
among  the  Oriental  peoples. 

The  field  of  ancient  history^  then,  is  small,  compared  with 
the  world  of  our  day.  It  was  limited,  of  course,  to  the  Eastern 
hemisphere,  and  covered  only  a  small  part  of  that.  At  its 
greatest  extent,  it  reached  north  only  through  Central  Europe, 
east  through  less  than  a  third  of  Asia,  and  south  through  only 
a  small  part  of  Northern  Africa.  Over  even  this  territory  it 
spread  very  slowly,  from  much  more  limited  areas.  For  the 
first  four  thousand  years,  it  did  not  reach  Europe  at  all. 


No  Further  Reading  is  suggested,  at  this  stage,  in  connection  with  the 
class  work  on  the  preceding  topics.  But  students  who  wish  to  read 
further  for  their  own  pleasure  will  find  treatments  which  they  will  enjoy 
and  understand  in  any  of  the  following  books  :  Mason,  Woman'' s  Share 
in  Primitive  Culture;  Ke^y,  Dawn  of  History;  Starr,  Some  First 
Steps  in  Human  Progress;  Joly,  Man  before  Metals;  Clodd,  Story  of 
the  Alphabet;  Clodd,  Story  of  Primitive  Man. 

General  Suggestions  for  Library  Work  in  Ancient  History 

The  appearance  of  William  Stearns  Davis'  Headings  in  Ancient  His- 
tory puts  the  matter  of  high  school  work  in  the  library  on  a  new  basis. 
As  a  result,  the  author  of  the  present  textbook  will  confine  his  special 
suggestions  for  library  work  in  Greek  history  (up  to  the  period  of  Alex- 


10  THE  FIELD  OF  ANCIENT  HISTORY  [§  4 

ander)  to  the  Headings  and  to  one  other  single- volume  work,  —  J.  B. 
Bury's  History  of  Greece^  —  with  occasional  alternatives  suggested  for  the 
latter.  While  it  is  desirable  that  every  student  should  possess  a  copy  of 
the  Beadings,  in  cases  where  that  is  impossible,  from  five  to  twenty  copies 
of  these  two  works  (according  to  the  size  of  classes)  will  equip  the  school 
library  fairly  well  for  the  work. 

In  like  manner,  for  Rome  (to  the  Empire),  the  Headings  and  either 
Pelham's  Outlines  of  Boman  History  or  How  and  Leigh's  History  afford 
satisfactory  material.  For  Oriental  history,  there  is  no  one  satisfactory 
volume  to  go  with  the  Headings  ;  but  library  work  is  less  important  for 
that  period.  Unfortunately,  single  volumes  of  the  right  sort  are  missing 
also  for  the  important  periods  of  later  Greek  history  and  of  the  Roman 
Empire.  So  far  as  possible,  however,  the  suggestions  for  reading  on  those 
periods,  too,  follow  this  same  principle.  The  select  bibliography  in  the 
appendix  names  a  few  more  of  the  most  desirable  volumes  for  high  school 
students. 


PART   I 

THE  OEIENTAL  PEOPLES 

Two  vast  and  trunkless  legs  of  stone 
Stand  in  the  desert.     Near  them,  on  the  sand, 
Half-sunk,  a  shattered  visage  lies. 

And  on  the  pedestal,  these  words  appear  : 

''''My  name  is  Ozymandias,  king  of  kings 

Look  on  my  works,  Ye  Mighty,  and  despair  f'' 

Nothing  beside  remains.    Bound  the  decay 

Of  that  colossal  wreck,  boundless  and  bare. 

The  lone  and  level  sands  stretch  far  away.  —  Shelley. 


CHAPTER   I 
A  PRELIMINARY  SURVEY 

5  The  Rediscovery  of  Early  History.  —  Until  about  a  century 
ago  very  little  was  known  about  the  ancient  history  of  the 
East.  There  were  only  the  brief  statements  of  Hebrew  writers 
in  the  Old  Testament  and  some  stories  preserved  by  the 
Greeks.  In  the  Kile  valley  there  had  been  found  a  few  an- 
cient inscriptions,  carved  upon  stone  in  unknown  characters, 
but  no  one  could  read  them. 

But,  about  1800  a.d.,  some  soldiers  of  Napoleon  in  Egypt, 
while  laying  foundations  for  a  fort  at  the  Rosetta  mouth  of 
the  Nile  (map,  page  16),  found  a  curious  slab  of  black  rock. 
This  "  Rosetta  Stone "  bore  three  inscriptions :  one  of  these 
was  in  Greek ;  one,  in  the  ancient  hieroglyphs  of  the  pyramids 
(§  22) ;  and  the  third,  in  a  later  Egyptian  writing,  which  had 
likewise    been    forgotten.     A   French   scholar,    Champollion, 

11 


12  THE   ORIENTAL  PEOPLES  [§  5 

guessed  shrewdly  that  the  three  inscriptions  all  told  the  same 
story  and  used  many  of  the  same  words ;  and  in  1822  he  proved 
this  to  be  true.  Then,  by  means  of  the  Greek,  he  found  the 
meaning  of  the  other  characters,  and  so  learned  to  read  the  long- 

Portion  of  Rosbtta  Stone,  containing  the  hieroglyphs  first  deciphered. 
Fi'om  Erraan's  Life  in  Ancient  Egypt. 

forgotten  language  of  old  Egypt.  Soon  afterward  a  like  task 
was  accomplished  for  the  old  Assyrian  language  (§  75,  note). 

At  first  there  was  little  to  read;  but  a  new  interest  had 
been  aroused,  and,  about  1850,  scholars  began  extensive  ex- 
plorations in  the  East.     Sites  of  forgotten  cites,  buried  beneath 


isei)|>^fvlii:?1^l 

Part  of  the  Above  Inscription,  on  a  larger  scale. 


desert  sands,  were  rediscovered.  Many  of  them  contained  great 
libraries  on  papyrus,^  or  on  stone  and  brick.  A  part  of  these 
have  been  translated ;  and  since  1880  the  results  have  begun 
to  appear  in  our  books.  The  explorations  are  still  going  on ; 
and  very  recent  years  have  been  the  most  fruitful  of  all  in  dis- 
coveries. 

1  The  papyrus  was  a  reed  which  grew  abundantly  in  the  Nile  and  the 
Euphrates  rivers.  From  slices  of  its  stem  a  kind  of  "paper"  was  prepared 
by  laying  them  together  crosswise  and  pressing  them  into  a  smooth  sheet. 
Our  word  "  paper"  comes  from  "  papyrus." 


§7]  THE   CENTERS  OF  CIVILIZATION  13 

6.  The  Two  Centers.  —  The  first  homes  of  civilization  were 
Egypt  and  Chaldea,  —  the  lower  valleys  of  the  Nile  and  the 
Euphrates.  In  the  Euphrates  valley  the  wild  Ttijeat  and  bar- 
leys afforded  abundant  food,  with  little  effort  on  the  part  of 
man.  The  Nile  valley  had  the  marvelous  date  palm  and  va- 
rious grains.  In  each  of  these  lands  there  grew  up  a  dense 
population,  and  so  part  of  the  people  were  able  to  give  atten- 
tion to  other  matters  than  getting  food  from  day  to  day. 

In  a  straight  line,  Egypt  and  Chaldea  were  some  eight  hun- 
dred miles  apart.  Practically,  the  distance  was  greater.  The 
only  route  fit  for  travel  ran  along  two  sides  of  a  triangle,  — 
north  from  Egypt,  between  the  mountain  ranges  of  western 
Syria,  to  the  upper  waters  of  the  Euphrates,  and  then  down 
the  course  of  that  river. 

Except  upon  this  Syrian  side,  Egypt  and  Chaldea  were  shut 
oif  from  other  desirable  countries.  In  Asia,  civilizations  rose 
at  an  early  date  in  China  and  in  India  (§  4  ) ;  but  they  were 
separated  from  Chaldea  by  vast  deserts  and  lofty  mountains. 
In  Africa,  until  Roman  days,  there  was  no  great  civilization  ex- 
cept the  Egyptian,  unless  we  count  the  Abyssinian  on  the 
south  (map  on  page  16).  The  Abyssinians  were  brave  and 
warlike,  and  they  seem  to  have  drawn  some  culture  from 
Egypt.  But  a  desert  extended  between  Abyssinia  and  Egypt, 
a  twelve-day  march;  and  intercourse  by  the  river  was  cut  off 
by  long  series  of  cataracts  and  rocky  gorges.  It  was  hard  for 
trade  caravans  to  travel  from  one  country  to  the  other,  and  ex- 
tremely hard  for  armies  to  do  so.  To  the  west  of  Egypt  lay 
the  Sahara,  stretching  across  the  continent,  —  an  immense,  in- 
hospitable tract.  On  the  north  and  east  lay  the  Mediterranean 
and  the  Red  Sea ;  and  these  broad  moats  were  bridged  only  at 
one  point  by  the  isthmus. 

7.  Syria  a  Third  Center. ^  —  Thus,  with  sides  and  rear  pro- 
tected, Egypt  faced  Asia  across  the  narrow  Isthmus  of  Suez. 

1  The  term  "  Syria  "  is  used  with  a  varying  meaning.  In  a  narrow  sense, 
as  in  this  passage,  it  means  only  the  coast  region.  In  a  broader  use,  it  applies 
to  all  the  country  between  the  Mediterranean  and  the  Euphrates. 


14  THE  ORIENTAL  PEOPLES  [§  7 

Here,  too,  the  region  bordering  Egypt  was  largely  desert;  but 
farther  north,  between  the  desert  and  the  sea,  lay  a  strip  of 
habitable  land.  This  Syrian  region  became  the  trade  exchange 
and  battle-ground  of  the  two  great  states,  and  drew  civilization 
from  them. 

Syria  was  itself  a  nursery  of  warlike  peoples.  Here  dwelt 
the  Phoenicians,  Philistines,  Canaanites,  Hebrews,  and  Hit- 
tites,  whom  we  hear  of  in  the  Bible.  Usually  all  these  peoples 
were  tributary  ^  to  Egypt  or  Chaldea;  and  from  those  countries 
they  drew  their  civilization.  Despite  Syria's  perilous  position 
on  the  road  from  Africa  to  Asia,  its  inhabitants  might  have 
kept  their  independence,  if  they  could  have  united  against 
their  common  foes.  But  rivers  and  ranges  of  mountains  broke 
the  country  up  into  five  or  six  districts,  all  small,  and  each 
hostile  to  the  others.  At  times,  however,  when  both  the  great 
powers  were  weak,  there  did  arise  independent  Syrian  king- 
doms, like  that  of  the  Jews  under  David. 

1  A  tributary  country  is  one  which  is  subject  to  some  other  country,  with- 
out being  absolutely  joined  to  it.  The  "  tributary  "  pays  "  tribute  "  and  rec- 
ognizes the  authority  of  the  superior  country,  but  for  most  purposes  it  keeps 
its  own  government. 


CHAPTER   II 

, !  EGYPT 

GEOGRAPHY 

Egypt  as  a  geographical  expression  is  two  things  —  the  Desert  and  the 
Nile.     As  a  habitable  country^  it  is  only  one  thing  —  the  Nile. 

—  Alfred  JV^ner. 

8.  The  Land.  —  Ancient  Egypt,  by  the  map,  included  about 
as  much  land  as  Colorado  or  Italy ;  but  seven  eighths  of  it  was 
only  a  sandy  border  to  the  real  Egypt.  The  real  Egypt  is  the 
valley  and  delta  of  the  Nile  —  from  the  cataracts  to  the  sea. 
It  is  smaller  than  Maryland,  and  falls  into  two  natural  parts. 

Upper  Egypt  is  the  valley  proper.  It  is  a  strip  of  rich  soil 
about  six  hundred  miles  long  and  usually  about  ten  miles  wide 
—  a  slim  oasis  between  parallel  ranges  of  desolate  hills  (map, 
page  16) .  For  the  remaining  hundred  miles,  the  valley  broadens 
suddenly  into  the  delta.  This  Lower  Egypt  is  a  squat  triangle, 
resting  on  a  two-hundred-mile  base  of  curving  coast  where 
marshy  lakes  meet  the  sea. 

9.  The  Nile.  —  The  ranges  of  hills  that  bound  the  "  valley  " 
were  originally  the  banks  of  a  mightier  Nile,  which,  in  early 
ages,  cut  out  a  gorge  from  the  solid  limestone  for  the  future 
"valley.*'  The  '^ delta"  has  been  built  up  out  of  the  mud 
which  the  stream  has  carried  out  and  deposited  on  the  old  sea 
bottom. 

And  what  the  river  has  made,  it  sustains.  This  was  what 
the  Greeks  meant  when  they  called  Egypt  "the  gift  of  the 
Nile."  Rain  rarely  falls  in  the  valley;  and  toward  the  close 
of  the  eight  cloudless  months  before  the  annual  overflow,  there 
is  a  brief  period  when  the  land  seems  gasping  for  moisture,  — 
"  only  half  alive,  waiting  the  new  Nile."     The  river  begins  to 

15 


16 


EGYPT 


[§10 


rise  in  July,  swollen  by  tropical  rains  at  its  upper  course  in 
distant  Abyssinia;  and  it  does  not  fully  recede  into  its  regular 
channel  until  November.  During  the  days  while  the  flood  is 
at  its  height,  Egypt  is  a  sheet  of  turbid  water,  spreading  be- 
tween two  lines  of 
rock  and  sand. 
The  waters  are 
dotted  with  towns 
and  villages,  and 
marked  off  into 
compartments  by 
raised  roads,  run- 
ning from  town  to 
town;  while  from 
a  sandy  plateau, 
at  a  distance,  the 
pyramids  look 
down  upon  the 
scene,  as  they  have 
done  each  season 
for  five  thousand 
years.  As  the 
water  retires,  the 
rich  loam  dressing, 
brought  down  from 
the  hills  of  Ethi- 
opia, is  left  spread 
over  the  fields,  re- 
newing their  won- 
derful fertility 
from  year  to  year ; 
while  the  long  soaking  supplies  moisture  to  the  soil  for  the 
dry  months  to  come. 

10.  The  Inhabitants.  —  The  oldest  records  yet  found  in 
Egypt  reach  back  to  about  5000  b.c.  At  that  time  the  use 
of  bronze   was  already  well  advanced.     Remains  in  the  soil 


SCALE  OF  MILES 


Second  Cataract: 


10] 


THE  NILE 


17 


show  that  there  had  been  earlier  dwellers  using  rude  stone 
implements  and  practising  savage  customs.  How  many  thou- 
sands of  years  it  took  for  this  savagery  to  develop  into  the 
culture  of  5000  b.c.  we  do  not  know. 

Culture  is  almost  a  synonym  for  civilization;  but  it  is  also  used  in  a  some- 
what broader  sense,  to  include  the  stages  of  savagery  and  barbarism  that 
precede  true  civilization.  It  is  common  to  speak  of  the  invention  of  pot- 
tery as  the  point  at  which  savagery  passes  into  barbarism,  and  the  inven- 
tion of  the  alphabet  as  the  transition  from  barbarism  to  civilization. 


Photograph  of  a  Modern  Egyptian  Woman  sitting  by  a  Sculptured 
Head  of  an  Ancient  King.  — From  Maspero's  Dawn  of  Civilization. 
Notice  the  likeness  of  feature.  The  skulls  of  the  modem  peasants  and  of 
the  ancient  nobles  are  remarkably  alike  in  form. 

Probably  the  cheap  food  of  the  valley  attracted  tribes  from 
all  the  neighboring  regions  at  an  early  date.  The  struggles  of 
thes^  peoples,  and  the  intermingling  of  the  strongest  of  them, 
at  length  produced  the  vigorous  Egyptian  race  of  history. 
That  race  contained  the  blood  of  Abyssinian,  Berber,^  Negro, 

VFhe  Berbers  are  the  short  dark  race  of  North  Africa  from  whom  the 
Moors  are  descended. 


18  EGYPT  [§11 

and  Arabian,  and  possibly  of  other  peoples;  but  before  the  be- 
ginning of  history  these  had  all  been  welded  into  one  type 
which  has  lasted  to  the  present  day. 

11.  Growth  of  a  Kingdom.  —  The  first  inhabitants  lived  by 
fishing  along  the  streams  and  hunting  fowl  in  the  marshes 
When  they  began  to  take  advantage  of  their  rare  opportunity 
for  agriculture,  new  problems  arose.  Before  that  time,  each 
tribe  or  village  could  be  a  law  to  itself.  But  now  it  became 
necessary  for  whole  districts  to  combine  in  order  to  drain' 
marshes,  to  create  systems  of  ditches  for  the  distribution  of 


Boatmen  fighting  on  the  Nile.  —  Egyptian  relief  i ;  from  Maspero. 

the  water,  and  to  construct  vast  reservoirs  for  the  surplus. 
Thus  the  Nile,  which  had  made  the  land,  played  a  part  in 
making  Egypt  into  one  state.^  To  control  the  yearly  overflow 
was  the  first  common  interest  of  all  the  people.  At  first,  no 
doubt  through  wasteful  centuries,  separate  villages  strove  only 
to  get  each  its  needful  share  of  water,  without  attention  to  the 
needs  of  others.  The  engravings  on  early  monuments  show 
the  people  of  neighboring  villages  waging  bloody  wars  along 
the  di^es,  or  in  rude  boats  on  the  canals,  before  they  learned 
the   costly  lesson   of  cooperation.     But  such  hostile   action, 

1  A  relief  is  a  piece  of  sculpture  in  which  the  figures  are  only  partly  cut 
away  from  the  solid  rock. 

2  The  word  "  state  "  is  commonly  used  in  history  not  in  the  sense  in  which 
we  cairMafiaachusetts  a  stote.  but  rather  in  that  sense  in  which  we  call  Eng- 
land or  the  wholeUnTfeJrttates  a  state.  That  is,  the  word  means  a  pooj^ie, 
living  in  some  (^pn.it.p.  place,  with  a  government  of  its  own. 


§  12]  GOVERNMENT  AND  PEOPLE  19 

cutting  the  dams  and  destroying  the  reservoirs  year  by  year, 
was  ruinous.  From  an  early  period,  men  in  the  Nile  valley 
must  have  felt  the  need  of  agreement  and  of  political  union. 

Accoi'dingly,  before  history  begins,  the  multitudes  of  villages 
had  combined  into  about  forty  petty  states.  Each  one  ex- 
tended from  side  to  side  of  the  valley  and  a  few  miles  up  and 
down  the  river;  and  each  was  ruled  by  a  "king."  In  order  to 
secure  prompt  action  against  enemies  to  the  dikes,  and  to  di- 
rect all  the  forces  of  the  state  at  the  necessary  moment,  the 
ruler  had  to  have  unlimited  power.  So  these  kings  became 
absolute  despots,  and  the  mass  of  the  people  became  little 
better  than  slaves.  Then  the  same  forces  which  had  worked 
to  unite  villages  into  states  tended  to  combine  the  many  small 
states  into  a  few  larger  ones.  Memphis,  in  the  lower  valley, 
and  Thebes,  350  miles  farther  up  the  river,  were  the  greatest  of 
many  rival  cities.  After  centuries  of  conflict,  Menes,  prince  of 
^"Ti^Temphis,  united  the  petty  principalities  around  him  into  the 
kingdom  of  Lower  Egypt.  In  like  manner  Thebes  became  the 
capital  of  a  kingdom  of  Upper  Egypt.  About  the  year  3400 
before  Christ,  the  two  kingdoms  were  united  into  one.  Later 
Egyptians  thought  of  Menes  as  the  first  king  of  the  whole 
country.  . ,  •* 

GOVERNMENT   AND   PEOPLE 

12.  Social  Classes.  —  The  king  was  worshiped  as  a  god  by 
the  mass  of  the  people.  His  title,  PMraoA,  means  The  Great 
House,  —  as  the  title  of  the  supreme  ruler  of  Turkey  in  modern 
times  has  been  the  Sublime  Porte  (Gate).  The  title  implies 
that  the  ruler  was  to  be  a  refuge  for  his  people. 

The  pharaoh  was  the  absolute  owner  of  the  soil.  The  Old 
Testament  gives  an  account  of  how  this  ownership  was  made 
complete  through  a  "  corner  in  wheat "  arranged  by  Pharaoh's 
adviser,  the  Hebrew  Joseph.  But  probably  the  kings  had 
taken  most  of  the  soil  for  their  own  from  the  first,  in  return  for 
protecting  it  by  their  dikes  and  reservoirs.  At  all  events,  this 
ownership  helped  to  make  the  pharaoh  absolute  master  of  the 


20  EGYPT  [§12 

inhabitants,  —  though  in  practice  his  authority  was  somewhat 
limited  by  the  power  of  the  priests  and  by  the  necessity  of 
keeping  ambitious  nobles  friendly.^  Part  of  the  land  he  kept 
in  his  own  hands,  to  be  cultivated  by  peasants  under  the  direc- 
tion of  royal  stewards  ;  but  the  greater  portion  he  parceled  out 
among  the  nobles  and  temples. 

In  return  for  the  land  granted  to  him,  a  noble  was  bound  to 
pay  certain  amounts  of  produce,  and  to  lead  a  certain  number 
of  soldiers  to  war.     Within  his  domain,  the  noble  was  a  petty 
monarch :   he  ex- 
smaller  nobles. 

A  Capital  from  KARNAK.-From  Lubke.  rpj^^g^   ^^^   ^^^^ 

dependent  npon  him,  much  as  he  was  dependent  upon  the  king. 

About  a  third  of  the  land  was  turned  over  by  the  king  to 
the  temples  to  support  the  worship  of  the  gods.  This  land  be- 
came the  property  of  the  priests.  The  priests  were  also  the 
scholars  of  Egypt,  and  they  took  an  active  part  in  the  govern- 
ment. The  pharaoh  took  most  of  his  high  officials  from  them, 
and  their  influence  far  exceeded  that  of  the  nobles. 

The  peasants  tilled  the  soil.  They  were  not  unlike  the 
peasants  of  modern  Egypt.  They  rented  small  "farms,"  — 
hardly  more  than  garden  plots,  —  for  which  they  paid  at  least 
a  third  of  the  produce  to  the  landlord.  This  left  too  little  for 
a  family ;  and  they  eked  out  a  livelihood  by  day  labor  on  the 
land  of  the  nobles  and  priests.  Eor  this  werk  they  were  paid 
by  a  small  part  of  the  produce.     The  peasant,  too,  had  to 

1  See  Davis'  Readings,  Vol.  I,  No.  2. 


§  12]  CLASSES  OF  PEOPLE  21 

remain  under  the  protection  of  some  powerful  landlord,  or  he 
might  become  the  prey  of  any  one  whom  he  chanced  to  offend. 

Still,  in  quarrels  with  the  rich,  the  poor  were  perhaps  as  safe  as  they 
have  been  in  most  countries.  The  oldest  written  "stoiy"  in  the  world 
(surviving  in  a  papyrus  of  about  2700  b.c.  )  gives  £tn  interesting  illustration. 
I  A  peasant,  robbed  through  a  legal  trick  by  the  favorite  of  a  royal  ofiBcer, 
appeals  to  the  judges  and  finally  to  the  king.  The  king  commands  redress, 
urging  his  officer  to  do  justice  "like  a  praiseworthy  man  praised  by  the 
praiseworthy."  The  passage  in  quotation  marks  shows  that  there  was  a 
strong  public  opinion  against  injustice.  Probably  such  appeals  by  the 
poor  were  no  more  difficult  to  make  than  they  were  in  Germany  or  France 
until  a  hundred  years  ago.  And  we  have  not  yet  learned  how  to  give  the 
poor  man  an  absolutely  equal  chance  with  the  rich  in  our  law  courts. 


In  the  towns  there  was  a  large  middle  class,  —  merchants, 
shopkeepers,  physicians,  lawyers,^  builders,  artisans  (§  20). 

Below  these  were  the  unskilled  laborers.  This  class  was 
sometimes  driven  to  a  strike  by  hunger. 

Maspero,  a  famous  French  scholar  in  Egyptian  history,  makes  the 
following  statement  (Struggle  of  the  Nations,  539):  — 

"Rations  were  allowed  each  workman  at  the  end  ^  of  every  month; 
but,  from  the  usual  Egyptian  lack  of  forethought,  these  were  often  con- 
sumed long  before  the  next  assignment.  Such  an  event  was  usually 
followed  by  a  strike.  On  one  occasion  we  are  shown  the  workmen  turn- 
ing to  the  overseer,  saying :  '  We  are  perishing  of  hunger,  and  there  are 
still  eighteen  days  before  the  next  month. '  The  latter  makes  profuse 
promises ;  but,  when  nothing  comes  of  them,  the  workmen  will  not  listen 
to  him  longer.  They  leave  their  work  and  gather  in  a  public  meeting. 
The  overseer  hastens  after  them,  and  the  police  commissioners  of  the 
locality  and  the  scribes  mingle  with  them,  urging  upon  the  leaders  a 
return.  But  the  workmen  only  say  :  '  We  will  not  return.  Make  it 
clear  to  your  superiors  down  below  there.'  The  official  who  reports  the 
matter  to  the  authorities  seems  to  think  the  complaints  well  founded,  for 
he  says,  '  We  went  to  hear  them,  and  they  spoke  true  words  to  us.'  " 

Throughout  Egyptian  society,  the  son  usually  followed  the 
father's  occupation ;  but  there  was  no  law  (as  in  some  Oriental 
countries)  to  prevent  his  passing  into  a  different  class.     Some- 

1  These  were  mainly  notaries,  —  to  draw  up  business  papers,  record  trans* 
fers  of  property,  and  so  on. 


22 


EGYPT 


[§12 


times  the  son  of  a  poor  herdsman  rose  to  wealth  and  power. 
Such  advance  was  most  easily  open  to  the  scribes.  This  learned 
profession  was  recruited  from  the  brightest  boys  of  the  middle 
and  lower  classes.  Most  of  the  scribes  found  clerical  work 
only;  but  from  the  ablest  ones  the  nobles  chose  confidential 
secretaries   and   stewards,   and   some  of  these,   who   showed 

special  ability,  were  pro- 
moted by.  the  pharaohs 
to  the  highest  dignities 
in  the  land.  Such  men 
founded  new  families  and 
reinforced  the  ranks  of 
the  nobility. 

The  soldiers  formed  an 
important  profession. 
Campaigns  were  so  deadly 
that  it  was  hard  to  find 
soldiers  enough.  Ac- 
cordingly recruits  were 
tempted  by  offers  of 
special  privileges.  Each 
soldier  held  a  farm  of 
some  eight  acres,^  free 
from  taxes;  and  he  was 
kept  under  arms  only 
when  his  services  were 
needed.  Besides  this  reg- 
ular soldiery,  the  peas- 
antry were  called  out 
upon  occasion,  for  war  or 
for  garrisons. 
There  was  also  a  large  body  of  officials,  organized  in  many 
grades  like  the  officers  of  an  army.  Every  despotic  government 
has  to  have  such  a  class,  to  act  as  eyes,  hands,  and  feet ;  but 


Portrait  Statue  of  Amten,  a 
made"  noble  of  3200  B.C. 


self- 


1  For  Egypt  this  was  a  large  farm.    See  page  20. 


§13] 


LIFE  OF  THE  PEOPLE 


23 


in  ancient  Egypt  the  royal  servants  were  particularly  numerous 
and  important.  Until  the  seventh  century  b.c.  the  Egyptians 
had  no  money.  Thus  the  immense  royal  revenues,  as  well  as  all 
debts  between  private  men,  had  to  be  collected  "in  kind." 
The  tax-collectors  and  treasurers  had  to  receive  geese,  ducks, 
cattle,  grain,  wine,  oil,  metals,  jewels,  —  "  all  that  the  heavens 


Egyptian  Noble  hunting  Waterfowl  on  the  Nile  with  the  "  throw- 
stick  "  (a  boomerang) .  The  birds  rise  from  a  group  of  papyrus  reeds. — 
Egyptian  relief ;  after  Maspero. 

give,  all  that  the  earth  produces,  all  that  the  Nile  brings  from 
its  mysterious  sources,"  as  one  king  puts  it  iu  an  inscription. 
To  do  this  called' for  an  army  of  royal  officials.  For  a  like 
reason,  the  great  nobles  needed  a  large  class  of  trustworthy 
servants. 

13.  Summary  of  Social  Classes.  —  Thus,  in  Egyptian  society, 
we  have  at  the  top  an  aristocracy,  of  several  elements :  (1)  the 
nobles;  (2)  the  powerful  and  learned  priesthood,  whose  in- 
fluence almost  equaled  that  of  the  pharaoh  himself ;   (3)  scribes 


24  EGYPT  [§  14 

and  physicians ;  (4)  a  privileged  soldiery ;  and  (5)  a  mass  of 
privileged  officials  of  many  grades,  from  the  greatest  rulers 
next  to  the  pharaoh,  down  to  petty  tax  collectors  and  the  stew- 
ards of  private  estates.  Lower  down  there  was  the  middle  class, 
of  shopkeepers  and  artisans,  whose  life  ranged  from  comfort 
to  a  grinding  misery;  while  at  the  base  of  society  was  a  large 
mass  of  toilers  on  the  land,  weighted  down  by  all  the  other 
classes.  It  is  not  strange •  that,  in  time,  upper  and  lower 
classes  came  to  differ  in  physical  appearance.  The  later 
monuments  represent  the  nobles  tall  and  lithe,  with  imperious 
bearing;  while  the  laborer  is  pictured  heavy  of  feature  and 
dumpy  in  build. 

14.  Life  of  the  Wealthy.  —  For  most  of  the  well-to-do,  life 
was  a  very  delightful  thing,  filled  with  active  employment  and 
varied  with  many  pleasures.^  Their  homes  were  roomy  houses 
with  a  wooden  frame  plastered  over  with  sun-dried  clay. 
Light  and  air  entered  at  the  many  latticed  windows,  where, 
however,  curtains  of  brilliant  hues  shut  out  the  occasional  sand 
stcrms  from  the  desert.  About  the  house  stretched  a  large 
garden  with  artificial  fish-ponds  gleaming  among  the  palm 
trees.^ 

15.  The  Life  of  the  Poor.  —  There  were  few  slaves  in  Egypt ; 
but  the  condition  of  the  great  mass  of  the  people  fell  little 
short  of  practical  slavery.  Toilers  on  the  canals,  and  on  the 
pyramids  and  other  vast  works  that  have  made  Egypt  famous, 
were  kept  to  their  labor  by  the  whip.  "  Man  has  a  back,"  was 
a  favorite  Egyptian  proverb.  The  monuments  always  picture 
the  overseers  with  a  stick,  and  often  show  it  in  use.  The  people 
thought  of  a  beating  as  a  natural  incident  in  their  daily  work. 

The  peasants  did  not  live  in  the  country,  as  our  farmers  do. 
They  were  crowded  into  the  villages  and  poorer  quarters  of  the 

1  The  student  who  has  access  to  Maspero's  Dawn  of  Civilization  (or  to 
various  other  ilhistrated  works  on  Early  Egypt)  can  make  an  interesting 
report  upon  these  recreations  from  what  he  can  see  in  the  pictures  from  the 
monuments. 

2  A  full  description  of  a  noble's  house  is  given  in  Davis'  Readings,  Vol.  I, 
No.  5. 


15] 


LIFE  OF  THE  POOR 


25 


towns,  with  the  other  poorer  classes.  The  house  of  a  poor 
man  was  a  mud  hovel  of  only  one  room.  Such  huts  were 
separated  from  one  another  merely  by  one  mud  partition,  and 
were  built  in  long  rows,  facing  upon  narrow  crooked  alleys 
filled  with  filth.  A  "  plague  of  flies "  was  natural  enough ; 
and  only  the  extremely  dry  air  kept  down  that  and  worse  pes- 


Levying  the  Tax. —  An  Egyptian  relief  from  the  monuments ;  from  Maspero. 


tilences.  Hours  of  toil  were  from  dawn  to  dark.  Taxes  were 
exacted  harshly,  and  the  peasant  was  held  responsible  for  them 
with  all  that  he  owned,  even  with  his  body.  An  Egyptian 
writer  of  about  1400  b.c.  exclaims  in  pity  :  — 

"  Dost  thou  not  recall  the  picture  of  the  farmer,  when  the  tenth  of  his 
grain  is  levied  ?  Worms  have  destroyed  half  of  the  wheat,  and  the  hip- 
popotami have  eaten  the  rest.  There  are  swarms  of  rats  in  the  fields  ;  the 
grasshoppers  alight  there ;  the  cattle  devour ;  the  little  birds  pilfer ;  and  if 
the  farmer  lose  sight  for  an  instant  of  what  remains  upon  the  ground, 
it  is  carried  off  by  robbers.  The  thongs,  moreover,  which  bind  the  iron 
and  the  hoe  are  worn  out,  and  the  team  [of  cows]  has  died  at  the  plow. 
It  is  then  that  the  scribe  steps  out  of  the  boat  at  the  landing  place  to  levy 
the  tithe,  and  there  come  the  keepers  of  the  doors  of  the  granary  with 
cudgels  and  the  Negroes  with  ribs  of  palm-leaves  [very  effective  whips], 
crying  :  '  Come  now,  corn  ! '  There  is  none,  and  they  throw  the  culti- 
vator full  length  upon  the  ground ;  bound,  dragged  to  the  canal,  they 
fling  hira  in  head  first  [probably  a  figurative  way  of  saying  that  he  was 
forced  to  work  out  his  tax  on  the  canals]  ;  his  mfe  is  bound  with  him, 
his  children  are  put  into  chains ;  the  neighbors,  in  the  meantime,  leave 
him  and  fly  to  save  their  grain." 


26  EGYPT  [§16 

Still,  judging  from  Egyptian  literature,  the  peasants  seem 
to  have  been  careless  and  gay,  petting  the  cattle  and  singing 
at  their  work.  Probably  they  were  as  well  off  as  the  like  class 
has  been  during  the  past  century  in  Egypt  or  in  Kussia. 

16.  The  position  of  women  was  better  than  it  was  to  be 
in  the  Greek  civilization,  and  much  better  than  in  modern 
Oriental  countries.  The  poor  man's  wife  spun  and  wove,  and 
ground  grain  into  meal  in  a  stone  bowl  with  another  stone. 
Among  the  upper  classes,  the  wife  was  the  companion  of  the 
man.  She  "^as  not  shut  up  in  a  harem  or  confined  strictly  to 
household  duties :  she  appeared  in  company  and  at  public 
ceremonies.  Shfe> possessed  equal  rigjits  at  law;  and  some- 
times great  --queens  ruled  upon  the  throne.  In  no  other  coun- 
try, until  modern  times,  do  pictures  of  hap|)y  home  life  play  so 
large  a  part. 

INDUSTRY  AND  LEARNING 

17.  The  Irrigation  System.  —  Before  the  year  2000  b.c,  the 
Egyptians  had  learned  to  supplement  the  yearly  overflow  of 
the  Nile  by  an  elaborate  irrigation  system.  Even  earlier,  they 
had  built  dikes  to  keep  the  floods  from  the  towns  and  gardens ; 
and  the  care  of  these  embankments  remained  a  special  duty  of 
the  government  through  all  Egyptian  history.  But  between 
2400  and  2000  b.c.  the  pharaohs  created  a  wonderful  reservoir 
system.  On  the  one  hand,  tens  of  thousands  of  acres  of  marsh 
were  drained  and  made  fit  for  rich  cultivation  :  on  the  other 
hand,  artificial  lakes  were  built  at  various  places,  to  collect 
and  hold  the  surplus  water  of  the  yearly  inundation.  Then, 
by  an  intricate  network  of  ditches  and  "gates ''  (much  like  the 
irrigation  ditches  of  some  of  our  western  States  to-day),  the 
water  was  distributed  during  the  dry  months  as  it  was  needed. 
The  government  opened  and  closed  the  main  ditches,  as  seemed 
best  to  it ;  and  its  officers  oversaw  the  more  minute  distribution 
of  the  water,  by  which  each  farm  in  the  vast  irrigated  districts 
was  given  its  share.  Then,  from  the  main  ditch  of  each  farm, 
the  farmer  himself  carried  the  water  in  smaller  water  courses 


§  18]  AGRICULTURE  27 

to  one  part  or  another  of  his  acres,  —  these  small  ditches 
gradually  growing  smaller  and  smaller,  until,  by  moving  a 
little  mud  with  the  foot,  he  could  turn  the  water  one  way  or 
another  at  his  will.  Ground  so  cultivated  was  divided  into 
square  beds,  surrounded  by  raised  borders  of  earth,  so  that  the 
water  could  be  kept  in  or  out  of  each  bed. 

The  mopt  important  single  work  of  this  system  of  irrigation  was  the 
artificial  Lake  Moeris  (map,  page  16).  This  was  constructed  by  improv- 
ing a  natural  basin  in  the  desert.  To  this  depression,  a  canal  was  dug 
from  the  Nile  through  a  gorge  in  the  hills  for  a  distance  of  eight  miles. 
At  the  Nile  side,  a  huge  dam,  with  gates,  made  it  possible  to  carry  off 
through  the  canal  the  surplus  water  at  flood  periods.  The  canal  was 
30  feet  deep  and  160  feet  wide  ;  and  from  the  "lake,"  smaller  canals 
distributed  the  water  over  a  large  district  which  had  before  been  perfectly 
barren.  This  useful  work^.ffias  still  in  perfect  condition  two  thousand 
years  after  its  creation,  and  was  praised  highly  by  a  Roman  geographer 
who  visited  it  then. 

So  extensive  were  these  irrigation  works  in  very  early  times 
that  more  soil  was  cultivated,  and  more  wealth  produced,  and 
a  larger  population  maintained,  than  in  any  modern  period 
until  English  control  was  established  in  the  country  a  short 
time  ago.  Herodotus  (§  21)  says  that  in  his  day  Egypt  had 
twenty_tliDiisand  "  towns  "  (villages). 

18.  Agriculture.  —  Wheat  and  barley  had  been  introduced  at 
an  early  time  from  the  Euphrates  region,  and  some  less  im- 
portant grains  (like  sesame)  were  also  grown.  Besides  the 
grain,  the  chief  food  crops  were  beans,  peas,  lettuce,  radishes, 
melons,  cucumbers,  and  onions.  Clover  was  raised  for  cattle, 
and  flax  for  the  linen  cloth  which  was  the  main  material  for 
clothing.^  Grapes,  too,  were  grown  in  great  quantities,  for  the 
manufacture  of  a  light  wine. 

Herodotus  says  that  seed  was  m«iv  scattered  broadcast  on 
the  moist  soil  as  the  water  recede^^ch  November,  and  then 
trampled  in  by  cattle  and  goats  and  pigs.     But  the  pictures  on 

1  There  was  also  some  cotton  raised,  and  the  abundant  flocks  of  sheep 
furnished  wool. 


28  EGYPT  [§18 

the  monuments  show  that,  in  parts  of  Egypt  anyway,  a  light 
wooden  plow  was  used  to  stir  the  ground.  This  plow  was 
drawn  by  two  cows.  Even  the  large  farms  were  treated 
almost  like  gardens  ;  and  the  yield  was  enormous,  —  reaching 

the  rate  of  a  hun- 
dred fold  for 
grain.  Long  after 
her  greatness  had 
departed,  Egypt 
remained  "the 
granary    of    the 

Mediterranean 
Egyptian  Plow.  —  After  Rawlinson.  lands  " 

The  various  crops  matured  at  different  seasons,  and  so 
kept  the  farmer  busy  through  most  of  the  year.  Besides  the 
plow,  his  only  tools  were  a  short,  crooked  hoe  (the  use  of 
which  bent  him  almost  double)  and  the  sickle.  The  grain  was 
cut  with  this  last  implement;  then  carried  in  baskets  to  a 
threshing  floor,  —  and  trodden  out  by  cattle,  which  were  driven 
round  and  round,  while  the  drivers  sang,  — 

"  Tread,  tread,  tread  out  the  grain. 
Tread  for  yourselves,  for  yourselves. 
Measures  for  the  master  ;  measures  for  yourselves.'' 

An  Egyptian  barnyard  contained  many  animals  familiar  to 
us  (cows,  sheep,  goats,  scrawny  pigs  much  like  the  wild  hog, 
geese,  ducks,  and  pigeons),  and  also  a  number  of  others  like 
antelopes,  gazelles,  and  storks.  Some  of  these  it  proved  im- 
possible to  tame  profitably.  We  must  remember  that  me?*  had 
to  learn  by  careful  experiment,  through  many  generations  of  animal 
life,  which  animals  it  paid  best  to  domesticate.  The  hen  was  not 
known  ;  nor  was  the  ho^M)resent  in  Egypt  until  a  late  period 
(§  29).  Even  then  he^K  never  common  enough  to  use  in 
agriculture  or  as  a  draft  animal. 

During  the  flood  periods  cattle  were  fed  in  stalls  upon  clover 
and    wheat   straw.     The    monuments    picture    some   exciting 


§19] 


TRADE 


29 


scenes  when  a  rapid  rise  of  the  Nile  forced  the  peasants  to 
remove  their  flocks  and  herds  hurriedly,  through  the  surging 
waters,  from  usual  grazing  grounds  to  the  flood-time  quarters. 
Yeal,  mutton,  and  antelope  flesh  were  the  common  meats  of  the 
rich.     The  poor  lived  mainly  on  vegetables  and-goats^  milk. 

19.  Trade.  —  Until  about  650b.c., the  Egyptians  had  no  true 
money.  For  some  centuries  before  that  date,  they  had  used 
rings  of  gold  and  silver,  to  some  extent,  somewhat  as  we  use 
money;   but  these  rings  had  no  fixed  weight,  and  had  to  be 


Market  Scene.  —  Egyptian  relief  from  the  monuments. 

placed  on  the  scales  each  time  they  changed  hands.  During 
most  of  Egypt's  three  thousand  years  of  greatness,  indeed,  ex- 
change in  her  market  places  was  by  barter.  A  peasant  with 
wheat  or  onions  to  sell  squatted  by  his  basket,  while  would-be 
customers  offered  him  earthenware,  vases,  fans,  or  other  objects 
with  which  they  had  come  to  buy,  but  which  perhaps  he  did  not 
want.  (The  student  will  be  interested  in  an  admirable  descrip- 
tion of  a  market  scene  in  Davis'  E^i^ings,  Vol.  I,  No.  7.  The 
picture  above,  from  an  Egyptian  ^fciument,  is  one  of  those 
used  as  the  basis  of  that  account.)  ^^ 

We  hardly  know  whether  to  be  most  amazed  at  the  wonder- 
ful progress  of  the  Egyptians  in  some  lines,  or  at  their  failure 


30 


EGYPT 


t§20 


to  invent  money  and  an  alphabet,  when  they  needed  those 
things  so  sorely  and  approached  them  so  closely. 

In  spite  of  this  serious  handicap,  by  2000  b.c.  the  Egyptians 
carried  on  extensive  trade.  One  inscription  of  that  period  de- 
scribes a  ship  bringing  from  the  coast  of  Arabia  "fragrant 
woods,  heaps  of  myrrh,  ebony  and  pure  ivory,  green  gold,  cin- 
namon, incense,  cosmetics^apes,  monkeys,  do^s/and  panther 
•skins."  Some  of  these  things  must  have  been  gathered  from 
distant  parts  of  Eastern  Asia.  t/" 

20.  The  Industrial  Arts.  —  The  skilled  artisans  included 
brickworkers,  weavers,  blacksmiths,  goldsmiths,  coppersmiths, 


Shoemakers.  —  Egyptian  relief  from  the  monuments;  from  Maspero. 

upholsterers,  glass  blowers,  potters,  shoemakers,  tailors,  ar- 
morers, and  almost  as  many  other  trades  as  are  to  be  found 
among  us  to-day.  In  many  of  these  occupations,  the  workers 
possessed  a  marvelous  dexterity,  and  were  masters  of  processes 
that  are  now  unknown.  The  weavers  in  particular  produced 
delicate  and  exquisite  linen,  almost  as  fine  as  silk,  and  the 
workers  in  glass  and  gold  and  bronze  were  famous  for  their  skill. 
Jewels  were  imitated  in  colored  glass  so  artfully  that  only  an 
expert  to-day  can  detect  the  fraud  by  the  appearance.  Iron 
was  not  much  used  until  jJM)ut  800  b.c.  A  few  pieces  of  iron 
have  been  found  in  Egyjj^Bi  ruins  of  earlier  date ;  but  plainly 
these  are  "free"  iron,  such  as  is  occasionally  discovered  in 
many  parts  of  the  world.  Their  presence  in  Egypt  does  not 
mean  that  the  early  inhabitants  knew  how  to  work  in  iron. 


21] 


INDUSTRY  AND  ART 


31 


21.  The  chief  fine  arts  were  architecture,  sculpture,  and 
painting.  The  Egyptian  art,  indeed,  was  the  architecture  of 
the  temple  and  the  tomb. 

The  most  famous  Egyptian  buildings  are  the  pyramids. 
They  were  the  tombs  of  kings.  That  is,  they  were  exaggerated 
imitations,  in  stone,  of  savage  grave  mounds  like  those  of  our 


Sphinx  and  Pyramids.  —  From  a  photograph.  (The  human  head  of  the 
sphinx  is  supposed  to  have  the  magnified  features  of  a  pharaoh.  It  is  set 
upon  the  body  of  a  lion,  as  a  symbol  of  power.) 

American  Indians.  The  skill  shown  in  the  construction  of  the 
pyramids  implies  a  remarkable  knowledge  of  mathematics  and 
of  physics  for  such  early  times ;  and  their  impressive  massiveness 
has  always  placed  them  among  the  wonders  of  the  world. 

The  most  important  pyramids  stand  upon  a  sandy  plateau  a 
little  below  the  city  of  Memphis  (map,  page  16).  The  largest, 
and  one  of  the  oldest,  is  known  as  the  Great  Pyramid.  It  is 
thought  to  have  been  built  by  King^/ieops  more  than  3000  years 
before  Christ,  and  it  is  by  far  the  largest  and  most  massive 


32 


EGYPT 


[§21 


building  in  the  world.  Its  base  covers  thirteen  acres,  and  it 
rises  4§L|eet  from  the  plain.  More  than  twoijjillion  huge  stone 
blocks  went  to  make  it,  —  more  stone  than  has  gone  into  any 
other  building  in  the  world.  Some  single  blocks  weigh  over 
fifty  tons ;  but  the  edges  of  the  blocks  that  form  the  faces  are 


/ 

r^-^^^     . 

.„.- 

North 

Ttfr-rwr,    f^rt    T  ^r,rT  "^ 

SCALE  OF  FEET 

1                    1         1 

0                             100 

200 

300                     400                     SOO                       600 

Vertical  Section  of  the  Great  Pyramid,  looking  West,  showing 

passages. 


A  Entrance  passage. 
B  A  later  opening. 
D  Fii'st  ascending  passage. 
E  Horizontal  passage. 


F      Queen's  chamber. 
G  G  Grand  gallery. 
H      Antechamber. 
I       Coffer. 


K      King's  chamber. 
M  N  Ventilating  chambers. 
O       Subterranean  chambe« 
P       Well,  so  called. 


R  R  R  Probable  extent  to  which  the  native  rock  is  employed  to  assist  the  masonry  of  the 
building. 

SO  polished,  and  so  nicely  fitted,  that  the  joints  can  hardly  be 
detected;  while  the  interior  chambers,  and  long,  sloping  pas- 
sages between  them,  are  built  with  such  skill  that,  notwith- 
standing the  immense  weight  above  them,  there  has  been  no 
perceptible  settling  of  the*walls  in  the  lapse  of  five  thousand 
years. 


§21]  INDUSTRY   AND  ART  33 

Herodotus^  a  Greek  historian  of  the  fifth  century  b.c,  traveled  in 
Egypt  andlearned  all  that  the  priests  of  his  day  could  tell  him  regarding 
these  wonders.  He  tells  us  that  it  took  thirty  years  to  build  the  Great 
Pyramid,  —  ten  of  those  years  going  to  piling  the  vast  mounds  of  earth,  up 
which  the  mighty  stones  were  to  be  dragged  into  place,  —  which  mounds 
had  afterwards  to  be  removed.  During  that  thirty  years,  relays  of  a  hun- 
dred thousand  men  were  kept  at  the  toil,  each  relay  for  three  months  at  a 
stretch.  Other  thousands,  of  course,  had  to  toil  through  a  lifetime  of 
labor  to  feed  these  workers  on  a  monument  to  a  monarch's  vanity.  All  the 
labor  was  performed  by  mere  human  strength :  the  Egyptians  of  that  day 
had  no  beasts  of  burden,  and  no  machinery,  such  as  we  have,  for  moving 
great  weights  with  ease. 

The  pyramids  were  the  work  of  an  early  line  of  kings,  soon 
after  the  time  of  Menes.  Later  monarchs  were  content  with 
smaller  resting  places  for  their  own  bodies,^  and  built  instead 
gigantic  temples  for  the  gods.  In  their  private  dwellings  the 
Egyptians  sometimes  used  graceful  columns  and  the  true  arch, 
but  for  their  temples  they  preferred  massive  walls  and  rows  of 
huge,  close-set  columns,  supporting  roofs  of  immense  flat  slabs 
of  rock.  The  result  gives  an  impression  of  stupendous  power, 
but  it  lacks  grace  and  beauty. 

On  the  walls  of  the  temples  and  within  the  tombs  we  find  the 
inscriptions  and  the  papyrus  rolls  that  tell  us  of  ancient  Egyp- 
tian life.  With  the  inscriptions  there  are  found  long  bands  of 
pictures  ("reliefs")  cut  into  the  walls,  illustrating  the  story. 
There  are  found  also  many  full  statues,  large  and  small.  Much 
of  the  early  sculpture  was  lifelike ;  and  even  the  unnatural 
colossal  statues,  such  as  the  Sphinxes,  have  a  gloomy  grandeur 
in  keeping  with  the  melancholy  desert  that  stretches  about 
them.     Later  sculpture  has  less  character  and  less  finish. 

The  painting  lasted  in  the  closed  rock  tombs  with  perfect 
freshness,  but  it  fades  quickly  upon  exposure  to  the  air.  The 
painters  used  color  well,  but  they  did  not  draw  correct  forms. 
Like  the  "  relief "  sculptures,  the  painting  lacked  perspective 
and  proportion.        /^ 

1  Often,  however,  they  used  the  old  pyramids,  already  constructed,  for  their 
tombs,  sometimes  casting  out  the  mummy  of  a  predecessor. 


34 


EGYPT 


[§22 


22.  Literature  and  the  Hieroglyphs.  —  The  Egyptians  wrote 
religious  books,  poems,  histories,  travels,  novels,  orations,  trea- 
tises upon  morals,  scientific  works,  geographies,  cook-books. 


Ra-Hotep,  a  noble  of  about  3200  b.c.  Princess  Nefebt,  a  portrait  statue 
Perhaps  the  oldest  portrait  statue  in  6000  years  old.  Now  in  the  Cairo 
the  world.    Now  in  the  Cairo  Museum.       Museum. 


catalogues,  and  collections  of  fairy  stories,  —  among  the  last  a 
tale  of  an  Egyptian  Cinderella,  with  her  fairy  glass  slipper. 
On  the  first   monuments,  writing  had  advanced   from   mere 


22] 


LITERATURE  AND   LEARNING 


35 


pictures  to  a,  rebus  stage  (cf.  §  3  e).  This  early  writing  was 
used  mainly  by  the  priests  in  connection  with  the  worship  of 
the  gods,  and  so  the  characters  were  called  hieroglyphs  ("  priest's 
writing  ").  The  pictures,  though  shrunken,  compose  "  a  delight- 
ful assemblage  of  birds,  snakes,  men,  tools,  stars,  and  beasts." 
Some  of  these  signs  grew  ijito  real  letters,  or  signs  of  single 


Temple  at  Edfu,  a  village  betweeu  Thebes  aud  the  Fust  Cataract. 
This  is  one  of  the  best  preserved  Egyptian  temples.  It  is  the  basis  of  the 
article  on  Egyptian  Architecture  in  the  Encyclopaedia  Britannica,  Ninth 
Edition.  » 


If  the  Egyptians  could  have  kept  these  last  and  have 
dropped  all  the  rest,  they  would  have  had  a  true  alphabet.  But 
this  final  step  they  never  took.  Their  writing  remained  to 
the  last  a  curious  mixture  of  thousands  of  signs  of  things,  of 
ideas,  of  syllables,  and  of  a  few  single  sounds.^  This  was  what 
made  the  position  of  the  scribes  so  honorable  and  profitable. 
To  master  such  a  system  of  writing  required  long  schooling, 

1  A  good  account  of  the  hieroglyphs  is  given  in  Keary's  Dawn  of  History, 
298-303.  Another  may  be  found  in  Maspero's  Dawn  of  Civilizakon,  221-224, 
and  there  is  a  pleasant  longer  account  in  Clodd's  Story  of  the  Alphabet. 


36 


EGYPT 


l§23 


and  any  one  who  could  write  was  sure  of  well-paid  employ- 
ment. 

When  these  characters  were  formed  rapidly  upon  papyrus 
or  pottery  (instead  of  upon  stone),  the  strokes  were  run  to- 
gether, and  the  char- 
acters were  gradually 
modified  into  a  run- 
ning script,  which 
was  written  with  a 
reed  in  black  or  red 
ink.  The  dry  air  of 
the  Egyptian  tombs 
has  preserved  to  our 
day  great  numbers  of 
buried  papyrus  rolls. 
23.  Science.— The 
Nile  has  been  called 
the  father  of  Egyp- 
tian science.  The 
frequent  need  of  sur- 
veying the  land  after 
an  inundation  had  to 
do  with  the  skill  of 
the  early  Egyptians 
in  geometry.  The 
need  of  fixing  in  ad- 
vance the  exact  time 
of  the  inundation  di- 
rected attention  to 
the  true  "  year,"  and 
so  to  astronomy. 

Great    progress 
was    made    in    both 


Relief  from  the  Temple  of  Hathor  (goddess 
of  the  sky  and  of  love),  at  Dendera,  28  miles 
north  of  Thebes.  This  temple  belongs  to  a  late 
period.  Notice  the  "conventionalized  "  vrings, 
and  the  royal  "cartouches."  In  Egyptian  in- 
scriptions, the  name  of  a  king  is  surrounded  by 
a  line,  as  in  the  upper  right-hand  corner  of  this 
relief.  Such  a  figure  is  called  a  "cartouch." 
See  the  Rosetta  stone,  on  page  12. 


these  studies.  We  moderns,  who  learn  glibly  from  books  and 
diagrams  the  results  of  this  early  labor,  can  hardly  understand 
how  difficult  was  the  task  of  these  first  scientific  observers. 


§24]  LITERATURE  AND   LEARNING  37 

Uncivilized  peoples  count  time  by  "  moons"  or  by  "  winters"  ;  but  to 
fix  the  exact  length  of  the  year  (the  time  in  which  the  sun  apparently 
passes  from  a  given  point  in  the  heavens,  through  its  path,  back  again  to 
that  point)  requires  long  and  patient  and  skillful  observation,  and  no  little 
knowledge.  Indeed,  to  find  out  that  there  is  such  a  thing  as  a  "  year  "  is 
no  simple  matter.  If  the  student  will  go  out  into  the  night,  and  look  upon 
the  heavens,  with  its  myriads  of  twinkling  points  of  light,  and  then  try  to 
imagine  how  the  first  scientists,  without  being  told  by  any  one  else,  learned 
to  map  out  the  paths  of  the  heavenly  bodies,  he  will  better  appreciate  their 
work. 

The  Egyptians  understood  the  revolution  of  the  earth  and 
planets  around  the  sun,  and  they  fixed  the  year  at  365^  days, 
less  a  fraction,  and  invented  a  curious  leap  year  arrangement. 
Their  "  year,"  together  with  their  calendar  of  months,  we  get 
from  them  through  Julius  Caesar  (slightly  improved  about  three 
hundred  years  ago  by  Pope  Gregory  XIII).  In  arithmetic  the 
Egyptians  dealt  readily  in  numbers  to  millions,  with  the  aid  of  a 
notation  similar  to  that  used  later  by  the  Romans.  Thus,  3423 
was  represented  by  the  Romans :  M  M  M  c  C  C  C  XX  ill 
and  by  the  Egyptians:  XXX     e®@®RI' 

All  this  learning  is  older  than  the  Greek*  by  almost  twice  as 
long  a  time  as  the  Greek  is  older  than  ours  of  to-day.  No 
wonder,  then,  that  (according  to  a  Greek  story)  in  the  last  days 
of  Egyptian  greatness,  a  priest  of  Sais  exclaimed  to  a  traveler 
from  little  Athens  :  "  O  Solon,  Solon!  You  Greeks  are  mere 
children.  There  is  no  old  opinion  handed  down  among  you 
by  ancient  tradition,  nor  any  science  hoary  with  age ! "  It 
must  be  remembered,  however,  that  this  science  was  the  posses- 
sion only  of  the  priests,  and  perhaps  of  a  few  others. 

24.  Religion.  —  There  was  a  curious  mixture  of  religions. 
Each  family  worshiped  its  ancestors.  Such  ancestor  worship  is 
found,  indeed,  among  all  primitive  peoples,  along  with  a  belief 
in  evil  spirits  and  malicious  ghosts.  There  was  also  a  loorship 
of  animals.  Cats,  dogs,  bulls,  crocodiles,  and  many  other 
animals  were  sacred.  To  injure  one  of  these  "  gods,"  even  by 
accident,  was  to  incur  the  murderous  fury  of  the  people.  Prob- 
ably this  worship  was  a  degraded  kind  of  ancestor  worship 


38 


EGYPT 


[§24 


known  as  totemism,  which  is  found  among  many  peoples.  North 
American  Indians  of  a  wolf  clan  or  a  bear  clan  —  with  a  fabled 
wolf  or  bear  for  an  ancestor  —  must  on  no  account  injure  the 
ancestral  animal,  or  "  totem."  ^  Even  Eome,  with  its  legend  of 
Romulus  nursed  by  a  wolf,  gives  some  curious  survivals  of  an, 
earlier  worship  of  this  sort.     In  Egypt,  however,  the  worship 

of  animals  became  more  widely 
spread,  and  took  on  grosser 
features,  than  has  ever  been 
the  case  elsewhere. 

Above  all  this,  there  was  a 
worship  of  countless  deities 
and  demigods  representing 
sun,  moon,  river,  wind,  storm, 
trees,  and  stones.  Each  vil- 
lage and  town  had  its  special 
god  to  protect  it ;  and  the  gods 
of  the  great  capitals  became 
national  deities.  The  popu- 
lace thought  that  these  nature 
gods  dwelt  in  the  bodies  of 
animals ;  but  with  the  better 
classes  this  nature  loorship 
mounted  sometimes  to  a  lofty 
and  pure  worship  of  one  God. 
"God,"  say  some  of  the  in- 
scriptions, "is  a  spirit :  no  man 
knoweth  his  form,"  aud  again,  — "  He  is  the  creator  of  the 
heavens  and  the  earth  and  all  that  is  therein."  These  lofty 
thoughts  never  spread  far  among  the  people ;  but  a  few  think- 
ers in  Egypt  seem  to  have  risen  to  them  earlier  than  the 
Hebrew  prophets  did.  The  following  hymn  to  Aten  (the  Sun- 
disk),  symbol  of  Light  and  Life,  was  written  by  an  Egyptian 
king  of  the  fifteenth  century  b.c. 


Isis,  goddess  of  the  sky,  holdiug  her 
son,  HoRUS,  the  rising  sun. 


1  Students  who  know  Cooper's  Last  of  the  Mohicans  will  recall  an  illustra- 
tion of  totemism. 


§25]  RELIGION  AND   MORALS  39 

'*Thy  appearing  is  beautiful  in  the  horizon  of  heaven, 
O  living  Aten,  the  beginning  of  life  !  .  .  . 
Thou  fillest  every  land  with  thy  beauty. 
Thy  beams  encompass  all  lands  which  thou  hast  made. 
Thou  bindest  them  with  thy  love.  .  .  . 
The  birds  fly  in  their  haunts  — 
Their  wings  adoring  thee.  .  .  . 

The  small  bird  in  the  egg,  sounding  within  the  shell  — 
Thou  givest  it  breath  within  the  egg.  .  .  . 
How  many  are  the  things  which  thou  hast  made  ! 
Thou  Greatest  the  land  by  thy  will,  thou  alone. 
With  peoples,  herds,  and  flocks.  ... 
Thou  givest  to  every  man  his  place,  thou  framest  his  life." 

25.  The  idea  of  a  future  life  was  held  in  two  or  three  forms. 

Nearly  all  savage  peoples  believe  that  after  death  the  body 
remains  the  home  of  the  soul,  or  at  least  that  the  soul  lives  on 


Sculptured   Funeral  Couch:  the  soul  is  represented  crouching  by  the 
mummy.  —  From  Maspero. 

in  a  pale,  shadovry  existence  near  the  tomb.  If  the  body  be 
not  preserved,  or  if  it  be  not  given  proper  burial,  then,  it  is 
thought,  the  soul  becomes  a  wandering  ghost,  restless  and  harm- 
ful to  men. 

The  early  Egyptians  held  some  such  belief.     The  universal 


40 


EGYPT 


(§25 


practice  of  embalming  ^  the  body  before  burial  was  connected 
with  it.  They  "wished  to  preserve  the  body  as  the  home  for 
the  soul  In  the  early  tombs,  too,  there  are  always  found 
dishes  in  which  had  been  placed  food  and  drink  for  the  ghost, 

just  as  is  done  by  savage 
peoples  to-day. 

These  practices  con- 
tinued through  all  ancient 
Egyptian  history.^  But 
upon  some  such  basis  as 
this  there  finally  grew  up, 
among  the  better  classes, 
a  belief  in  a  truer  im- 
mortality for  those  who 
deserved  it.  The  dead, 
according  to  these  more 
advanced  thinkers,  lived 
in  a  distant  Elysium, 
where  they  had  all  the 
pleasures  of  life  without 
its  pains.  This  haven, 
however,  was  only  for 
those  ghosts  who  knew 
certain  religious  formulas  to  guard  against  destruction  on  the 
perilous  spirit  journey,  and  who,  on  arrival,  should  be  declared 
worthy  by  the  "  Judges  of  the  Dead."  Other  souls  were 
thought  to  perish.  After  this  stage  of  belief  was  reached,  the 
practice  of  embalming  the  body  may  have  come  to  have  some 
connection  with  a  growing  thought  of  its  resurrection. 

The  following  noble  extract  comes  from  the  "  Repudiation  of  Sins." 
This  was  a  statement  which  the  Egyptian  believed  he  ought  to  be  able  to 

1  "  Embalming  "  is  a  process  of  preparing  a  dead  body  with  drugs  and  spices, 
so  as  to  prevent  decay. 

2  In  part  they  continue  to-day,  after  these  six  thousand  years  of  different 
faiths.  The  Egyptian  peasant  still  buries  food  and  drink  with  his  dead. 
Such  customs  last  long  after  the  ideas  on  which  they  were  based  have  faded ; 
but  there  must  always  have  been  some  live  idea  in  them  at  first. 


A  Tomb  Painting,  showing  offerings  to  the 
dead. 


25] 


RELIGION  AND  MORALS 


41 


say  truthfully  before  the  "Judges  of  the  Dead."  It  shows  a  keen  sense 
of  duty  to  one's  fellow  men,  which  would  be  highly  honorable  to  any 
religion. 

"  Hail  unto  you,  ye  lords  of  Truth  !  hail  to  thee,  great  god,  lord  of 
Truth  and  Justice  !  .  .  .  I  have  not  committed  iniquity  against  men  !  I  have 
not  oppressed  the  poor  !  .  .  .  I  have  not  laid  labor  upon  any  free  man 
beyond  that  which  he  wrought  for  himself  !  .  .  .  I  have  not  caused  the 
slave  to  be  ill-treated  of  his  master  !  I  have  not  starved  any  man,  I  have 
not  made  any  to  weep,  .  .   .     I  have  not  pulled  down  the  scale  of  the 


■B 

■■^Pl#  •!',^*?r*11?^  '  »i«^>1i^*«f^j;  ■  .i-j-j|  ^Vrj^"  i^-        '  • 

wRT 

PjSnI.     p^'j^[ 

imSmF^ 

r,                                                                     .       -       ~ 

K    ^ 

'! 

^H^'     'i 

m 

E^^lHHii^                         '^fl^^^^K     ^v]v 

H|  v/'/l 

Uv^^^^H 

Weighing  the  Soul  in  the  scales  of  truth  before  the  gods  of  the  dead. — 
Egyptian  relief;  after  Maspero.  (The  figures  with  animal  heads.are  gods 
and  their  messengers.  The  human  forms  represent  the  dead  who  are 
being  led  to  judgment.) 


balance !  I  have  not  falsified  the  beam  of  the  balances  I  have  not 
taken  away  the  milk  from  the  mouths  of  sucklings.  .  .  . 

"  Grant  that  he  may  come  unto  you  —  he  that  hath  not  lied  nor  borne 
false  witness,  .  .  .  he  that  hath  given  bread  to  the  hungry  and  drink  to 
him  that  teas  athirst,  and  that  hath  clothed  the  naked  with  garments.'''' 

Some  other  declarations  in  this  statement  run  :  "  I  have  not  blas- 
phemed; "  "I  have  not  stolen; ""  "  I  have  not  slain  any  man  treacher- 
ously;" "I  have  not  made  false  accusation;"  "I  have  not  eaten  my 
heart  with  envy."  These  five  contain  the  substance  of  half  of  the  Ten 
Commandments,  — hundreds  of  years  before  Moses  brought  the  tables  of 
stone  to  the  Children  of  Israel. 


42  EGYPT  I§  26 

26.  Moral  Character.  —  The  ideal  of  character,  indicated 
above,  is  contained  in  many  other  Egyptian  inscriptions.  Thus, 
some  three  thousand  years  before  Christ,  a  noble  declares  in 
his  epitaph :  "  I  have  caused  no  child  of  tender  years  to  mourn ; 
I  have  despoiled  no  widow;  I  have  driven  away  no  toiler  of 
the  soil  [who  asked  for  help]  .  .  .  None  about  me  have  been 
unfortunate  or  starving  in  my  time."  ^  Of  course,  like  other 
people,  the  Egyptian  fell  short  of  his  ideal.  On  the  other  hand, 
it  is  not  fair  to  expect  him  to  come  up  to  our  modern  standard 
in  all  ways.  The  modesty  and  refinement  which  we  value  were 
lacking  among  the  Egyptians ;  but  they  were  a  kindly  people. 
The  sympathy  expressed  by  their  writers  for  the  poor  (§  15)  is 
a  note  not  heard  elsewhere  in  ancient  literature.  Scholars 
agree  in  giving  the  Egyptians  high  praise  as  "more  moral, 
sympathetic,  and  conscientious  than  any  other  ancient  people." 
These  words  belong  to  Professor  Petrie,  the  great  authority  on 
Egyptian  antiquities.  The  same  scholar  sums  up  the  matter 
thus :  "  The  Egyptian,  without  our  Christian  sense  of  sin  or 
self-reproach,  sought  out  a  fair  and  noble  life.  .  .  .  His  aim 
was  to  be  an  easy,  good-natured,  quiet  gentleman,  and  to  make 
life  as  agreeable  as  he  could  to  all  about  him." 

THE   STORY 

27.  The  Old  Kingdom.  —  It  is  convenient  to  mark  off  seven 
periods' in  the  history  of  Egypt  (§§  27-33).  For  more  than  a 
thousand  years  after  Menes  (3400-2400  b.c),  i^  capital  re- 
mained at  Memphis  in  Lower  Egypt.  This  p^iod  is  known  as 
the  Old  Kingdom.  It  is  marked  by  the  coni^lete  consolidation 
of  the  country  under  the  pharaohs,  by  the  building  of  the 
pyramids  and  sphinxes,  and  by  the  rapid  development  of  the 
civilization  which  we  have  been  studying.  The  only  names  we 
care  much  for  in  this  age  are  Menes  and  Cheops  (§  21). 

28.  The  Middle  Kingdom.  —  Toward  2400  b.c,  the  power  of 
the  pharaohs  declined;  but  the  glory  of  the  monarchy  was  re- 

1  The  same  ideas  of  duty  are  set  forth  more  at  length  in  extracts  given  in 
Davis'  Readings,  Vol.  I,  Nos.  9  and  10. 

/ 


28] 


THE  POLITICAL  STORY 


stored  by  a  new  line  of  kings  at  Thebes  in  the  upper  valley. 
Probably  this  was  the  result  of  civil  war  between  Upper  and 
Lower  Egypt.  The  Theban  line  of  pharaohs  are  known  as 
the  Middle  Kingdom.  Their  rule  lasted  some  four  hundred 
years  (2400-2000  b.c),  and  makes  the  second  period.  The  two 
features  of  this  period  are  foreign  conquest  and  a  new  develop- 
ment of  resources  at  home. 
Ethiopia,  on  the  south, 
was  subdued,  with  many 
Negro  tribes;  and  parts 
of  Syria  were  conquered; 
but  the  chief  glory  of  this 
age,  and  of  all  Egyptian 
history,  was  the  develop- 
ment of  the  marvelous 
system  of  irrigation  that 
has  been  described  in  §  17 
above.  The  pharaohs  of 
this  period,  in  happy  con- 
trast with  the  vain  and 
cruel  pyramid-builders, 
cared  most  to  encourage 
trade,  explore  unknown 
regions,  improve  roads, 
establish  wells  and  reser- 
voirs. A  king  of  2200  b.c. 
boasts  in  his  epitaph  — 
probably  with  reason  — 
that  all  his  commands  had  "ever  increased  the  love"  of  his 
subjects  toward  him.  Egyptian  commerce  now  reached  to 
Crete  on  the  north,  and  probably  to  other  islands  and  coasts 
of  the  Mediterranean,  and  to  distant  parts  of  Ethiopia  on  the 
south.  One  of  the  greatest  works  of  the  time  was  the  opening 
of  a  canal  from  a  mouth  of  the  Nile  to  the  Red  Sea,  so  that 
ships  might  pass  from  that  sea  to  the  Mediterranean.  This 
gave  a  great  impulse  to  trade  with  Arabia  (§  19). 


Cheops  (more  properly  called  Khufu), 
builder  of  the  Great  Pyramid :  a  portrait- 
statue  discovered  in  1902  by  Flinders 
Petrie.  As  Professor  Petrie  says,  "The 
first  thing  that  strikes  us  is  the  enormous 
driving  power  of  the  man." 


44 


EGYPT 


[§29 


29.  The  Hyksos.  —  This  outburst  of  glory  was  followed  by 
a  strange  decay  (2000-1600  b.c.  —  the  "  third  period ''),  during 
which  Egypt  became  the  prey  of  roving  tribes  from  Arabia. 
From  the  title  of  their  chiefs,  these  conquerors  were  called 
HyksoSj  or  Shepherd  Kings.  They  maintained  themselves  in 
Egypt  about  two  hundred  years.  For  a  time  they  harried  the 
land  cruelly,  as  invaders;  then,  from  a  capital  in  the  lower 
Delta,   they   ruled   the  country   through   tributary  Egyptian 


Sculptors  at  work  on  colossal  figures.  —  From  an  Egyptian  relief. 

kings  ;  and  finally  they  acquired  the  civilization  of  the  country 
and  became  themselves  Egyptian  sovereigns.  It  was  this 
Arabian  conquest  that  first  brought  the  horse  into  Egypt  (§  18). 
After  this  period,  kings  and  nobles  are  represented  in  war 
chariots  and  in  pleasure  carriages. 

30.  The  New  Empire.  —  A  line  of  native  monarchs  had  re- 
mained in  power  at  Thebes,  as  under-kings.  About  1600  b.c„, 
after  a  long  struggle,  these  princes  expelled  the  Hyksos.  Dur- 
ing this  "  fourth  period,"  1600-1330,  Egypt  reached  its  highest 
pitch  of  military  grandeur.  The  long  struggle  with  the  Hyksos 
had  turned  the  attention  of  the  people  from  industry  to  war; 
and  the  horse  made  long  marches  easier  for  the  leaders.  A 
series  of  mighty  kings  recovered  Ethiopia,  conquered  all  western 
Syria,  and  at  last  reached  the  Euphrates,  ruling  for  a  brief  time 
even  over  Babylonia. 


30] 


THE   POLITICAL  STORY 


45 


Here,  on  the  banks  of  a  mighty  river,  strangely  like  their 
own  Nile,  they  found  the  home  of  another  civilization,  equal 
to  their  own,  but  different.     For  nearly  four  thousand  years, 


Vt>rfcJ^%^^m^ 


y[    E     D     I    X    fP     ^ 'CRETE 


^^^.^ 


A      H     A      R      A 


^   A    N 


c  b:  ^ 


^ 


-c^ 
-^^ 
a 


3k     ARABIA 


miiiiiiiiiiiiiim. 


^ 


GREATEST  EXTENT 

OF  THE 

EGYPTIAN  EMPIRE 
About  1450  B.C. 

SCALE   OF   MILES 


0     50  100        200        300        400        600 
Egyptian  Empire  ^^^>v-^ 
Egypt  Proper       ^^^ 


these  two  earliest  civilizations  had  been  growing  up  in  igno- 
rance of  each  other.^  Now  a  new  era  opened.  The  long  ages 
of  isolation  gave  way  to  an  age  of  intercourse.^     The  vast  dis- 

1  The  Egyptians  did  know  something  of  the  Euphrates  culture,  because  it 
had,  long  before,  extended  into  Syria  (§  38),  which  Egyptian  armies  and 
traders  had  visited  occasionalhy  for  some  centuries ;  but  now  first  they  saw  it 
in  its  full  magnificence. 

2  Egypt  did  not  admit  foreigners  into  her  own  Nile  district,  except  the 
official  representatives  of  other  governments.  But  the  Syrian  lands  were  the 
middle  ground  where  the  two  civilizations  held  intercourse. 


46 


EGYPT 


[§31 


Alexander,  and  of  Kome. 


tricts  between  the  Euphrates  and  the  Nile  became  covered  with 
a  network  of  roads.  These  were  garrisoned  here  and  there  by 
fortresses ;  and  over  them,  for  centuries,  there  passed  hurrying 
streams  of  officials,  couriers,  and  merchants.  The  brief  su- 
premacy of  Egypt  over  the  Euphrates  district  was  also  the  Jirst 
political  union  of  the  Orient.  In  some  degree  it  paved  the  way 
for  the  greater  empires  to  follow,  —  of  Assyria,  of  Persia,  of 

The  most  famous  Egyptian  rulers  of 
this  age  are  ThUtmosis^ 
III,  and  Barneses  11.  The 
student  will  find  interest- 
ing passages  about  both 
these  monarchs  in  Davis' 
Readings,  Vol.  I. 

31.  Decline.  —  A  long 
age  of  weakness  (the 
"fifth  period,'^  about 
1330-640)  soon  invited 
attack.  The  priests  had 
drawn  into  their  hands  a 
large  part  of  the  land  of 
Egypt.  This  land  paid  no 
taxes,  and  the  pharaohs 
felt  obliged  to  tax  more 
heavily  the  already  over- 
burdened peasantry.  Population  declined;  revenues  fell  off. 
Early  in  this  period  of  decline,  the  Hebrews  escaped  from 
Egypt.  Driven  by  famine,  they  had  come  from  Syria  during 
the  rule  of  the  Arabian  Hyksos,  who  were  friendly  to  them. 
The  great  monarchs  of  the  New  Empire  reduced  them  to  serf- 
dom. Now  they  escaped  from  a  weak  pharaoh,  to  seek  refuge 
again  in  the  desert  (§  59). 

The  government  was  no  longer  strong  enough  in  armies  for 
the  defense  of  the  frontiers.     Dominion  in  both  Africa   and 


Sculptured  Head  of  Thutmosis  III 
(about  1470  B.C.),  who  in  twelve  great 
campaigns  first  carried  Egyptian  arms 
from  the  isthmus  to  Nineveh. 


1  All  difficult  proper  names  have  the  pronunciation  shown  in  tne  index. 


§32] 


THE  POLITICAL  STORY 


47 


Asia  shrank,  until  Egypt  was  driven  back  within  her  ancient 
bounds.  The  Hittites  (§  7),  descending  from  the  slopes  of  the 
Taurus  Mountains  (map,  page  45),  overthrew  Egyptian  power 
in  Syria;  and  the  tribes  of  the  Sahara,  aided  by  "strange 
peoples  of  the  sea"  (Greeks  among  them),  threatened  to  seize 
even  the  Delta  itself.  In 
730  B.C.  the  Ethiopians 
overran  the  country ;  and, 
in  672,  Egypt  finally  he- 
came  subject  to  Assyria 
(§  40).  J.^ 

Dates  are  not  fixed  exactly 
in  Egyptian  history  until 
about  this  time.  For  all 
earlier  periods,  a  margin  of  a 
century  or  two  must  be  al- 
lowed for  errors  in  calculation. 
We  know  the  order  of  events, 
but  not  their  precise  year. 

This  vagueness  is  due  to 
the  fact  that  ancient  peoples 
did  not  count  time  as  we  do 
from  one  fixed  point :  instead, 
they  reckoned  from  the  build- 
ing of  a  city,  or  from  the  be- 
ginning of  the  reigns  of  their 
kings.  An  inscription  may  tell  us  that  a  certain  event  took  place  in  the 
tenth  year  of  the  reign  of  Rameses ;  but  we  do  not  know  positively  in 
just  what  year  Rameses  began  to  reign. 

32.  The  Sixth  Period,  653-525.  —  After  twenty  years  of 
Assyrian  rule,  Psammetichus  restored  Egyptian  independence 
and  became  the  pharaoh.  He  had  been  a  military  adventurer, 
apparently  of  foreign  blood;  and  had  been  employed  by  the 
Assyrians  as  a  tributary  prince.  During  her  former  greatness, 
although  her  own  traders  visited  other  lands,  Egypt  had  kept 
herself  jealously  closed  against  strangers.  But  Psammetichus 
threw  open  the  doors  to  foreigners.     In  particular,  he  welcomed 


Rameses  II,  a  conquering  pharaoh  of  about 
1375  B.C.  This  colossal  statue  stands  in 
the  ruins  of  the  palace  at  Luxor. 


48  EGYPT  [§33 

the  Greeks,  who  were  just  coming  into  notice  as  soldiers  and 
sailors.  Not  only  did  individual  Greek  travelers  (§§  21,  3 
156)  visit  the  country,  but  a  Greek  colony,  Naucratis,  was  v. 
tablished  there,  and  large  numbers  of  Greek  soldiers  served  it 
the  army.  Indeed  Sais,  the  new  capital  of  Psammetichus 
and  his  son,  thronged  with  Greek  adventurars.  This  was  the 
time,  accordingly,  when. Egypt  ^^  fulfilled  her  mission  among 
the  nations/'  She  "  had  lit  the  torch  of  civilization  "  ages  be- 
fore ;  now  she  passed  it  on  to  the  western  world  through  this 
younger  race. 

Neco,  the  second  monarch  of  this  new  line  of  kings,  ruled 
about  600  B.C.     He  was  greatly  interested  in  reviving  the  old 
Egyptian  commerce.     His 
n  |k     fc=>         efforts  to  restore  Egyptian 
I  -^-^^^        infiuence  in  Syria  and  Ara- 
bia were  foiled  by  the  rise 
of  a  new  empire  in  the  Eu- 


PSAMMETICHUS. 


phrates  valley  (§  42) ;  and  he  failed  also  in  a  noble  attempt 
to  reopen  the  ancient  canal  connecting  the  Eed  Sea  with 
the  Mediterranean  (§  28).  But,  in  searching  for  another 
route  for  vessels  between  those  waters,  he  did  succeed  in  a  re- 
markable attempt.  One  of  his  ships  sailed  around  Africa, 
starting  from  the  E,ed  Sea  and  returning,  three  years  later,  by 
the  Mediterranean.  Herodotus  (§  21),  who  tells  us  the  story, 
adds :  "  On  their  return  the  sailors  reported  (others  may  be- 
lieve them  but  I  will  not)  that  in  sailing  from  east  to  west 
around  Africa  th'ey  had  the  sun  on  their  right  hand."  This 
report,  which  Herodotus  could  not  believe,  is  good  proof  to  us 
that  the  story  of  the  sailors  was  true. 

33.  Egyptian  History  merges  in  Greek  and  Roman  History.  — 
The  last  age  of  Egyptian  independence  lasted  only  128  years. 
Then  followed  the  "  seventh  period," — one  of  long  dependence 
upon  foreign  powers.  Persia  conquered  the  country  in  525  b.c. 
(§  72),  and  ruled  it  for  two  centuries  under  Persian  governors. 
Then  Alexander  the  Great  established  Greek  sway  over  all  the 
Persian  world  (§§  278  ff.).     At  his  death  Egypt  became  again  a 


§  33]  THE  POLITICAL  STORY  49 

separate  state ;  but  it  was  ruled  by  the  Greek  Ptolemies  from 
heir  new  Greek  capital  at  Alexandria.  Cleopatra,  the  last  of 
•Chis  line  of  monarchs,  fell  before  Augustus  Caesar  in  30  B.C.,  and 
Egypt  became  a  Roman  province.  Native  rule  has  never  been 
restored. 


ExKRcisEs.  —  1.    Make  a  summary  of  the  things  we  owe  to  Egypt. 

2.  What  can  you  learn  from  those  extracts  upon  Egypt  in  Davis'  Beadings^ 
which  have  not  been  referred  to  in  this  chapter  ?  (If  the  class  have 
enough  of  those  valuable  little  books  in  their  hands,  this  topic  may  make 
all  or  part  of  a  day's  lesson  :  if  only  a  copy  or  two  is  in  the  library,  one 
student  may  well  make  a  short  report  to  the  class,  with  brief  readings.) 

3.  Do  you  regard  the  first  pyramid  or  Lake  Moeris  or  the  canal  from  the 
Nile  to  the  Ked  Sea  as  the  truest  monument  to  Egyptian  greatness  ? 

4.  Students  who  wish  to  read  further  upon  ancient  Egypt  will  find  the 
titles  of  three  or  four  of  the  best  books  for  their  purpose  in  the  Appendix, 
—  Baikie,  Breasted,  Hommel,  or  Myers. 

V 


CHAPTER   III 
THE  TIGRIS-EUPHRATES   STATES 

GEOGRAPHY 

34.  The  Two  Rivers.  —  Across  Asia,  from  the  Red  to  the 
Yellow  Sea,  stretches  a  mighty  desert.  Its  smaller  and  west- 
ern part,  a  series  of  low,  sandy  plains,  is  really  a  continuation 
of  the  African  desert.  The  eastern  portion  (which  lies  almost 
wholly  beyond  the  field  of  our  ancient  history,  §  4)  consists  of 
lofty  plateaus  broken  up  by  rugged  mountains.  The  two  parts 
are  separated  from  each  other  by  a  patch  of  luxuriant  vegeta- 
tion, reaching  away  from  the  Persian  Gulf  to  the  northwest. 

This  oasis  is  the  work  of  the  Tigris  and  Euphrates.  (In  this 
connection  see  map  facing  p.  12.)  These  twin  rivers  have 
never  interested  men  so  much  as  the  more  mysterious  Nile  has ; 
but  they  have  played  a  hardly  less  important  part  in  history. 
Rising  on  opposite  sides  of  the  snow-capped  mountains  of 
Armenia,  they  approach  each  other  by  great  sweeps  until  they 
form  a  common  valley ;  then  they  flow  in  parallel  channels  for 
the  greater  part  of  their  course,  uniting  just  before  they  reach 
the  Gulf.  The  land  between  them  has  always  been  named 
from  them.  The  Jews  called  it  '•  Syria  of  the  Two  Rivers  " ; 
the  Greeks,  Mesopotamia,  or  "  Between  the  Rivers  " ;  the  mod- 
ern Arabs,  "  The  Island." 

35.  Divisions  of  the  Valley.  —  The  valley  had  three  distinct 
parts,  two  of  which  were  of  special  importance.  The  first  of 
these  was  Chaldea,^  the  district  near  the  mouth  of  the  rivers. 

1  This  is  the  name  that  has  been  used  for  many  centuries.  It  seems  best  to 
keep  it,  though  we  know  now  that  it  is  inaccurate  for  the  early  period.  The 
Chaldeans  proper  did  not  enter  the  valley  until  long  after  its  civilization 
began. 

60 


§  36]  GEOGRAPHY  51 

Like  the  delta  of  the  Nile,  Chaldea  consisted  of  deposits  of 
soil  carried  out  in  the  course  of  ages  into  the  sea.  In  area  it 
equaled  modern  Denmark,  and  was  twice  the  size  of  the  real 
Egypt.  As  with  Egypt,  its  fertility  in  ancient  times  was  main- 
tained by  an  annual  overflow  of  the  river,  regulated  by  dikes, 
canals,  and  reservoirs.  Wheat  aiid  barley  are  believed  to  have 
been  native  there.  Certainly  it  was  from  Chaldea  that  they 
spread  west  to  Europe. 

The  Euphrates  district  is  more  dependent  upon  artificial  aids  for  irri- 
gation than  the  Nile  valley  is ;  and  in  modern  times  Chaldea  has  lost  its 
ancient  fertility.  During  the  past  thousand  years,  under  Turkish  rule, 
the  last  vestiges  of  the  ancient  engineering  works  have  gone  to  ruin. 
The  myriads  of  canals  are  choked  with  sand ;  and,  as  a  result,  in  this 
early  home  of  civilization,  the  uncontrolled  overflow  of  the  river  turns  the 
eastern  districts  into  a  dreary  marsh ;  while  on  the  west  the  desert  has 
drifted  in,  to  cover  the  most  fertile  soil  in  the  world ;  —  and  the  sites  of 
scores  of  mighty  cities  are  only  shapeless  mounds,  where  sometimes 
nomad  Arabs  camp  for  a  night. 

To  the  north  of  Chaldea,  the  rich  plain  gives  way  to  a 
rugged  table-land.  The  more  fertile  portion  lies  on  the  Tigris 
side,  and  is  the  second  important  part  of  the  valley.  It  was 
finally  to  take  the  name  Assyna. 

The  western  half  of  the  upper  valley  is  sometimes  called 
Mesopotamia  Proper.  This  third  district  was  less  fertile  than 
the  others,  and  never  became  the  seat  of  a  powerful  state.  It 
opened,  however,  upon  the  northern  parts  of  Syria,  and  so  made 
part  of  the  great  roadway  between  the  Euphrates  and  the  Nile. 

THE   STORY 

36.  The  People.  —  The  rich  Euphrates  valley,  like  the  Nile 
region,  attracted  invaders  from  all  sides  in  prehistoric  times. 
It  was  less  completely  walled  in,  indeed,  than  Egypt  (§§  6,  7); 
and  such  inroads  therefore  continued  longer  and  on  a  larger 
scale  than  in  the  Nile  lands.  Successive  waves  of  conquering 
tribes  from  the  Arabian  desert  finally  established  a  Semitic^ 

1  Semites  and  Semitic  are  explained  in  a  paragraph  on  the  following  page. 


52  THE   TIGRIS-EUPHRATES   STATES  l§  37 

language  in  Chaldea;  but  the  bulk  of  the  inhabitants  never 
became  Semites  in  appearance  or  blood.  They  kept  in  large 
measure  the  characteristics  of  older  peoples,  who  had  originally 
developed  the  civilization  of  the  valley,  and  who  had  spoken  a 
tongue  which  in  historic  times  had  become  a  "  dead  language." 
That  older  civilization,  however,  had  not  taken  so  firm  a 
hold  on  the  Tigris  district;  and  the  Assyrians  became  mainly 
Semitic,  —  allied  to  the  Arabs  in  blood.  The  men  of  the  south 
(Chaldeans,  or  Babylonians)  were  quick-witted,  industrious, 
gentle,  pleasure-loving,  fond  of  literature  and  of  peaceful  pur- 
suits. The  hook-nosed,  larger-framed,  fiercer  Assyrians  cared 
mainly  for  war  and  the  gains  of  commerce,  and  had  only  such 
arts  and  learning  as  they  could  borrow  from  their  neighbors. 
They  delighted  in  cruelty  and  gore.  In  the  old  inscriptions, 
their  kings  brag  incessantly  of  torturing,  flaying  alive,  and 
impaling  thousands  of  captives. 

The  languages  of  the  Arabs,  Jews,  Assyrians,  and  of  some  other  neigh- 
boring peoples,  such  as  the  ancient  Phoenicians  (§  54),  are  closely  related. 
The  whole  group  of  such  languages  is  called  Semitic,  and  the  peoples 
who  speak  them  are  called  Semites  (descendants  of  Shem).  Similarity 
of  languages  does  not  necessarily  prove  that  the  peoples  are  related  in 
blood :  it  means  more  commonly  only  that  their  civilizations  have  been 
derived  one  from  another.  But  these  Semitic  races  do  seem  to  have  had 
a  close  blood  relationship. 

37.  The  Early  City-States.  —  As  in  Egypt,  so  in  this  double 
valley  there  clustered  many  cities  at  a  very  early  time,  —  before 
5000  B.C.  Each  such  city  was  a  "  state  "  (§  11,  note)  by  itself, 
under  its  own  king,  and  it  controlled  the  surrounding  hamlets 
and  farming  territory.  These  little  states  waged  innumerable 
wars  with  one  another  and  with  outside  invaders  ;  but  they  also 
managed  to  develop  the  culture  which  was  to  characterize  the 
country  in  its  historic  age.  Each  city,  indeed,  had  a  literature 
of  its  own,  written  in  libraries  of  brick  (§  48),  and  our  scholars 
are  learning  more  of  this  ancient  period  every  day  from  the 
study  of  the  remains  recently  discovered.  Only  four  cities, 
out  of  scores,  will  be  mentioned  in  this  book,  —  four  leading 


§38]  EXPANSION  INTO  SYRIA  53 

cities,  whose  names,  too,  are  familiar  from  the  Old  Testament, 
—  Accad  (Agade),  C/r,  Babylon,  and  Nineveh.  The  first  three 
are  in  the  southern  Euphrates  district :  Nineveh  is  in  Assyria, 
on  the  Tigris. 

/Gradually,  war  united  th>e  rival  states  into  larger  ones ;  and 
then  contests  for  power  among  these,  with  outside  conquests, 
gave  rise  to  three  great  empires,  whose  story  we  shall  survey 
rapidly.  Two  pf  these  empires  were  in  the  south,  with  their 
chief  center  at  Babylon  (First  and  Second  Babylonian  Em- 
pires). Between  their  two  periods  there  arose  the  still 
mightier  Assyrian  Empire,]  with  Nineveh  for  its  capital. 

An  empire  is  a  state  containing  many  sub-states  and  one  ruling  state. 
Egypt  >^as  called  a  kingdom  while  it  was  confined  to  the  Nile  valley,  but 
an  empire  when  its  sway  extended  over  Ethiopia  and  Syria  (§  30). 

38.  Early  Attempts  at  Empire. — About  2800  b.c,  JSargon,^  king 
of  Accad,  made  himself  ruler  of  all  Chaldea.  Then  in  a  series  of 
victorious  campaigns,  he  carried  his  authority  over  the  northern 
part  of  the  river  valley,  and  even  to  the  distant  Mediterranean 
coast.  His  empire  fell  to  pieces  with  his  death,  from  lack  of 
organization ;  but  his  campaigns  had  transplanted  the  Euphrates 
culture  into  Syria  to  take  lasting  root  there,  Chaldean  traders 
spread  the  seed  more  widely.  Eor  more  than  two  thousand 
years,  the  fashions  of  Chaldea  were  copied  in  the  cities  of 
Syria ;  and  her  cuneiform  ^  script  was  used,  and  her  literature 
was  read,  by  great  numbers  of  people  all  over  western  Asia. 

Ur  succeeded  Accad  as  mistress  of  the  land.  But  the  cities  of 
the  valley  were  soon  overrun  by  new  barbarians  from  the  Ara- 
bian desert.  These  conquerors  finally  adopted  thoroughly  the 
civilization  of  the  country,  and  took  Babylon  for  their  chief  city. 


1  The  Babylonians  of  about  600  b.c.  rediscovered  a  certain  inscription  of 
the  son  of  Sargon,  long  buried  even  in  that  day,  and  fixed  his  date  from  it  at 
3200  years  before  their  own  time.  Very  recent  discoveries,  however,  prove 
that  they  placed  him  a  thousand  years  too  early.  Davis'  Readings,  Vol.  I, 
No.  17,  gives  the  Babylonian  story. 

2  See  §  47  for  explanation  of  this  term. 


54  THE  TIGRIS-EUPHRATES  STATES  [§39 

39.  The  First  Babylonian  Empire  begins  strictly  with  the 
rule  of  Hammurabi,  who  lived  about  as  many  years  before  the 
birth  of  Christ  as  we  do  after  it.  In  1917  b.c.  he  completed 
the  consolidation  of  the  states  of  the  Euphrates  valley  into  one 
empire.  TLiater,  he  extended  the  rule  of  Babylon  to  the  bounds 
of  Sargon's  conquests  —  and  with  more  lasting  results.  Ever 
since,  the  name  Babylon  has  remained  a  symbol  for  magnifi- 
cence and  power. 

During  the  fourth  century  of  this  empire  (about  1500  b.c),  it 
came  in  contact  with  the  "  New  Empire  "  of  Egypt  to  ivhich  for  a 
time  it  lost  most  of  its  dominions  (§  30). 

40.  The  Assyrian  Empire.  —  Assyria  first  comes  to  notice  in 
the  nineteenth  century  b^c.  It  was  then  a  dependent  province, 
belonging  to  the  Babylonian  Empire.  Six  hundred  years  later 
it  had  become  a  rival ;  but  its  supremacv  bejs^ins  two  centuries 
later  still,  about  1100  b.c.  New  invaders  from  Arabia  were 
harrying  the  Euphrates  country  ;  and  this  made  it  easier  for 
Tiglath-Pileser  I,  king  of  Assyria,  to  master  Babylonia.  This 
king  ruled  from  the  Persian  Gulf  to  the  Mediterranean;  but 
after  his  death  his  dominions  fell  apart.  The  real  Assyrian 
Empire  dates  from  745  b.c. 

In  that  year,  the  adventurer  Pul  seized  the  throne.  He  had 
been  a  gardener.  Now  he  took  the  name  of  the  first  great  con- 
queror, Tiglath-Pileser  (II),  and  soon  established  the  most 
powerful  empire  the  world  had  so  far  seen.  It  was  larger  than 
any  that  had  gone  before  it  (map  opposite"),  and  it  was  better 
.organized.  In  the  case  of  each  of  the  earlier  empires,  the  sub- 
ject  kingcloms  had  been  left  under  the  native  rulers,  as  tribu- 
tary kings.  Such  princes  could  never  lose  a  natural  ambition 
to  become  again  independent  sovereigns ;  and  if  they  attempted 
revolt,  the  people  were  sure  to  rally  loyally  to  them  as  to  their 
proper  rulers.  Thus  this  loose  organization  tempted  constantly 
to  rebellion.  It  now  gave  way  to  a  stronger  one.  The  subject 
kingdoms  were  made  more  completely  into  parts  of  one  state 
and  were  ruled  by  Assyrian  lieutenants  (satraps).  We  call  such 
subordinate  parts  of  an  empire  by  the  nsime  fprovinces.     This 


§40] 


THE  ASSYRIAN  EMPIRE 


55 


new  invention  in  government  was  Assyria's  chief  bequest  to  the 
later  world. ) 

The  next  great  Assyrian  king  was  Sargon  II,  who  carried 
away  the  Ten  Tribes  of  Israel  into  captivity  (722  b.c).  This 
transplanting  of  a  rebellious  people,  or  at  least  of  the  better 
classes  among  them,  to  prevent  rebellion,  was  a  favorite  device 


of  the  Assyrians.  Longfellow's  picture,  in  Evangeline,  of  the 
removal  of  a  small  population  in  modern  times  with  all  possi- 
ble gentleness,  will  help  us  to  imagine  the  misery  that  must 
have  come  from  such  transportation  of  whole  nations  by  over- 
land journeys  of  a  thousand  miles. 

^Sargon's    son,   Bennacherih,  is   the   most   famous   Assyrian 
monarch.     He  subdued  the  king  of  Judah,^  but  he  will   be 


1  2  Klings  xviii.    For  the  Assyrian  story  see  Davis'  Readings,  "Vol.  I,  No.  12. 


56  THE  TIGRIS-EUPHRATES  STATES  [§41 

better  remembered  from  the  Jewish  account  of  a  mysterious 
destruction  of  his  army,  perhaps  in  another  expedition, — 
smitten  by  "the  angel  of  the  Lord."  This  is  the  incident 
commemorated  by  Byron's  lines  :  — 

"The  Assyrian  came  down  like  a  wolf  on  the  fold, 
And  his  cohorts  were  gleaming  with  purple  and  gold. 

Like  leaves  of  the  forest  when  autumn  hath  blown, 
That  host,  on  the  morrow,  lay  withered  and  strown."  . 

The  empire  recovered  quickly  from  this  disaster;  and  in 
672  E.G^Sennacherib's  son,  Esarhaddon,  subdued  Egypt  (§  31). 
This^  loas  the  second  political  union  of  the  East)  It  was  much 
more  complete  than  the  first  one  of  severalcenturies  earlier 
(§  30) ;  and  the  territory  was  larger,  for  the  Assyrians  were 
reaching  out  west  and  east  into  the  new  regions  of  Asia  Minor 
and  of  Media  on  the  Plateau  of  Iran. 

41.  Fall  of^ssyria.  —  This  wide  rule  was  short  jived, — 
happily  so,  for  no  other  great  empire  has  ever  so  delighted  in 
blood.  Disagreeable  as  it  is,  the  student  should  read  one  of 
the  records  in  which  an  Assyrian  king  exults  over  his  fiendish 
cruelties.    The  following  one  is  by  Assur-Natsir-Pul,  850  e.g.  :  — 

"They  did  not  embrace  my  feet.  With  combat  and  with  slaughter  I 
attacked  the  city  and  captured  it ;  three  thousand  of  their  fighting  men 
I  slew  with  the  sword.  Their  spoil,  their  goods,  their  oxen,  and  their 
sheep  I  carried  away.  The  numerous  captives  I  burned  with  fire.  I  cap- 
tured many  of  the  soldiers  alive.  I  cut  off  the  hands  and  feet  of  some  ; 
I  cut  off  the  noses,  the  ears,  and  the  fingers  of  others ;  the  eyes  of  the 
numerous  soldiers  I  put  out.  I  built  up  a  pyramid  of  the  living  and  a 
pyramid  of  heads.  In  the  middle  of  them  I  suspended  their  heads  on 
vine  stems  in  the  neighborhood  of  their  city.  Their  young  men  and  their 
maidens  I  burned  as  a  holocaust.  The  city  I  overthrew,  dug  up,  and 
burned  with  fire.     I  annihilated  it." 

Of  another  city:  "The  nobles,  as  many  as  had  revolted,  I  flayed  ; 
with  their  skins  I  covered  the  pyramid.  Some  of  them  I  immured  in  the 
midst  of  the  pyramid  ;  others  above  the  pyramid  I  impaled  on  stakes  ; 
others  round  about  the  pyramid  I  planted  on  stakes." 

See  also  Sennacherib's  boast,  at  the  close  of  No.  12  in  Davis'  Readings^ 
Vol.  I. 


§42]  THE  ASSYRIAN  EMPIRE  57 

'  Against  such  cruelty  and  against  the  crushing  Assyrian 
taxation,  there  rankled  a  passionate  hatred  in  the  hearts  of  the 
oppressed  peoples.^  After  twenty  years  of  subjection,  Egypt 
broke  away.  Twenty  years  later,  Babylon  followed.  Scythian 
hordes  poured  in  repeatedly  from  the  north,  to  devastate  the 
empire ;  and  in  606  the  new  power  of  the  Medes  (§  72),  aided 
by  Babylonia,  captured  Nineveh  itself.  The  Assyrian  Empire 
disappeared,  and  the  proud  "  city  of  blood,"  which  had  razed 
so  many  other  cities,  was  given  over  to  sack  and  pillage.  Two 
hundred  years  later  the  Greek  Xenophon  could  not  even  learn 
the  name  of  the  crumbling  ruins,  when  he  came  upon  them,  in  the 
*^ Retreat  of  the  Ten  Thousand"  (§  257).  All  signs  of  human 
habitation  vanished,  and  the  very  site  was  forgotten,  until  its 
rediscovery  in  recent  times. 

Ancient  and  modern  judgments  upon  Assyria  are  at  one. 
Nahum  closed  his  passionate  exultation,  —  "  All  that  hear  the 
news  of  thy  fate  shall  clap  their  hands  over  thee ;  for  whom 
hath  not  thy  wickedness  afflicted  continually."  And  says  Dr. 
Davis  (Introduction  to  iSTo.  14  of  his  Readings,  Vol,  I):  "Its 
luxuries  and  refinements  were  all  borrowed  from  other  lands : 
its  insatiable  love  of  conquest  and  slaughter  was  its  own." 

42.  The  New  Babylonian  Empire.  —  Babylon  had  risen  in 
many  a  fierce  revolt  during  the  five  centuries  of  Assyrian  rule. 
Sennacherib  declares,  with  great  exaggeration  certainly,  that 
on  one  occasion  he  razed  it  to  the  ground  in  punishment :  "  I 
laid  the  houses  waste  from  foundation  to  roof  with  fire. 
Temple  and  tower  I  tore  down  and  threw  into  the  canal.  I 
dug  ditches  through  the  city,  and  laid  waste  its  site.  Greater 
than  the  deluge  was  its  annihilation." 

(in  625  came  a  successful  rebellion.  Then  (as  noticed  in  §  41) 
Babylonia  and  Media  soon  shared  between  them  the  old  Assyr- 
ian Empire.  The  Second  Babylonian  Empire  lasted  less  than 
a  century.     The  middle  half  of  the  period  — the  most  glorious 

iThe  student  should  read  the  terrible  denunciation  of*  Nineveh  by  the 
Hebrew  prophet  in  the  year  of  its  fall  (Book  of  Nahum,  iii,  1-19).  Cf.  also 
Isaiah  xiii,  l(>-22,  and  Jeremiah  1  and  li. 


Nebuchadnezzar. 


58  THE  TIGRIS-EUPHRATES  STATES  [§43 

part,  604-561  b.c.  —falls  to  the  reign  of  Nebuchadnezzar^  The 
reviving  Egyptian  power,  under  Neco,  was  checked  in  its  effort 
to  extend  its  sway  into  Asia  (§  32).  Rebellious  Jerusalem  was 
sacked,  and  the  Jews  were  carried  away  into  the  Babylonian 
captivity.  The  ancient  limits  of  the  First  Empire  were 
restored,  with  some  additions.     Babylon  was  rebuilt  on  a  more 

magnificent  scale,  and 
the  ancient  engineer- 
ing works  were  re- 
newed.i  But  in  538, 
soon  after  this  reign, 
Babylon  fell  before  the  rising  power  of  the  Persians  (§  72), 
and  her  independent  history  came  to  an  end. 

SOCIETY,   INDUSTRY,    CULTURE 

43.  The  king  was  surrounded  with  everything  that  could 
awe  and  charm  the  masses.  Extraordinary  magnificence  and 
splendor  removed  him  from  the  common  people.  He  gave  au- 
dience, seated  on  a  golden  throne  covered  with  a  purple  canopy 
which  was  supported  by  pillars  glittering  with  precious  stones. 
All  who  came  into  his  presence  prostrated  themselves  in  the 
dust  until  bidden  to  rise.  His  rule  was  absolute ;  but  he  worked 
through  a  large  body  of  trusted  officials,  largely  taken  from  the 
priests. 

44.  Classes  of  Society.  —  Chaldea  had  no  class  like  the  nobles 
of  Egypt.  Wealth  counted  for  more,  and  birth  for  less,  than  in 
that  country.  There  were  really  only  two  classes,  —  rich  and 
poor,  with  a  mass  of  slaves. 

The  peasants  tilled  the  rich  land  in  misery.  As  in  Egypt 
they  paid  for  their  holdings  with  half  of  the  produce.  In  a 
poor  year,  this  left  them  in  debt  for  seed  and  living.  The 
creditor  could  charge  exorbitant  interest;  and,  if  not  paid,  he 
could  levy  not  only  upon  the  debtor's  small  goods,  but  also  upon 
wife  or  child,  or  upon  the  person  of  the  farmer  himself,  for 

1  Nebuchadnezzar's  own  account  is  given  in  Davis'  Readings,  Vol.  I,  No.  13. 


44] 


SOCIETY  AND  CULTURE 


59 


slavery.  As  early  as  the  time  of  Hammurabi  (§§  39,  45),  how- 
ever, the  law  ordered  that  such  slavery  should  last  only  three 
years. 

The  wealthy  class  included  landowners,  officials,  professional 
men,  money  lenders,  and  merchants.  The  merchant  in  partic- 
ular was  a  prominent  figure.     The  position  of  Chaldea,  at  the 


Colossal  Man-beast  in  Alabaster.  —  From  the  Palace  of  Sargon  (now  in 

the  Louvre). 


head  of  the  Persian  Gulf,  made  its  cities  the  natural  mart  of 
exchange  between  India  and  Syria ;  and  for  centuries,  Babylon 
was  the  great  commercial  center  of  the  ancient  world,  far  more 
truly  than  London  has  been  of  our  modern  world.  Even  the 
extensive  wars  of  Assyria,  cruel  as  they  were,  were  not  merely 
for  love  of  conquest :  they  were  largely  commercial  in  purpose, — 
to  secure  the  trade  of  Syria  and  Phoenicia,  and  to  ruin  in 


60  THE   TIGRIS-EUPHRATES  STATES  [§45 

those    lands   the   trade    centers^   that  were    competing   with 
Nineveh. 

45.  Law  and  Property.  —  In  1902  a.d.,  a  French  explorer 
found  a  valuable  set  of  Babylonian  inscriptions  containing  a 
collection  of  280  laws.  This  "code"  asserts  that  it  was 
enacted  by  Hammurabi  (§  39).  It  is  the  oldest  known  code  of 
laws  in  the  world ;  and  it  shows  that  the  men  for  whom  it  was 
made  were  already  far  advanced  in  civilization,  with  many 


Assyrian  Contract  Tablet  in  Duplicate.  —  The  outer  tablet  is  broken 
and  shows  part  of  the  inner  original,  which  could  always  be  consulted  if 
the  outside  was  thought  to  have  been  tampered  with. 

complex  relations  with  one  another.  It  tries  to  guard  against 
bribery  of  judges  and  witnesses,  against  careless  medical 
practice,  against  ignorant  or  dishonest  building  contractors. 
(About  a  tenth  of  the  code  is  reproduced  in  Davis'  Readings, 
Vol.  I,  Ko.  20.) 

Other  discoveries  prove  that  rights  of  property  were  carefully 
guarded.  Deeds,  wills,  marriage  settlements,  legal  contracts 
of  all  kinds,  survive  by  tens  of  thousands.  The  numerous 
signatures  of  witnesses,  in  a  variety  of  "  hand  writings,"  testify 
to  a  widespread  ability  to  write  the  difficult  cuneiform  text. 

1  Damascus,  Jerusalem,  Tyre,  and  others  whose  names  have  lessmeauing  to 
us  to-day.  Tyre,  often  besieged  and  reduced  to  a  tributary  state,  was  not 
actually  captured,  owing  to  her  mastery  of  the  sea. 


§47]  SOCIETY  AND   CULTURE  61 

From  the  contracts  we  learn  that  a  woman  could  control  property 
and  carry  on  business  independently  of  her  husband. 

46.  Law  and  Men.  —  Criminal  law  is  the  term  applied  to 
that  portion  of  a  code  ^hich  relates,  not  to  property,  but  to 
the  personal  relations  of  niei^  to  one  another.     Here  the  code 


Assyrian  Tablets,  showing  the  older  hieroglyphics  and  the  later  cuneiform 
equivalents  (apparently  for  the  purpose  of  instruction) . 

of   Hammurabi  in  many  provisions  reminds  us  of  the   stern 
Jewish  law  of   an  eye  for  an  eye  and  a  tooth   for  a  tooth. 

"  If  a  man  has  caused  a  man  of  rank  to  lose  an  eye,  one  of  his  own 
eyes  must  be  struck  out.  If  he  has  shattered  the  limb  of  a  man  of  rank, 
let  his  own  limb  be  broken.  If  he  has  knocked  out  the  tooth  of  a  man 
of  rank,  his  tooth  must  be  knocked  out." 

Injuries  to  a  poor  man,  however,  could  be  atoned  for  in 
money. 

"  If  he  has  caused  a  poor  man  to  lose  an  eye,  or  has  shattered  a  limb, 
let  him  pay  one  maneh  of  silver"  (about  $32.00  in  our  values). 

47.  Cuneiform  Writing.  —  The  early  inhabitants  of  Chaldea 
had  a  system  of  hieroglyphs  not  unlike  the  Egyptian.  At  first 
they  painted  these  on  the  papyrus,  which  grew  in  the  Euphrates 
as  well  as  in  the  Nile.     At  a  later  time  they  came  to  press  the 


62  THE  TIGRIS-EUPHRATES  STATES  [§48 

characters  with  a  sharp  metal  instrument  into  clay  tablets 
(which  were  then  baked  to  preserve  them).  This  change  of 
material  led  to  a  change  in  the  written  characters.  The  pic- 
tures shriveled  and  flattened  into  wedge-shaped  symbols,  which 
look  like  scattered  nails  with  curiously  battered  heads.  "(This 
writing  is  called  cuneiform,  from  the  Latin  cuneus,  wedge.) 

The  Semitic  conquerors  adopted  this  writing  and  used  it  in 

such  minute  characters  —  six  lines  to  an  inch  sometimes  — 

•that  some  authorities  believe  magnifying  glasses  must  have 

been  used.     This  surmise  was  strengthened  when  the  explorer 

Layard  found  a  lens  among  the  ruins  of  the  Nineveh  library. 

48.  Literature.  —  The  remains  of  Chaldean  literature  are 
abundant.  Each  of  the  numerous  cities  that  studded  the  valley 
of  the  twin  rivers  had  its  library,  sometimes  several  of  them. 
A  library  was  a  collection  of  clay  tablets  or  bricks  covered  with 
cuneiform  writing.  In  Babylon  the  ruins  of  one  library  con- 
tained over  thirty  thousand  tablets,  of  about  the  date  2700  b.c, 
all  neatly  arranged  in  order.  Originally  the  libraries  contained 
papyrus  rolls  also,  but  these  the  climate  has  utterly  destroyed. 

A  tablet,  with  its  condensed  writing,  corresponds  fairly  well 
to  a  chapter  in  one  of  our  books.  Each  tablet  had  its  library 
number  stamped  upon  it,  and  the  collections  were  carefully 
catalogued.  The  kings  prided  themselves  on  keeping  libraries 
open  to  the  public ;  and  Professor  Sayce  is  sure  that  "  a  con- 
siderable portion  of  the  inhabitants  (including  many  women) 
could  read  and  write."  ^ 

The  literary  class  studied  the  '^  dead  "  language  of  the  pre- 
Semitic  period,  as  we  study  Latin;  and  the  merchants  were 
obliged  to  know  the  languages  spoken  in  Syria  in  that  day. 
The  libraries  contained  dictionaries  and  grammars  of  these 
languages,  and  also  many  translations  of  foreign  books,  in 
columns  parallel  with  the  originals.  Scribes  were  constantly 
employed  in  copying  and  editing  ancient  texts,  and  they  seem 

1  The  evidence  he  collects  in  his  Social  Life  among  the  Babylonians,  41-43. 
"The  ancient  civilized  East  was  almost  as  full  of  literary  activity  as  is  the 
world  of  to-day,"  adds  the  same  eminent  scholar,  in  an  extreme  statement. 


§481 


SOCIETY   AND  CULTURE 


63 


An  Assyrian  "Book."  — An  octagon  Assyrian  brick,  now  in  the  British 
Musetim ;  after  Sayce.    This  representation  is  about  one  third  the  real  size. 


64 


THE   TIGRIS-EUPHRATES  STATES 


[§  49 


to  have  been  very  careful  in  their  work :  when  they  could  not 
make  out  a  word  in  an  ancient  copy,  they  tell  us  so  and  leave 
the  space  blank. 

49.  Science.  —  In  Oeometi-y  the  Chaldeans  made  as  much 
advance  as  the  Egyptians  ;  in  Arithmetic  more.  Their  notation 
combined  the  decimal  and  duodecimal  systems.  Sixty  was  a 
favorite  unit,  because  it  is  divisible  by  both  ten  and  twelve  : 

it  was  used  as  the  hundred  is 
by  us. 

Scientific  Medicine  was  hin- 
dered by  a  belief  in  charms 
and  magic;  and  even  Astron- 
omy was  studied  largely  as  a 
means  of  fortune-telling  by 
the  stars.^  Some  of  our  boy- 
ish forms  for  "  counting  out " 
—  "  eeny,  meeny,  miny,  moe," 
etc.  —  are  remarkably  like  the 
An  Assyrian  Dog.— Relief  on  a  clay  solemn  forms  of  divination 
tablet;  after  Raw! inson.  -i    ,       ^^i     •,-, 

'  used  by  Chaldean  magicians. 

Still,  in  spite  of  such  superstition,  important  progress  was 
made.  As  in  Egyjjt,  the  level  plains  and  clear  skies  invited 
to  an  early  study  of  the  heavenly  bodies.  The  Chaldeans  fore- 
told eclipses,  made  star  maps,  and  marked  out  on  the  heavens 
the  apparent  yearly  path  of  the  sun.  The  "  signs  of  the  zodiac  " 
in  our  almanacs  come  from  these  early  astronomers.  Every 
great  city  had  its  lofty  observatory  and  its  royal  astronomer, 
and  in  Babylon,  in  331  b.c,  Alexander  the  Great  found  an  un- 
broken series  of  observations  running  back  nineteen  hundred 
years.  As  we  get  from  the  Egyptians  our  year  and  months,  so 
from  the  Chaldeans  we  get  the  week  (with  its  "  seventh  day  of 

iFor  hundreds  of  years  the  stars  were  believed  to  have  influence  upon 
human  life,  and  a  class  of  fortune  tellers  claimed  to  be  able  to  discover  this 
influence,  and  to  foretell  the  future,  by  studying  the  heavens.  This  pretended 
science  is  called  astrology,  to  distinguish  it  from  real  astronomy.  It  lasted  in 
England  as  late  as  the  days  of  Queen  Elizabeth ;  and  all  through  the  middle 
ages  in  Europe  an  astrologer  was  called  "  a  Chaldean." 


§50] 


SOCIETY  AND  CULTURE 


65 


rest  for  the  soul ")  and  the  division  of  the  day  into  hours,  with 
the  subdivision  into  minutes.  Their  notation,  by  12  and  60,  we 
still  keep  on  the  face  of  every  clock.  The  sundial  and  the  water 
dock  were  Assyrian  inventions  to  measure  time. 


^^^^^^^S^  -"-""  -*-      "^- 


■«  "."'y^' 


Fragment  of  Assyrian  "Deluge-Tablet,"  with  part  of  the  story 
of  a  deluge. 

50.  Chaldean  Legends.  —  Besides  this  scientific  and  scholarly 
literature,  the  Babylonians  had  many  stories,  including  an 
ancient  collection  of  legends  which  claimed  to  carry  their  his- 
tory back  seven  hundred  thousand  years,,  to  the  creation  of 


66 


THE  TIGRIS-EUPHRATES  STATES 


[§51 


the  world.  Their  story  of  the  creation  resembled,  in  many- 
features,  the  later  Hebrew  Genesis ;  and  one  of  their-  legends 
concerned  a  "deluge,"  from  which  only  one  man  —  favorite  of 
the  gods  —  was  saved  in  an  ark,  with  his  family  and  with  one 
pair  of  every  sort  of  beasts.  These  stories,  however,  have  an 
exaggerated  style,  and  lack  the  noble  simplicity  of  the  Bible 
narrative. 

51.  Industries  and  their  Arts.  —  More  than  the  other  ancient 
peoples,  the  men  of  the  Euphrates  made  practical  use  of  their 
science.  They  understood  the  lever  and  pulley,  and  used  the 
arch  in  making  vaulted  drains  and  aqueducts.     They  invented 

the  patterns  wheel  and 
an  excellent  system  of 
iveights  and  measures. 
Their  measures  were 
based  on  the  length  of 
the  finger,  breadth  of 
the  hand,  and  length 
of  the  arm ;  and,  with 
the  system  of  weights, 
they  have  come  down 
to  us  through  the 
Greeks.  The  sym- 
bols in  the  "Apothe- 
caries' Table"  in  our  arithmetics  are  Babylanian  in  origin. 
Books  upon  agriculture  passed  on  the  Babylonian  knowledge 
of  that  subject  to  the  Greeks  and  Arabs.  They  had  surpass- 
ing skill  in  cutting  gems,  enameling,  inlaying.  Every  well-to-do 
person  had  his  seal  with  which  to  sign  letters  and  legal  papers. 
The  cheaper  sort  were  of  baked  clay,  but  the  richer  men  used 
engraved  precious  stones,  in  the  form  of  cylinders,  arranged  to 
revolve  on  an  axis  of  metal.  Thousands  of  these  have  been 
found.  Some  of  them,  made  of  jasper  or  chalcedony  or  onyx, 
are  works  of  art  which  it  would  be  hard  to  surpass  to-day. 
Assyrian  looms,  too,  produced  the  finest  of  muslins  and  of  fleecy 
woolenSj  to  which  the  dyer  gave  the  most  brilliant  colors.     The 


Assyrian  Cylinder  Seals. 


52] 


SOCIETY  AND  CULTURE 


67 


rich  wore  long  robes  of  those  cloths,  decorated  with  embroider- 
ies. Tapestries  and  carpets,  also,  wonderfully  colored,  were 
woven,  for  walls  and  floors  and  beds.  In  many  such  industries, 
little  advance  has  been  made  since,  so  far  as  the  products  are 
concerned. 

52.  Architecture  and  Sculpture.  —  The  Euphrates  valley  had 
no  stone  and  little  wood.  Brick  making,  therefore,  was,  next 
to  agriculture,  the  most  important  industry.     Ordinary  houses 


Impression  from  a  King's  Cylinder  SeAl.  —  The  figure  in  the  air  repre- 
sents the  god  who  protects  the  king  in  his  perils. 

J 
were  built  of  cheap  sun-dried  bricks.     The  same  material  was 

used  for  all  but  the  outer  courses  of  the  walls  of  the  palaces 
and  temples  ^ ;  but  for  these  outside  faces,  a  kiln-baked  brick 
was  used,  much  like  our  own.  With  only  these  imperfect 
materials,  the  Babylonians  constructed  marvelous  tower-temples 
and  elevated  gardens,  in  imitation  of  mountain  scenery.  The 
"Hanging  Gardens,"  built  by  Nebuchadnezzar  to  please  his 
wife  (from  the  Median  mountains),  rose,  one  terrace  upon  an- 
other, to  a  height  of  one  hundred  and  fifty  feet.  They  were 
counted  by  the   Greeks  among   the   "seven  wonders   of  the 


1  The  extensive  use  of  sun-dried  brick  in  Chaldean  cities  explains  their  com- 
plete decay.  In  the  course  of  ages,  after  being  abandoned,  they  sank  into 
shapeless  mounds,  indistinguishable  from  the  surrounding  plain. 


68  THE   TIGRIS-EUPHRATES  STATES  [§52 

world."  The  Babylonian  palaces  were  usually  one  story  only 
in  height,  resting  upon  a  raised  platform  of  earth.  But  the 
temples  rose  stage  upon  stage,  as  the  drawing  opposite  shows, 
with  a  different  color  for  each  story. 

Assyria  abounded  in  excellent  stone.  Still  for  centuries  her 
builders  slavishly  used  brick,  like  the  people  from  whom  they 
borrowed  their  art.  Finally,  however,  they  came  to  make  use 
of  the  better  material  about  them  for  sculpture  and  for  at 
least  the  facings  of  their  public  buildings.     Thus  in  architec- 


A  Lion  Hunt.  —  Assyiian  relief;  from  Rawlinson. 

ture  and  sculpture,  though  in  no  other  art,  Assyria,  land  of 
stone,  excelled  Babylonia,  land  of  brick.  In  the  royal  palaces, 
especially,  the  almost  unlimited  power  of  the  monarch s,  and 
their  Oriental  passion  for  splendor  and  color,  produced  a  sump- 
tuous magnificence  which  the  more  self-restrained  modern  world 
never  equals.  ^ 

The  following  description  of  a  palace  of  ancient  Nineveh  is  taken  from 
Dr.  J.  K.  Hosmer's  The  Jews.    The  passage  is  partly  condensed. 

"  Upon  a  huge,  wide-spreading,  artificial  hill,  faced  with  masonry,  for 
a  platform,  rose  cliff-like  fortress  walls  a  hundred  feet  more,  wide  enough 
for  three  chariots  abreast  and  with  frequent  towers  shooting  up  to  a  still  ■ 
loftier  height.  Sculptured  portals,  by  which  stood  silent  guardians, 
colossal  figures  in  white  alabaster,  the  forms  of  men  and  beasts,  winged 
and  of  majestic  mien,  admitted  to  the  magnificence  within.  .  .  .  Upward, 
tier  above  tier,  into  the  blue  heavens,  ran  lines  of  colonnades,  pillars  of 
costly  cedar,  cornices  glittering  with  gold,  capitals  blazing  with  vermilion, 
and,  between  them,  voluminous  curtains  of  silk,  purple,  and  scarlet,  inter- 


§53] 


RELIGION  AND  MORALS 


69 


woven  with  threads  of  gold.  ...  In  the  interior,  stretching  for  miles, 
literally  for  miles,  the  builder  of  the  palace  ranged  the  illustrated  record 
of  his  exploits.  .  .  .  The  mind  grows  dizzy  with  the  thought  of  the 
splendor  —  the  processions  of  satraps  and  eunuchs  and  tributary  kings, 
winding  up  the  stairs,  and  passing  in  a  radiant  stream  through  the  halls 
—  the  gold  and  embroidery,  the  ivory  and  the  sumptuous  furniture,  the 
pearls  and  the  hangings." 

A  description  with  more  precise  details  and  less  "color"  is  given  in 
Davis'  Headings,  Vol.  I,  No.  19.    See  also  No.  18,  "An  Assyrian  City." 


12  ft. 


30  ft.      jj 


Section  of  the  Temple  of  the  Seven  Spheres,  according  to  a 
"restoration."  — From  Rawlinson. 

H  is  a  sacred  shrine.    The  seven  stages  below  it  were  colored  in  order  from  the  bottom  as 
follows :  black,  orange,  red,  golden,  yellow,  blue,  silver. 


"^53.  Religion  and  Morals.  —  Babylonians  and  Assyrians  both 
worshiped  ancestors.  Mingled  with  this  religion  was  a  nature 
worship,  with  numerous  gods  and  demigods.  Ancestor  worship 
is  usually  accompanied  by  a  belief  in  witchcraft  and  in  un- 
friendly ghosts  and  demons.  In  Chaldea  these  superstitions 
appeared  in  an  exaggerated  form.  Indeed,  the  pictures  in  early 
Christian  times,  representing  the  devil  with  horns,  hoofs,  and 
tail,  came  from  the  Babylonians,  through  the  Jewish  Talmud.^ 


1  A  Hebrew  book  containing  much  learning  and  many  legends. 


70  THE  TIGRIS-EUPHRATES  STATES  [§53 

Nature  worship,  in  its  lower  stages,  is  often  accompanied  by- 
debasing  rites,  in  which  drunkenness  and  sensuality  appear  as 
acts  of  worship.  In  Babylonia,  revolting  features  of  this  kind 
remained  throughout  her  history.  It  was  this  character  that 
called  down  upon  Babylon  the  stern  reproaches  of  the  Hebrew 
prophets,  —  through  whom  her  name  has  become  a  symbol  for 
dissoluteness. 

At  the  same  time,  as  with  the  Egyptian  higher  classes,  some 
hymns  and  prayers  rise  to  a  pure  worship  of  one  god ;  and  the 
Assyrian  felt  strongly  that  sense  of  sin  which  the  Egyptian 
lacked  and  which  has  played  so  great  a  part  in  the  Jewish  and 
Christian  religions.     (See  extract  below.) 

The  idea  of  a  future  life  was  of  a  primitive  sort.  Each 
tomb  had  an  altar  at  the  head  for  offerings  of  food.  AVith  a 
man  were  buried  his  arms;  with  a  girl,  her  scent  bottles, 
combs,  ornaments,  and  cosmetics.  Most  Chaldeans,  even  of 
the  intelligent  classes,  never  rose  to  a  higher  idea  of  a  future 
life  than  these  customs  indicate.  It  was  to  be,  in  their  thought, 
a  disagreeable,  gloomy,  half-alive  state,  in  or  near  the  tomb. 
At  the  same  time,  for  a  few  thinkers  there  did  arise  another 
belief :  some  souls  were  to  suffer  in  a  hell  of  tortures ;  others, 
who  knew  how  to  secure  the  divine  favor,  were  to  dwell  amid 
varied  pleasures  in  distant  Isles  of  the  Blest. 

The  following  passages  show  some  of  the  higher  religious 
thought.     (See  also  Davis'  Readings,  Vol.  I,  Nos.  22  and  24.) 

From  a  Chaldean  hymny  composed  in  the  city  of  Ur,  before 
the  time  of  Abraham. 

"Father,   long  suffering  and  full  of  forgiveness,  whose  hand  upholds 

the  life  of  all  mankind  !  .  .  . 
First-born,  omnipotent,  whose  heart  is  immensity,  and  there  is  none 

who  may  fathom  it !  .  .  . 
In  heaven,  who  is  supreme  ?    Thou  alone,  thou  art  supreme  ! 
On  earth,  who  is  supreme  ?    Thou  alone,  thou  art  supreme  ! 
As  for  thee,  thy  will  is  made  known  in  heaven,  and  the  angels  bow 

their  faces. 
As  for  thee,  thy  will  is  made  known  upon  earth,  and  the  spirits  below 

kiss  the  ground." 


§53]  RELIGION  AND  MORALS  71 

From  an  Assyrian  prayer  for  remission  of  sins. 

"  O  my  god,  my  sins  are  many  !  .  .  .  O  my  goddess,  .  .  .  great  are 
my  misdeeds !  I  have  committed  faults  and  I  knew  them  not.  I  have 
fed  upon  misdeeds  and  I  knew  them  not.  ....  I  weep  and  no  one  comes 
to  me  ;  I  cry  aloud  and  no  one  hears  me  ;  ...  I  sink  under  affliction.  I 
turn  to  my  merciful  god  and  I  groan.  Lord,  reject  not  thy  servant,  —  and 
if  he  is  hurled  into  the  roaring  waters,  stretch  to  him  thy  hand  !  The  sins 
I  have  committed,  have  mercy  upon  them  !  my  faults,  tear  them  to  pieces 
like  a  garpient !  " 

A  prayer  of  Nebuchadnezzar. 

"  Thou  hast  created  me.  .  .  .  Set  thou  the  fear  of  thy  divine  power  in 
my  heart.  Give  me  what  seemest  good  unto  thee,  since  thou  maintainest 
my  life." 


CHAPTER   IV 

THE  MIDDLE   STATES 

The  two  Syrian  peoples  that  demand  notice  in  a  book  of  this 
kind  are  the  Phoenicians  and  Jthe  Hebrews.  Each  of  these  was 
:an  important  factor  in  the  development  of  civilization. 

I.     THE   PHOENICIANS 

54.  Early  Sailors.  —  Before  1000  b.c.  the  Phoenicians  had  be- 
come the  traders  of  the  icorld.  Their  vessels  carried  most  of 
the  commerce  of  Babylonia  and  Egypt.  Phoenician  sailors 
manned  the  ship  that  Neco  sent  to  circumnavigate  Africa. 
Indeed  the  fame  of  these  people  as  sailors  so  eclipsed  that  of 
earlier  peoples  that  it  has  been  customary  to  speak  of  them  as 
"  the  first  men  who  went  down  to  the  sea  in  ships." 

The  Phoenicians  dwelt  on  a  little  strip  of  broken  coast,  shut 
off  from  the  rest  of  the  continent  by  the  Lebanon  Mountains 
(map,  page  77).  The  many  harbors  of  their  coast  invited  them 
seaward,  and  the  "cedar  of  Lebanon"  furnished  the  best  of 
masts  and  ship  timber.  When  history  first  reveals  the  Med- 
iterranean, about  1600  B.C.,  it  is  dotted  with  the  adventurous 
sails  of  the  Phoenician  navigators,  and  for  centuries  more  they 
are  the  only  real  sailor  folk.  Half  traders,  half  pirates,  their 
crews  crept  from  island  to  island,  to  barter  with  the  natives 
or  to  sweep  them  off  for  slaves,  as  chance  might  best  offer. 

Farther  and  farther  their  merchants  daringly  sought  wealth 
on  the  sea,  until  they  passed  even  the  Pillars  of  Hercules,^  into 

1  The  Greeks  gave  this  name  to  two  lofty,  rocky  hills,  one  on  each  side  of 
the  Strait  of  Gibraltar.  They  were  generally  believed  by  the  ancients  to  be 
the  limit  of  even  the  most  daring  voyage.  Beyond  them  lay  inconceivable 
dangers.     (See  map  after  page  132.) 

72 


§56]  A  SAILOR-FOLK  73 

the  open  Atlantic.  And  at  last  we  see  them  exchanging  the 
precious  tin  of  Britain,  the  yellow  amber  of  the  Baltic,  and  the 
slaves  and  ivory  of  West  Africa,  for  the  spices,  gold,  scented 
wood,  and  precious  stones  of  India.  ^ 

55.  The  chief  Phoenician  cities  were  Tyre  and  Sidon.  For 
many  centuries,  until  the  attacks  by  Assyria  in  the  eighth 
century  B.C.,  these  cities  were  among  the  most  splendid  and 
wealthy  in  the  world.  Ezekiel  (xxvi,  xxvii)  describes  the 
grandeur  of  Tyre  in  noble  poetry  that  teaches  us  much  regard- 
ing Phoenician  trade  and  life :  — 

"  O  thou  that  dwellest  at  the  entry  of  the  sea,  which  art  the  merchant 
of  the  peoples  unto  many  isles,  .  .  .  thou,  O  Tyre,  hast  said,  I  am  per- 
fect in  beauty.  Thy  borders  are  in  the  heart  of  the  seas ;  thy  builders 
have  perfected  thy  beauty.  They  have  made  all  thy  planks  of  fir  trees. 
.  .  .  They  have  taken  cedars  from  Lebanon  to  be  masts  for  thee  ;  they 
have  made  thy  benches  of  ivory  inlaid  in  boxwood  from  the  isles  of  Kit- 
tim  [Kition  in  Cyprus].  Of  fine  linen  w^ith  broidered  work  from  Egypt 
was  thy  sail,  .  .  .  blue  and  purple  from  the  isles  of  Elishah  [North 
Africa]  was  thy  awning.  .  .  .  All  the  ships  of  the  sea  were  in  thee 
to  exchange  thy  merchandise.  .  .  .  Tarshish  [Tartessus,  southwestern 
Spain]  was  thy  merchant  by  reason  of  the  multitude  of  all  kinds  of  riches. 
With  silver,  iron,  tin,  and  lead  they  traded  for  thy  wares.  Javan  [Greek 
Ionia],  Tubal,  and  Mesheck  [the  lands  of  the  Black  and  Caspian  seas], 
they  were  thy  traffickers.  ,  .  .  They  of  the  house  of  Togarmah  [Arme- 
nia] traded  for  thy  wares  with  horses  and  mules,  .  .  .  Many  isles  were 
the  mart  of  thy  hands.  They  brought  thee  bones  of  ivory  and  of  ebony." 
Ezekiel  names  also,  among  the  articles  of  exchange,  emeralds,  coral, 
rubies,  wheat,  honey,  oil,  balm,  wine,  wool,  yarn,  spices,  lambs,  and  goats. 

56.  Place  in  History.  —  Tlie  Phoenicians  were  the  first  colo- 
nizers on  the  sea,  —  the  forerunners  of  the  Greeks  and  the  Eng- 
lish. They  fringed  the  larger  islands  and  the  shores  of  the 
Mediterranean  with  trading  stations,  which  became  centers  of 
civilization.  Carthage,  Utica,  Gades  (Cadiz,  on  the  Atlantic), 
were  among  their  colonies  (map  after  page  132).  They  worked 
tin  mines  in  Colchis,  in  Spain,  and  finally  in  Britain,  and  so 
made  possible  the  manufacture  of  bronze  on  a  larger  scale  than 
before,  to  replace  stone  implements.  Probably  they  first  intro- 
duced bronze  into  many  parts  of  Europe. 


74 


THE  PHOENICIANS 


[§57 


Phoenician  articles  are  found  in  great  abundance  in  the  an- 
cient tombs  of  the  Greek  and  Italian  peninsulas  —  the  earliest 
European  homes  of  civilization.  In  a  selfish  but  effective  way, 
the  Phoenicians  became  the  "missionaries" 
to  Europe  of  the  culture  that  Asia  and  Africa 
had  developed.  It  was  their  function^  not  to 
create  civilization,  hut  to  spread  it.  Especially 
did  they  teach  the  Greeks,  who  Avere  to  teach 
the  rest  of  Europe. 

The  chief  export  of  the  Phoenicians,  some 
one  has  said,  was  the  alphabet.  They  were 
only  one  of  several  early  peoples  (as  we  have 
recently  discovered)  to  develop  a  true  alpha- 
bet ;  but  it  is  theirs  which  has  come  down  to 
us  through  the  Greeks  and  Romans.  When 
the  Egyptians  conquered  Syria  about  1500 
B.C.  (§  30),  the  Phoenicians  were  using  the 
cuneiform  script  of  Babylon,  with  its  hundreds 
of  difficult  characters.  It 
was  natural  that,  for  the 
needs  of  their  conmi^erqe. 
they  should  seek  a  simpler 
means  of  communication : 
and  about  1100  b.c,  after  a 
gap  of  some  centuries  in  our 
knowledge  of  their  writing, 
we  find  them  with  a  true  alphabet  of  twenty- 
t^vo  Jitters.  They  seem  to  have  taken  these 
from  the  symbols  for  sounds  among  the  Egyp- 
tian hieroglyphs  (§  22),  though  some  scholars 
think  they  got  them  from  Crete  (§  96). 

57.  Society.  —  The  Phoenicians  in  them- 
selves do  not  interest  us  particularly.  They  spoke  a  Semitic 
tongue  (§  36) ;  but  their  religion  was  revolting,  especially  for 
the  cruel  sacrifice  of  the  firstborn  to  Baal,  the  sun  god,  and  for 
the  licentious  worship  of  Astarte,  the  moon  goddess. 


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Ancient  Latin 

A 

Later  Latin. 

Growth  of  the 

Letter  A. 

^^^] 


§59]  THE   HEBREW^PRY  75 

Several  cities  were  grouped  loosely  about  Sidon  and  Tyre-, 
but  they  never  formed  a  united  state.  Satisfied  with  the  profits 
of  trade,  they  submitted  easily,  as  a  rule,  to  any  powerful 
neighbor  —  Assyria  or  Egypt.  As  tributaries,  they  sent  work- 
men to  construct  the  magnificent  buildings  of  Assyria  or  to 
develop  the  mines  of  Egypt,  and  they  furnished  the  fleets  of 
either  empire  in  turn. 

About  730  B.C.  Tyre  was  reduced  in  power,  by  attacks  from 
Assyria;  but  it  remained  a  great  mercantile  center  until  its 
capture  by  Alexander  the  Great  (332  b.c).  From  this  down- 
fall the  city  never  fully  recovered,  and  fishermen  now  spread 
their  nets  to  dry  in  the  sun  on  the  bare  rock  where  onc^  its 
proud  towers  rose. 

II.     THE   HEBREWS 
Their  Story 

58.  The  Patriarchs.  —  As  the  Phoenicians  were  men  of  the 
sea,  so  the  early  Hebrews  were  men  of  the  desert.  They  ap- 
pear first  as  wandering  shepherds  on  the  edge  of  the  Ara^Mi 
sands.  Abraham,  the  founder  of  the  race,  emigrated  fro^^mJJr 
of  the  Chaldees,"  about  2000  b.c.  He  and  his  desceflrants, 
Isaac  and  Jacob,  lived  and  ruled  as  patriarchal  chiefs,  much 
as  Arab  sheiks  do  in  the  same  regions  to-day.  The  Book  of 
Genesis  tells  their  story  with  a  simple  charm  that  makes  it  the 
best-known  history  in  the  world. 

59.  The  Egyptian  Captivity.  —  Finally,  "  the  famine  was  sore 
in  the  land."  This  famine  seems  to  have  caused  one  of  those 
periodic  invasions  of  Babylonia  by  tribes  of  the  desert,  already 
mentioned.  Jacob  and  his  sons,  however,  with  their  tribesmen 
and  flocks,  sought  refuge  in  the  other  direction,  crossing  into 
Egypt.  Here  they  found  Joseph,  one  of  their  brethren,  al- 
ready high  in  royal  favor.  The  rulers  of  Egypt  at  this  time, 
too,  were  the  Hyksos,  themselves  originally  Arabian  shepherds. 
Accordingly,  the  Hebrews  were  welcomed  cordially,  and  allowed 
to  settle  in  the  fertile  pasturage  of  Goshen,  an  Egyptian  dis- 


76  THE   HEBREWS  [§60 

trict  near  the  Ked  Sea,  where  flitting  Arab  tribes  have  always 
been  wont  to  encamp.  Thus  the  life  of  the  Hebrews  was  at 
first  not  much  changed  by  their  change  of  home.  But  soon  the 
native  Egyptian  rule  was  restored  by  the  Theban  pharaohs, 
"who  knew  not  Joseph."  These  powerful  princes  of  the 
New  Empire  (§  30)  reduced  the  Hebrews  to  slavery  and 
employed  them  on  their  great  public  works,  and  "made 
their  lives  bitter  with  hard  bondage  in  mortar  and  in  brick  and 
in  all  manner  of  service  in  the  field."  Three  centuries  later, 
while  the  Egyptian  government  was  in  a  period  of  weakness 
and  disorder  (§  31),  the  oppressed  people  escaped  to  the  Ara- 
bian desert  again. 

60.  Settlement  in  Palestine.  —  In  their  flight  from  Egypt,  the 
Hebrews  were  guided  by  Moses.  Though  a  Hebrew,  Moses  had 
been  brought  up  as  a  noble,  through  the  favor  of  an  Egyptian 
princess,  and  was  "  learned  in  all  the  wisdom  of  the  Egyptians." 
But  "it  came  to  pass  in  those  days  when  Moses  was  grown, 
that  he  went  out  unto  his  brethren,  ajid  looked  on  their 
burdens^  With  splendid  courage,  he  gave  up  his  pleasant 
life  to  share  their  hard  condition ;  and  he  became  their  leader 
andj^wgiver. 

l^f  a  lifetime,  the  fugitives  wandered  to  and  fro  in  the  desert, 
after  their  ancient  manner;  but  they  were  now  a  numerous* 
people  and  had  become  accustomed  to  fixed  abodes.  About 
1250  B.C.,  under  Joshua^  to  whom  Moses  had  turned  over  the 
leadership,  they  began  to  conquer  the  mountain  valleys  of 
Palestine  for  their  home.  Then  followed  two  centuries  of 
bloody  warfare  with  their  neighbors,  some  of  whom  had  long 
before  taken  on  the  civilization  of  Babylonia.  The  most 
powerful  of  their  enemies  were  the  Philistines,  who  held  the 
coast  between  the  Hebrew  mountain  valleys  and  the  sea.  It 
was  from  these  people,  indeed,  that  Palestine  took  its  name. 

61.  The  Judges.  —  During  this  period  the  Hebrews  remained 
a  loose  alliance  of  twelve  shepherd  tribes.  The  only  central 
authority  was  exercised  by  a  series  of  popular  heroes,  like 
Samson,   Jephthah,    Gideon,   and   Samuel,  known   as   Judges. 


63] 


OUTLINE  OF  THEIR  STORY 


77 


THE  SYRIAN 
DISTRICT 


Much  of  the  time  there  was  great  and  ruinous  disorder,  and 
bands  of  robbers  drove  travelers  from  the  highways.  Finally, 
the  Philistines  for  a  time  overran  the  land  at  will. 

62.  Kings  and 
Prophets.  —  Such 
conditions  made 
the  Hebrews  feel 
the  necessity  of  a 
stronger  govern- 
ment. Saul,  a 
mighty  warrior, 
roused  them  against 
the  Philistine  spoil- 
ers of  the  land,  and 
led  them  to  victory. 
In  return  they  made 
him  their  first  king. 
Alongside  this  mon- 
arch and  his  succes- 
sors, however,  there 
stood  religious 
teachers  with  great 
'authority.  They 
were  no  longer  lead- 
ers in  war,  like  the 
Judges.  Indeed 
these  "prophets" 
had  no  official  posi- 
tion ;  but  they  did 
not  hesitate  to  re- 
buke or  oppose  a 
sovereign. 

63.  David  and  Solomon,  the  second  and  third  kings  (1055-975), 
completely  subdued  the  Philistines  and  various  other  neighbor- 
ing peoples,  and  raised  the  Hebrew  state  to  the  position  of  a 
considerable  empire.     Under  Solomon,  it  included  all  western 


I.L.POATES  EN6.C0., 


78  THE  HEBREWS  [§64 

Syria  except  Phoenicia  and  a  small  district  next  Egypt.  The 
way  for  such  a  Syrian  state  had  just  been  cleared.  The  Hit- 
tites  (§  31)  had  ruined  the  Egyptian  power  in  Syria,  and,  in 
turn,  had  been  shattered  by  Tiglath-Pileser ;  and  then  the 
Assyrian  dominion  had  been  checked  by  new  invasions  from 
the  Arabian  desert. 

David  will  be  remembered  longest,  not  for  his  deeds  as  a 
daring  warrior  nor  even  as  a  wise  organizer  of  an  empire,  but 
rather  as  "the  sweet  singer  of  Israel."  He  was  originally 
a  shepherd  boy,  who  attracted  Saul's  favor  by  his  beauty  and 
his  skill  upon  the  harp ;  and,  in  the  most  troublous  days  of  his 
kingship,  he  sought  rest  and  comfort  in  composing  songs  and 
poems,  which  are  now  included  in  the  sacred  Book  of  Psalms. 
So  great  was  his  repute  in  this  respect,  that  the  later  Hebrews 
attributed  to  him  many  other  hymns  of  which  the  true  authors 
were  unknown. 

David  had  planned  a  noble  temple  at  Jerusalem  for  the 
worship  of  Jehovah  ;  but  the  work  was  actually  carried  out  by 
his  son,  Solomon.  The  Hebrews  had  little  ability  in  archi- 
tecture ;  but  King  Hiram  of  Tyre  sent  skilled  Phoenician 
builders  for  the  work,  and  it  was  completed  with  great 
magnificence.  Through  the  rest  of  their  history  it  remained 
the  chief  pride  and  center  of  interest  for  the  Hebrew  people. 

Until  this  period,  Hebrew  life  had  been  plain  and  simple. 
They  were  still  merely  herdsmen  and  tillers  of  the  soil.  Not 
till  after  the  Babylonian  captivity,  later,  did  they  engage  in 
commerce.  But  Solomon  built  rich  palaces  with  his  foreign 
workmen,  and  copied  within  them  all  the  magnificence  and 
luxury  of  an  Oriental  court.  His  reign  dosed  the  brief  age  of 
political  greatness  for  the  Hebrews. 

64.  Division  and  Decline.  —  The  twelve  tribes  had  not  come 
to  feel  themselves  really  one  nation.  They  had  been  divided 
into  two  groups  in  earlier  times :  ten  tribes  in  one  group ; 
two  in  the  other.  David  had  belonged  to  the  smaller  group, 
and  his  early  kingship  had  extended  over  only  the  two  tribes. 
Jealousies  against  the  rule  of  his  house  had  smoldered  all 


§66]  OUTLINE   OF  THEIR  STORY  79 

along  among  the  ten  tribes.  Now  came  a  final  separation. 
Solomon's  taxes  had  sorely  burdened  the  people.  On  his  death, 
the  ten  tribes  sent  a  petition  to  his  son  for  relief.  The  young 
king  (Rehoboam)  replied  with  haughty  insult :  — 

"  Whereas  my  father  did  lade  you  with  a  heavy  yoke,  I  will  add  to 
your  yoke  :  ray  father  hath  chastised  you  with  whips,  but  I  will  chastise 
you  with  scorpions." 

Then  arose  at  once  a  stern  old  war  cry  of  the  tribes :  — 

"  The  people  answered  the  king,  saying,  '  What  portion  have  we  in 
David  ?  .  .  .     To  your  tents,  0  Israel  /'  " 

Thus  the  ten  tribes  set  up  for  themselves  as  the  Kingdom  of 
Israel,  with  a  capital  at  Samaria.  Only  the  tribes  of  Benjamin 
and  Judah  remained  faithful  to  the  house  of  David.  These 
took  the  name  of  the  Kingdom  of  Judah,  with  the  old  capital, 
Jerusalem. 

65.  The  Captivities. — The  Kingdom  of  Israel  lasted  250 
years,  until  Sargon  carried  the  ten  tribes  into  that  Assyrian 
captivity  in  which  they  are  "lost''  to  history  (§  40).  Judah 
lasted  four  centuries  after  the  separation,  most  of  the  time 
tributary  to  Assyria  or  to  Babylon.  Finally,  in  punishment 
for  rebellion,  Nebuchadnezzar  carried  away  the  people  into 
the  Babylonian  captivity  (§  42). 

66.  Priestly  Rule.  —  This  event  closed  the  separate  politi- 
cal history  of  the  Jews.  The  more  zealous  of  them  were  al- 
lowed to  return  to  Judea  when  the  Persians  conquered  Babylon 
(§§  42,  72).  Thereafter  in  internal  matters  Judea  was  ruled  by 
its  priesthood.  The  most  valuable  part  of  its  religous  life  was 
still  to  come ;  but  from  that  time,  politically,  it  formed  only  a 
subject  province  of  the  Persian,  Greek,  or  Roman  Empire 
(except  for  a  few  glorious  years  under  the  Maccabees ;  §  467). 
A  series  of  stubborn  rebellions  against  Rome  finally  brought  a 
terrible  punishment,  in  the  year  70  a.d.  After  a  notable  siege, 
Jerusalem  was  sacked,  and  the  remnant  of  inhabitants  were 
sold  into  slavery.  They  remain  dispersed  among  all  lands  to 
this  day. 


80 


THE   HEBREWS 


[§67 


Their  Mission 

^^'^  If  the  Greek  was  to  enlighten  the  ico7'ld,  if  the  Boman  was  to  rule  the 
worlds  if  the  Teuton  was  to  he  the  common  disciple  and  emissary  of  both^ 
it  was  from  the  Hebrew  that  all  were  to  learn  the  things  that  belong  to 
another  world.''''  —  Freeman,  Chief  Periods,  66. 

67.  The  Faith  in  One  God.  —  The  Hebrews  added  nothing  to 
material  civilization :  they  did  not  profit  the  world  by  build- 


Jerusalem  To-day,  from  the  southwest,  with  the  road  to  Bethlehem. 


ing  roads,  perfecting  trades,  or  inventing  new  processes  in  in- 
dustry. Nor  did  they  contribute  directly  to  any  art.  Their 
work  was  higher.  Their  religious  literature  was  the  noblest 
the  world  had  seen,  and  has  passed  into  all  the  literatures  of  the 
civilized  world ;  but  even  this  is  valuable  not  so  much  for  its 
literary  merit  as  for  its  moral  teiachings.  The  true  history  of 
the  Hebreius  is  the  record  of  their  sjnritual  growth.  Their  religion 
was  infinitely  purer  and  truer  than  any  other  of  the  ancient 
world ;  and  out  of  it  was  to  grow  the  religion  of  Christianity. 


§68]  MISSION   IN  HISTORY  81 

Among  other  ancient  nations,  individuals  had  risen  at  times 
to  noble  religious  thought;  but  the  Hebrews  first  as  a  whole 
people  felt  strenuously  the  obligation  of  the  moral  law,  and 
first  attained  to  a  pure  worship  of  one  God. 

68.  Growth  of  the  Faith.  —  At  first  this  lofty  faith  belonged 
to  only  a  few  —  to  the  patriarchs  and  later  to  the  prophets,  with 
a  small  following  of  the  more  spiritually  minded  of  the  nation. 
For  a  thousand  years  the  common  people,  and  even  some  of 
the  kings,  were  constantly  tending  to  fall  away  into  the  super- 
stitions of  their  Syrian  neighbors.  But  it  is  the  supreme  merit 
of  the  Hebrews  that  a  remnant  always  clung  to  the  higher 
religion,  until  it  became  the  universal  faith  of  a  whole  people. 

No  doubt  the  Babylonian  captivity  helped  make  this  faith 
universal.  The  few  devoted  men  and  women  who  found  their 
way  back  to  Judea  through  so  many  hardships  were  indeed  a 
"  chosen  "  and  sifted  people.  Among  them  there  was  no  more 
tendency  to  idolatry.  The  faith  of  the  patriarchs  and  proph- 
ets became  the  soul  of  a  nation,  —  as  a  later  and  higher  devel- 
opment of  that  faith  was  to  become  the  soul  of  our  whole 
civilization. 

This,  then,  was  the  mission  of  the  Hebrews.  As  Renan  well 
says  {History  of  Israel,  I,  22)  :  "  What  Greece  was  to  be  as  re- 
gards intellectual  culture,  and  Rome  as  regards  politics,  these 
nomad  Semites  were  as  regards  religion  J'  The  Jews,  therefore, 
are  sometimes  counted  a  fourth  influence,  with  Greeks,  Ro- 
mans, and  Teutons,  in  making  our  world  (§  4).  But,  after  all, 
Judaism  was  an  exclusive  religion.  It  did  not  make  converts 
among  other  people ;  and  did  not  directly  affect  the  great  world 
outside  Judea.  The  rise  and  spread  of  Christianity  belong,  not 
solely  to  Jewish  influence,  but  rather  to  the  history  of  the  later 
Roman  world. 

Exercise.  —  1.  Locate  on  the  map  four  centers  of  civilization  for 
1500  B.C. ;  and  note  when  thtey  would  naturally  come  into  touch  with  one 
another.  (One  more  center  for  this  same  age  —  Crete  —  is  yet  to  be 
treated,  §§  93-97.)  2.  What  new  center  of  civilization  appeared  between 
1500  and  1000  b.c.  ? 


CHAPTER   V 
THE  PERSIAN  EMPIRE 

69.  The  Map  grows.  — » So  far,  we  have  had  to  do  only  with 
the  first  homes  of  civilization  —  the  Nile  and  Euphrates  valleys 
—  and  with  the  middle  land,  Syria.  Assyria  did  reach  out 
somewhat,  east  and  west  (see  map,  page  55) ;  but  her  new 
regions  had  no  special  importance  in  her  day,  and  made  no 
contributions  to  civilized  life.  But  shortly  before  the  over- 
throw of  Babylon,  two  new  centers  of  power  appeared,  one  on 
either  side  of  the  older  field.     These  were  Persia  and  Lydia. 

70.  Expansion  on  the  West.  —  Lydia  was  a  kingdom  in  west- 
ern Asia  Minor.  Somewhat  before  550  b.c.  its  sovereign, 
Croesus,  united  all  Asia  Minor  west  of  the  Halys  River  under 
his  sway.  This  made  the  Lydian  Empire  for  a  time  one  of 
the  great -world-powers  (see  map  following).  The  region  was 
rich,  especially  in  metals ;  and  the  wealth  of  the  monarch  so 
impressed  the  Greeks  that  "  rich  as  Croesus  '^  became  a  by- 
word. ^  Croesus  counted  among  his  subjects  the  Greek  cities 
that  fringed  the  western  coast  of  Asia  Minor.  We  have  noticed 
that,  shortly  before,  Greeks  had  been  brought  into  close  touch 
with  Egypt.  Froin  this  time,  history  has  to  do  with  Europe  as 
well  as  with  Asia  and  Egypt;  and  soon  that  new  field  was  to 
become  the  center  of  interest. 

Lydia's  own  gift  to  the  world  was  the  invention  of  coinage. 
As  early  as  650  b.c,  a  Lydian  king  stamped  upon  pieces  of 
silver  a  statement  of  their  weight  and  purity,  with  his  name 
and  picture  as  guarantee  of  the  truth  of  the  statement.  Until 
this  time,  little  advance  had  been  made  over  the  old  Egyptian 
method  of  trade,  except  that  the  use  of  silver  rings  and  bars 
had  become  more  common.     The  Babylonians,  along  with  theii 

82 


§72]  RISE  AND   GROWTH  83 

other  weights  and  measures,  had  taught  the  world  to  count 
riches  in  shekels,  —  a  certain  weight  of  silver,  —  but  there  were 
no  coined  shekels.  The  ring  and  bar  "  moiiey "  had  to  be 
weighed  each  time  it  passed  from  hand  to  hand ;  and  even  then 
there  was  little  security  against  cheaper  metals  being  mixed 
with  the  silver.^  The  true  money  of  Lydia  could  be  received 
anywhere  at  once  at  a  fixed  rate.  This  made  all  forms  of 
trade  and  commerce  vastly  easier.  Other  states  began  to 
adopt  systems  of  coinage  of  their  own.  Ever  since,  the  coinage 
of  money  has  been  one  of  the  important  duties  of  governments. 

We  must  not  suppose,  however,  that  the  old  sort  of  "  barter  "  vanished 
at  once.  It  remained  the  common  method  of  exchange  in  all  but  the 
great  markets  of  the  world  for  centuries ;  and  in  new  countries  it  has 
appeared,  in  the  lack  of  coined  money,  in  very  modern  times.  In  our 
early  New  England  colonies  there  were  times  when  people  paid  taxes  and 
debts  "in  kind,"  much  after  the  old  Egyptian  fashion.  One  student  at 
Harvard  college,  who  afterward  became  its  president,  is  recorded  as  paying 
his  tuition  with  "  an  old  cow." 

71.  Expansion  in  the  East.  —  On  the  farther  side  of  the 
Euphrates  and  Tigris  lay  the  lofty  and  somewhat  arid  Plateau 
of  Iran.  This  was  the  home  of  the  Mecles  and  Persians.  These 
peoples  appeared  first  about  850  b.c,  as  fierce  barbarians, 
whom  Assyria  found  it  needful  to  subdue  repeatedly.  Grad- 
ually they  adopted  the  civilization  of  their  neighbors;  then, 
about  625  b.c,  a  chieftain  of  the  Medes  united  the  western 
tribes  of  the  plateau  into  a  firm  monarchy ;  and  in  606,  as  we 
have  seen,  this  new  power  conquered  Assyria. 

We  are  now  ready  to  take  up  again  the  story  of  the  growth  of  the 
great  Oriental  empires,  where  we  left  it  at  the  close  of  Chapter  III. 
Chapter  IV,  dealing  with  the  small  Syrian  states,  was  a  necessary  inter- 
ruption to  that  story. 

72.  Rise  of  the  Persian  Empire.  —  The  destruction  of  Assyrian 
rule,  which  we  noted  toward  the  close  of  §  41,  took  place  some 

1  In  all  this  ancient  period,  silver  was  more  valuable  than  gold,  and  so  was 
taken  for  the  standard  of  value. 


84  THE  PERSIAN  EMPIRE  [§72 

years  before  600  b.c.  Then  the  civilized  world  was  divided, 
for  three  generations,^  between  four  great  powers,  — Babylon, 
Egypt,  Lydia,  and  Media.  Most  of  that  time,  these  kingdoms 
were  bound  together  in  a  friendly  alliance ;  and  the  civilized 
world  had  a  rare  rest  from  internal  war.  Media,  it  is  true, 
busied  herself  in  extending  her  dominions  by  war  with  barbar- 
ous tribes  on  the  east.  By  such  means  she  added  to  her  terri- 
tory all  the  Plateau  of  Iran  and  the  northern  portion  of  the  old 
Assyrian  Empire.  This  made  her  far  the  largest  of  the  four 
states.  But  in  558  b.c,  Cyrus,  a  tributary  prince  of  the  Persian 
tribes,  threw  off  the  yoke  of  the  Medes  and  set  up  an  inde- 
pendent Persian  monarchy .^ 

Then  Persia  quickly  became  the  largest  and  rnost  powerful 
empire  the  world  had  known.  The  war  with  Media  resulted 
in  the  rapid  conquest  of  that  state.  This  victory  led  Cyrus 
into  war  with  Lydia  and  Babylon,  which  were  allies  of  Media. 
Again  he  was  overwhelmingly  victorious.  He  conquered 
Croesus  of  Lydia  and  seized  upon  all  Asia  Minor.  Then  he 
captured  Babylon,  and  so  was  left  without  a  rival  in  the 
Euphrates  and  Syrian  districts.  A  few  years  later  his  son 
subdued  Egypt.  Thus  the  new  empire  included  all  the  former 
empires,  together  with  the  new  districts  of  Iran  and,  Asia  Minor. 

With  the  Greeks  Persia  came  into  conflict,  about  thirty  years  after 
the  death  of  Cyrus.  The  story  belongs  to  European  history  (§§  158  ff.). 
It  is  enough  here  to  note  that  the  Persians  were  finally  defeated.  Their 
empire  lasted,  however,  a  century  and  a  half  more,  until  Alexander  the 
Great  conquered  it  and  united  it  with  the  Greek  world  (§§  276  ff.). 

1  It  is  time  for  the  student  to  have  a  definite  imderstanding  of  this  term, 
which  is  used  constantly  in  measuring  time.  A  generation  means  the  aver- 
age interval  that  separates  a  father  from  his  son.  This  corresponds  in  length, 
also,  in  a  rough  way,  to  the  active  years  of  adult  life,  — the  period. between 
early  manhood  and  old  age.    It  is  reckoned  at  twenty-Jive  or  thirty  years. 

2  This  prince  is  known  in  history  as  Cyrus  the  Great.  He  is  the  earliest 
sovereign  whose  name  we  distinguish  in  that  way.  A  student  may  well  make 
a  special  rfsport  to  the  class  upon  the  stories  connected  with  his  life.  Any 
large  history  of  ancient  times  gives  some  of  these  stories  ;  and  they  may  be 
found,  in  the  original  form  in  which  they  have  come  down  to  us,  in  a  transla- 
tion of  Herodotus.    See  also  Davis'  Readings,  Vol.  I,  Nos.  26  and  26. 


§74]  RISE  AND   GROWTH  85 

'  73.  Extent  of  the  Empire.  —  The  field  of  history  now  widened 
again.  The  next  three  Persian  kings  (after  Cyrus  and  his 
son)  added  vast  districts  to  the  empire  :  on  the  east,  modern 
Afghanistan  and  northwestern  India,  with  wide  regions  to  the 
northeast  beyond  the  Caspian  Sea ;  and  on  the  west,  the  Euro- 
pean coast  from  the  Black  Sea  to  the  Greek  peninsula  and 
the  islands  of  the  ^gean. 

This  huge  empire  contained  about  seventy-five  million  people. 
Its  only   civilized  neighbors  were   India   and   Greece.     Else- 


Impression  from  Persian  Cylinder  Seal. 

where,  indeed,  it  was  bounded  by  seas  and  deserts.  The 
eastern  and  western  frontiers  were  farther  apart  than  Wash- 
ington and  San  Francisco.  The  territory  included  some  two 
million  square  miles.  It  was  four  times  as  large  as  the  Assyr- 
ian Empire,  and  equaled  more  than  half  modern  Europe. 

74.  Industry  and  Art.  —  Originally,  the  Persians  were  lowly 
shepherds.  Later,  they  were  soldiers  and  rulers.  After  their 
sudden  conquests,  the  small  population  had  to  furnish  garri- 
sons for  all  the  chief  cities  of  the  empire,  while  the  nobles 
were  busied  as  officers  in  the  vast  organization  of  the  govern- 
ment. Accordingly,  Persian  art  and  literature  were  wholly 
borrowed,  —  mainly  from  Babylonia.     The  cuneiform  writing 


86  THE  PERSIAN  EMPIRE  [§75 

.  was  adopted  from  that  land;  a»d  even  the  noble  palaces^ 
which  have  been  rediscovered  at  iPersepolis,  were  only  copies 
of  Assyrian  palaces,  built  in  stone  instead  of  in  clay.  Persians 
sennces  to  the  world  were  four :  the  immense  expansion  of  the 
map  already  discussed;  the  repulse  of  Scythian  savages  (§  75)  ;  a 
better  organization  of  government  (§§  76,  77);  and  the  lofty  char- 
acter of  her  religion  {^1^)} 

75.  Persia  and  the  Scythians. — About  630  b.c,  shortly  be- 
fore the  downfall  of  Nineveh,  the  frozen  steppes  of  the  North 
had  poured  hordes  of  savages  into  western  Asia  (§  40).  By 
the  Greeks  these  nomads  were  called  Scythians,  and  their  in- 
roads were  like  those  of  the  Huns,  Turks,  and  Tartars,  in  later 
history.  They  plundered  as  far  as  Egypt;  and  they  were  a 
real  danger  to  all  the  culture  the  world  had  been  building  up 
so  painfully  for  four  thousand  years.  Assyria  and  Lydia  both 
proved  helpless  to  hold  them  back ;  but  the  Medes  and  Persians 
saved  civilization.  The  Medes  drove  the  ruthless  ravagers 
back  to  their  own  deserts ;  and  the  early  Persian  kings  made 
repeated  expeditions  into  the  Scythian  country.  By  these 
means  the  barbarians  were  awed,  and  for  centuries  the  danger 
of  their  attacks  was  averted. 

Darius,  the  greatest  of  the  successors  of  Cyrus,  seems  to 
have  justified  his  conquests  on  the  ground  of  this  service  to 
civilization.  In  a  famous  inscription  enumerating  his  con- 
quests, he  says  :  "  Ahura-Mazda  [the  God  of  Light]  delivered 
unto  me  these  countries  when  he  saw  them  in  uproar.  .  .  . 
By  the  grace  of  Ahura-Mazda  I  have  brought  them  to  order 
again." 

The  lengthy  inscription  from  which  this  passage  is  taken  is  cut  into 
a  rock  cliff,  300  feet  from  the  base,  in  three  parallel  columns,  in  different 
languages,  —  Persian,  Babylonian,  and  Tartar.  It  served  as  the  "  Rosetta 
Stone"  of  the  cuneiform  writing  (J>^>  Enough  of  the  Persian  was 
known  so  that  from  it  scholars  learned  how  to  read  the  Babylonian. 
Davis'  Readings,  Vol.  I,  No.  27,  gives  a  large  part  of  this  inscription, 

^  1  Observe  that  three  of  the  four  were  connected  with  political  history,  —  as 

we  might  expect  with  a  people  like  the  Persians. 


§76] 


ORGANIZATION 


87 


which  is  one  of  the  most  important  documents  of  early  history,  throw- 
ing much  light  upon  Persian  life  and  ideals. 


76.  The  Imperial  Government.  —  The  empires  which  came 
before  the  Assyrian  had  very  simple  machinery  for  their 
government.  The  tribu- 
tary states  kept  their  old 
kings  and  their  separate 
languages,  religions,  laws, 
and  customs.  Two  sub- 
ject kingdoms  might  even 
make  war  upon  each  other, 
without  interference  from 
the  head  king.  Indeed, 
the  different  kingdoms 
within  an  empire  re- 
mained almost  as  separate 
as  before  they  became 
parts  of  the  conquering 
state,  except  in  three  re- 
spects: they  had  to  pay 
tribute ;  they  had  to  assist 
in  war;  and  their  kings 
were  expected,  from  time 
to  time,  to  attend  the  court 
of  the  imperial  master.^ 

Plainly,  such  an  empire 
would  fall  to  pieces  easily. 

If  any  disaster  happened  Persian  Queen:  fragment  of  a  bronze 
,      ,-,  T  ,    ,  .„  Statue.    The  dress  seems  very "  modern." 

to  the  ruling  state,  —  if  a 

foreign  invasion  or  the  unexpected  death  of  a  sovereign  oc- 
curred,—  the  whole  fabric  might  be  shattered  at  a  moment. 
Each  of  the  original   kingdoms   would  become   independent 


iThe  brief  empire  of  the  Jews,  for  instance,  had  been  of  this  nature. 
Solomon,  the  Book  of  Kings  tells  us,  "reigned  over  all  the  kingdoms  .  .  . 
unto  the  border  of  Egypt;  they  brought  presents  and  served  Solomon." 


88  THE  PERSIAN  EMPIRE  [§76 

again ;  and  then  would  follow  years  of  bloody  war,  until  some 
king  built  up  the  empire  once  more.  Peace  and  security  could 
not  exist  under  such  a  system. 

Assyria,  it  is  true,  had  begun  to  reform  this  system.  The 
great  Assyrian  rulers  of  the  eighth  century  were  not  simply 
conquerors.  They  were  also  organizers.  They  left  the  subject 
peoples  their  own  laws  and  customs,  as  before ;  but  they  broke 
up  some  of  the  old  kingdoms  into  satrapies,  or  provinces,  ruled 
by  appointed  officers  (§  40). 

The  system,  however,  was  still  unsatisfactory.  In  theory 
the  satixq^s  were  wholly  dependent  upon  the  will  of  the  im- 
perial king;  but  in  practice 'they  were  very  nearly  kings 
themselves,  and  they  were  under  constant  temptation  to  try 
to  become  independent  rulers,  by  rebellion. 

This  was  the  plan  of  imperial  government  as  the  Persians 
found  it.  They  adopted  and  extended  the  system  of  satraps ; 
and  Darius,  the  fourth  Persian  king  (521-485  b.c),  introduced 
three  checks  upon  rebellion.  In  each  of  the  twenty  provinces, 
power  was  divided  between  the  satrap  himself  and  the  com- 
mander of  the  standing  army.  In  each  province  was  placed 
a  royal  secretary  (the  "  King's  Ear ")  to  communicate  con- 
stantly with  the  Great  King.  And,  most  important  of  all, 
a  special  royal  commissioner  (the  "  King's  Eye  "),  backed  with 
military  forces,  appeared  at  intervals  in  each  satrapy  to  in- 
quire into  the  government,  and,  if  necessary,  to  arrest  the 
satrap. 

Darius  is  well  called  "^/ie  Organizer."  Political  organiza- 
tion advanced  no  farther  until  Roman  times.  Not  much  had 
been  done  to  promote  a  spirit  of  unity  among  the  diverse 
peoples  of  the  empire.  Each  still  kept  its  separate  language 
and  customs.  Still,  for  the  age,  the  organization  of  Darius 
was  a  marvelous  work.  It  was  the  most  satisfactory  ever  • 
devised  by  Orientals ;  and  indeed  it  was  nearer  to  the  later 
Roman  imperial  government  than  to  the  older  and  looser 
Asiatic  system  of  kingdom-empires.  The  modern  Turkish 
empire,  in  its  best  days,  has  used  this  system. 


§  77]  ORGANIZATION  89 

77.  Post  Roads. — The  Persians,  too,  were  more  thoughtful 
of  the  welfare  of  their  subjects  than  the  Assyrians  had  been. 
To  draw  the  distant  parts  of  the  empire  closer,  Darius  built 
a  magnificent  system  of  post  roads,  with  milestones  and  ex- 
cellent inns,  with  ferries  and  bridges,  and  with  relays  of 
horses  for  the  royal  couriers.  The  chief  road,  from  Susa  to 
Sardis  (map,  after  page  84),  was  over  fifteen   hundred  miles 


Persian  Bronze  Lion,  at  Susa. 

long;  and  it  is  said  that  dispatches  were  sometimes  carried 
its  whole  length  in  six  days,  although  ordinary  travel  required 
three  months.  Benjamin  Ide  Wheeler  writes  of  this  great 
highway  {Alexander  the  Great,  196-197)  :  — 

"  All  the  diverse  life  of  the  countries  it  traversed  was  drawn  into 
its  paths.  Carians  and  Cilicians,  Phrygians  and  Cappadocians,  staid 
Lydians,  sociable  Greeks,  crafty  Armenians,  rude  traders  from  the 
Euxine  shores,  nabobs  of  Babylon,  Medes  and  Persians,  galloping 
couriers  mounted  on  their  Bokhara  ponies  or  fine  Arab  steeds,  envoys 
with  train  and  state,  peasants  driving  their  donkeys  laden  with  skins  of 
oil  or  wine  or  sacks  of  grain,  stately  caravans  bearing  the  wares  and 
fabrics  of  the  south  to  exchange  for  the  metals,  slaves,  and  grain  of  the 
north,  travelers  and  traders  seeking  to  know  and  exploit  the  world,  —  all 


90  THE  PERSIAN  EMPIRE  [§78 

were  there,  and  all  were  safe  under  the  protection  of  an  empire  the  road- 
way of  which  pierced  the  strata  of  many  tribes  and  many  cultures,  and 
helped  set  the  world  a-mixing.''^ 

78.  Religion  and  Morals. — While  they  were  still  barbarous 
tribes,  the  early  Persians  had  learned  to  worship  the  forces  of 
nature,  —  especially  sun,  moon,  stars,  and  fire.  This  worship 
was  in  the  hands  of  priests,  called  Magi,  who  were  believed  to 
possess  what  we  call  magic  powers  over  nature  and  other  men. 

Even  this  early  religion  had  few  of  the  lower  features  that 
we  have  noted  in  the  worship  of  the  Egyptians  and  Babylo- 
nians. But  the  Persians  of  the  historic  age  had  risen  to  a  far 
nobler  worship.  This  is  set  forth  in  the  Zend-Avesta  (the 
Persian  Bible),  and  it  had  been  established  about  1000  b.c.^ 
by  Zoroaster.  According  to  this  great  teacher,  the  world  was 
a  stage  for  unceasing  conflict  between  the  powers  of  Light  and 
Darkness,  or  Good  and  Evil.  It  was  man's  duty  to  assist  the 
good  power  by  resisting  evil  impulses  in  his  own  heart  and  by 
fightfng  injustice  among  men.  It  was  also  his  place  to  kill 
harmful  beasts,  to  care  tenderly  for  other  animals,  and  to  make 
the  earth  fruitful. 

The  superstitions  of  Magism  continued  to  crop  out  among  the 
masses  of  the  people ;  and  the  earlier  nature  worship  survived, 
too,  in  the  belief  in  a  multitude  of  angels,  good  and  bad ;  but 
idolatry  was  not  permitted,  and  this  Zoroastrian  faith  was  by 
far  the  purest  of  the  ancient  world,  except  that  of  the  Hebrews. 
When  the  Persians  became  supreme,  they  showed  marked  favor 
to  the  Hebrews.  Cyrus  permitted  them  to  return  from  the 
Babylonian  captivity  (§  66),  and  even  helped  them  to  rebuild 
the  Temple.  These  friendly  relations  were  due  in  part,  no 
doubt,  to  similarity  in  religious  thought. 

The  following  passage  from  the  Zend-Avesta  shows  the 
Persian  idea  of  the  future  life. 

At  the  head  of  the  Chinvat  Bridge,  betwixt  this  world  and  the  next, 
when  the  soul  goes  over  it,  there  comes  a  fair,  white-armed  and  beautiful 

1  This  date  is  uncertain.    Some  scholars  put  Zoroaster  as  late  as  600  b.c. 


§78]  RELIGION  AND  MORALS  91 

figure,  like  a  maid  in  her  fifteenth  year,  as  fair  as  the  fairest  things  in  the 
world.  And  the  soul  of  the  true  believer  speaks  to  her,  "  What  maid 
art  thou,  —  all  surpassing  in  thy  beauty  ?  "  And  she  makes  answer,  "  O 
youth  of  good  thought,  good  words,  good  deeds,  and  of  good  religion  :  — 
I  am  thine  own  conscience.'''' 

Then  pass  the  souls  of  the  righteous  to  the  golden  seat  of  Ahura-Mazda, 
of  the  Archangels,  to  .  .  .   "  The  Abode  of  Song. " 

Another  passage  tells  how  the  souls  of  the  wicked  are  met  by 
a  foul  hag  and  are  plunged  into  a  hideous  pit,  to  suffer  endless 
torment.^ 

The  cardinal  virtue  was  truthfulness.  Darius'  instructions 
to  his  successor  began :  "  Keep  thyself  utterly  from  lies. 
The  man  who  may  be  a  liar,  him  destroy  utterly.  If  thou  do 
thus,  my  country  will  remain  whole."  A  century  later,  the 
Greek  Herodotus  admired  the  manly  sports  of  the  Persians 
and  the  simple  training  of  their  boys,  —  to  ride,  to  shoot  with 
the  bow,  and  to  speak  the  truth." 

Conquest  and  dominion  corrupted  in  some  measure  their 
early  simplicity  ;  but  to  the  last,  the  Persians  fought  gallantly, 
and  the  Greeks  conquered  in  battle  because  of  improved  weap- 
ons and  better  generalship,  not  from  superior  bravery. 


For  Further  Reading. —  There  is  an  admirable  twenty-page  treatment 
of  the  Persian  Empire  in  Benjamin  Ide  Wheeler's  Alexander  the  Great 
(pp.  187-207),  —  a  book  which  for  other  reasons  deserves  a  place  in  every 
school  library. 
J}\  Exercise.  —  Would  you  have  expected  the  Persians  to  adopt  the 
Egyptian  hieroglyphs  or  the  cuneiform  writing  ?  Why  ?  In  what  ways 
was  the  organization  of  the  Persian  empire  an  improvement  upon  that  of 
the  Assyrian  ?  In  what  way  did  Assyrian  organization  improve  upon 
Egyptian  ?  * 

1  Davis'  Readings,  Vol.  I,  Nos.  27  (later  portion),  28,  29,  30,  31,  contain 
much  interesting  material  upon  Persian  religion  and  morals. 


CHAPTER   VI 


A  SUMMARY  OF  ORIENTAL  CIVILIZATION 

A  compact  summary,  like  the  following,  is  best  suited  for 
reading  in  class,  with  comment  or  questions. 

79.   The  Bright  Side.  —  Seven   thousand   years   ago,  in  the 
valleys  of  the  Nile  and  Euphrates,  men  developed  a  remarkable 

civilization.    They  in- 
vented excellent  tools 


\ 


of  bronze  (and  later 
of  iron),  and  practised 
many  arts  and  crafts- 
with  a  skill  of  hand 
that  has  never  been 
surpassed.     They 
built  great  cities,  with  ^ 
pleasant  homes  for 
the  wealthy,  and  with 
splendid   palaces   for 
their   princes.     They 
learned  how  to  record  0. 
their,  thoughts  and 
doings  and  inventions 
in  writing,  for  one  an- 
other and  for  their  descendants.     They  built  roads  and  canals ;    JL 
and  with  ships  and  caravans,  they  sought  out  the  treasures  of 
distant  regions,  while  the  wealth,  so  heaped  up,  was  spent  by 
their  rulers  with  gorgeous  pomp  and  splendor.     They  found 
out  part  of  the  value  of  government  (to  hold  together  a  large 
society  of  men),  and  the  need  of  human  law,  to  regulate  their 
relations  with  one  another.     Their  thinkers,  too,  found  in  their 
own  consciences  some  of  the  highest  moral  truths,  and  taught  i 
the  duty  of  truthfulness,  justice,  and  mercy. 

92 


Persian  Jewelry. 


§81]  BRIGHT  AND  DARK  SIDES  93 

War  and  trade  carried  this  culture  slowly  around  the  eastern 
coasts  of  the  Mediterranean ;  and  before  1000  b.c.  Phoenician 
traders  had  scattered  its  seeds  more  widely  in  many  regions. 
Five  hundred  years  later,  Persia  saved  the  slow,  gains  of  the 
ages  froin  barbarian  ravagers,  and  united  and  organized  all  the 
civilized  East  under  an  effective  system  of  government. 

80.  The  Dark  Side.  —  This  Oriental  culture,  however,  was 
marred  by  serious  faults. 

^  Its  benefits  were  for  a  few  only. 
''l    Government  was  despotic.     The  people  worshiped  the  mon- 
arch with  slavish  submission.     'S^       ■ 

Art  was  unnatural.  Sculpture  mingled  the  monstrous  and 
grotesque  with  the  human ;  and  architecture  sought  to  rouse 
admiration  by  colossal  size,  rather  than  by  beauty  and  true 
proportion.  Most  literature  was  pompous  and  stilted,  or  de- 
faced by  extravagant  fancies,  —  like  the  story  of  a  king  who 
lived  many  thousand  years  before  his  first  gray  hair  appeared. 

Learning  Was  allied  to  absurd,  and  evil  superstition.  Men's 
minds  were  enslaved  by  tradition  and  custom;  and  progress 
was  hampered  by  fear  of  the  mysterious  in  nature. 

Most  religions  (along  with  better  features)  fostered  lust  and 
cruelty.  Toward  the  close  of  the  period,  it  is  true,  there  had 
grown  up  among  the  Hebrews  a  pure  worship,  whose^  truth 
and  grandeur  were  to  influence  profoundly  the  later  world. 
But,  for  centuries  more,  this  religion  was  the  possession  of 
only  one  small  people.  Nor  did  the  lofty  religious  ideas  of 
the  Persians  much  affect  any  other  people  of  the  ancient  world. 
These  were  not  missionary  religions. 

;;  There  was  little  variety  in  the  different  civilizations  of  the 
Orient.  They  differed  in  certain  minor  ways,  but  not  as  the 
later  European  nations  did.  Thus  they  lacked  a  tvholesome 
rivalry  to  stimulate  them  to  continued  progress.  Each  civiliza- 
tion reached  its  best  stage  early,  and  then  hardened  into  set 
customs. 

81.  The  Question  of  Further  Progress.  —  Whether  the  Orien- 
tal world  would  have  made  further  progress,  if  left  to  itself,  we 


94  ORIENTAL  CIVILIZATIONS  [§81 

cannot  know  surely.  It  seems  not  likely.  China  and  India, 
we  know,  made  similar  beginnings,  but  became  stationary, 
and  have  remained  so  for  centuries  since.  In  like  fashion, 
the  Oriental  civilizations  which  we  have  been  studying  appear 
to  have  been  growing  stagnant.  Twice  as  long  a  period  had 
already  elapsed  since  their  beginning,  as  has  sufficed  for  all  our 
Western  growth.  Very  probably,  they  would  have  crystallized, 
with  all  their  faults,  had  not  new  actors  appeared.  To  these 
new  actors  and  their  new  stage  we  now  turn. 


Suggestions  for  Review 


Let  the  class  prepare  review  questions,  each  member  five  or  ten,  to  ask 
of  the  others.  Criticize  the  questions,  showing  which  ones  help  to  bring  out 
important  facts  and  contrasts  and  likenesses,  and  which  are  merely  trivial 
or  curious.  The  author  of  this  volume  does  not  think  it  worth  while  to 
hold  students  responsible  for  dates  in  Part  I,  unless,  perhaps,  for  a  few 
of  the  later  ones.  The  table  in  §  158  below  may  be  used  for  cross  refer- 
ence and  reviews.  It  is  well  to  make  lists  of  important  names  or  terms 
for  rapid  drill,  demanding  brief  but  clear  explanation  of  each  term,  i.e., 
cuneiform,  shekel,  Hyksos,  papyrus.  Read  over  the  "theme  sentences," 
in  quotation,  at  the  top  of  Chapters  or  Divisions  (on  pages  1,  11,  15,  80), 
and  see  whether  the  class  feel,  in  part  at  least,  their  applications. 

Sample  Questions:  (1)  Why  is  Chaldea  (whose  civilization  has  been 
overthrown)  better  worth  our  study  than  China  (where  an  ancient  civili- 
zation still  exists)?  (2)  In  what  did  the  Egyptians  excel  the  Babylo- 
nians ?  (3)  In  what  did  the  Babylonians  excel  the  Egyptians  ?  (4)  In 
what  did  the  Persians  excel  both  ?  (5)  Trace  the  growth  of  the  map  for 
civilized  countries.  (6)  Name  four  contributions  to  civilization,  not 
mentioned  in  §  79,  but  important  enough  to  deserve  a  place  there  if  space 
permitted. 

Caution:  Make  sure  that  the  terms  "empire,"  "state,"  "tributary 
state,"  "civilization,"  have  a  definite  meaning  for  the  student..  (See 
preceding  text  or  footnotes.) 

It  does  not  seem  to  the  author  advisable  to  recommend  young  high 
school  students  to  read  widely  upon  the  Oriental  peoples  in  connection 
with  the  first  year  in  history.  The  material  in  Davis'  Readings  is  ad- 
mirable for  all  classes.  And  a  few  select  titles  for  the  school  library  are 
given  in  the  appendix,  from  which  the  tea#ier  may  make  assignments  if 
it  seems  best. 


-Apollonia 


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PART   II 

THE  GREEKS 

Greece  —  that  point  of  light  in  history  !  —  Hegel. 

We  are  all  Greeks.  Our  laws,  our  literature,  our  religion,  our  art, 
have  their  roots  in  Greece.  —  Shelley. 

Except  the  blind  forces  of  nature,  there  is  nothing  that  MOVES  in  the 
world  to-day  that  is  not  GreeTc  in  origin.  —  Henry  Sumner  Maine. 

STUDY   OF  THE   MAPS  AFTER  PAGES   94  AND  98 

Note  the  three  great  divisions :  Northern  Greece  (Epirus  and  Thes^ 
saly);  Central  Greece  (a  group  of  eleven  districts,  to  the  isthmus  of 
Corinth)  ;  and  the  Peloponnesus  (the  southern  peninsula).  Name  the 
districts  from  Phocis  south,  and  the  chief  cities  in  each,  as  shown  on  the 
map.  Which  districts  have  no  coast  ?  Locate  Delphi,  Thermopylae, 
Tempe,  Parnassus,  Olympus,  Olympia,  Salamis,  Ithaca,  eight  islands, 
three  cities  on  the  Asiatic  side.  Draw  the  map  with  the  amount  of  detail 
just  indicated.  Examine  the  map  frequently  in  preparing  the  next  lesson. 
{The  index  tells  on  what  map  each  geographical  name  used  in  the  book  can 
be  found,  —  except  in  a  few  cases,  like  Pacific  Ocean.) 


CHAPTER   VII 
INFLUENCE  OF  GEOGRAPHY 

82.  Europe  contrasted  with  Asia.  —  Asia  and  Egypt  had  de- 
veloped the. earliest  civilizations.  But,  for  at  least  half  of 
their  four  thousand  years,  another  culture  had  been  rising 
slowly  along  the  coasts  and  islands  of  southern  Europe.  This 
European  civilization  began  independently  of  the  older  ones.  It 
drew  from  them  in  many  ways  (as  we  shall  see  more  clearly  a 
little  farther  on)  ;  but  it  always  kept  a  distinct  character  of 

95 


96  THE   GREEKS  [§83 

its  own.  The  difference  was  due,  in  part  at  least,  to  differences 
in  physical  geography.  Four  features  of  European  geography 
were  specially  important :  — 

Europe  is  a  peninsula.     The  sea  is  easy  of  access} 

Europe  has  a  more  temperate  climate  than  the  semitropical 
river  valleys  of  Asia ;  and  food  crops  demand  more  cultivation. 
These  conditions  called  for  greater  exertion  upon  the  part  of 
man.  Moreover,  the  natural  products  of  Europe  were  more 
yaried  than  those  of  Asia.  This  led  to  greater  variety  in  human 
occupations.  The  beginnings  of  civilization  were  slower  in 
Europe;  but  man  was  finally  to  count  for  more  there  than  in 
Asia. 

In  contrast  with  the  vast  Asiatic  plains  and  valleys,  Europe 
is  broken  into  many  stnall  districts,  fit  to  become  the  homes  of 
distinct  peoples.  Thus  many  separate  civilizations  grew  up  in 
touch  with  one  another.  Their  natural  boundaries  kept  one 
from  absorbing  the  others.  So  they  remained  mutually  help- 
ful by  their  rivalry  and  intercourse. 

Europe  could  not  easily  he  conquered  by  the  Asiatic  empires. 
This  consideration  was  highly  important.  Some  districts  of 
Asia,  such  as  western  Syria  and  parts  of  Asia  Minor,  had  a 
physical  character  like  that  of  Europe.  Accordingly,  in  these 
places,  civilizations  had  begun,  with  a  character  like  that  of 
later  European  peoples.  But  these  states  were  reached  easily 
by  the  forces  of  the  earlier  and  mightier  river-empires ;  and  in 
the  end  the  "Asiatic  character"  was  always  imposed  upon 
them.  Europe  was  saved,  partly  by  its  remoteness,  but  more 
by  the  Mediterranean. 

83.  The  Mediterranean  has  been  a  mighty  factor  in  European 
history.  Indeed,  through  all  ancient  history,  European  civili- 
zation was  merely  "Mediterranean  civilization."  It  never 
ventured  far  from  the  coasts  of  that  sea.  The  Mediterranean 
was  the  great  highway  for  friendly  intercourse,  and  the  great 

1  Through  all  "ancieut  history"  (§  4),  "  Europe "  means  southern  and 
central  Europe.  Russian  Europe,  indeed,  is  really  part  of  Asia  in  geography, 
and  it  has  always  been  Asiatic  rather  than  European  in  culture. 


§85]  INFLUENCE   OF  GEOGRAPHY  97 

harrier  against  Asiatic  conquest.  Thus,  Persia  subdued  the 
Asiatic  Greeks,  almost  without  a  blow :  the  European  Greeks 
she  failed  to  conquer  even  by  supreme  effort. 

To  understand  this  value  of  the  sea  as  a  barrier,  we  must  keep  in 
mind  the  character  of  ships  in  early  times.  The  sea  was  the  easiest 
road  for  merchants,  traveling  in  single  vessels  and  certain  of  friendly- 
welcome  at  almost  any  port.  But  oars  were  the  main  force  that  drove 
the  ship  (sails  were  used  only  when  the  wind  was  very  favorable)  ;  and 
the  small  vessels  of  that  day  could  nOt  carry  many  more  people  than 
were  needed  to  man  the  benches  of  oarsmen.  To  transport  a  large 
army,  in  this  way,  with  needful  supplies,  —  in  condition,  too,  to  meet 
a  hostile  army  at  the  landing  place,  — was  almost  impossible. 

84.  Greece  was  typical  of  Europe  in  geography  and  civilization. 
The  Greeks  called  themselves  Hellenes  (as  they  do  still). 
Hellas  meant  not  European  Greece  alone,  but  all  the  lands  of 
the  Hellenes.  It  included  the  Greek  peninsula,  the  shores  and 
islands  of  the  Aegean,  Greek  colonies  on  the  Black  Sea,  to  the 
east,  and  in  Sicily  and  southern  Italy,  to  the  west,  with  scat- 
tered patches  elsewhere  along  the  Mediterranean. 

Still,  the  central  peninsula  remained  the  heart  of  Hellas. 
Epirus  and  Thessaly  had  little  to  do  with  Greek  history. 
Omitting  them,  the  area  of  Greece  is  less  than  a  fourth  of  that 
of  New  York.  In  this  little  district  are  found  all  the  charac- 
teristic traits  of  European  geography.  It  has  been  well  called 
the  "  most  European  of  European  lands/'  and  it  became  the  first 
home  of  European  culture. 

85.  Greek  Geography  and  its  Influence.  —  Certain  factors  in 
Greek  geography  deserve  special  mention  even  though  we  re- 
peat part  of  what  has  been  said  of  Europe  as  a  whole. 

a.  The  islands  and  the  patches  of  Greek  settlements  on 
distant  coasts  made  many  distinct  geographical  divisions.  Even 
the  little  Greek  peninsula  counted  more  than  twenty  such  units, 
each  shut  off  from  the  others  by  its  strip  of  sea  and  its  moun- 
tain walls.  Some  of  these  divisions  were  about  as  large  as  an 
American  township,  and  the  large  ones  (except  Thessaly  and 
Epirus)  were  only  seven  or  eight  times  that  size. 


98  THE   GREEKS  [§85 

The  little  states  which  grew  up  in  these  divisions  differed  widely 
from  one  another.  Some  were  monarchies;  some,  oligarchies;  some, 
democracies.!  In  some,  the  chief  industry  was  trade;  in  some,  it  was 
agriculture.  In  some,  the  people  were  slow  and  conservative ;  in  others, 
they  were  enterprismg  and  progressive.  Oriental  civilizations,  we  have 
seen  (§  80),  were  marked  by  too  great  uniformity;  the  civilizations  of 
European  countries  have  been  marked  by  a  wholesome  diversity.  This 
character  was  found  especially  among  the  Greeks. 

6.  Mountain  people,  living  apart,  are  usually  rude  and  con- 
servative ;  but  from  such  tendencies  Greece  was  saved  by  the  sea. 
The  sea  made  friendly  intercourse  possible  on  a  large  scale, 
and  brought  Athens  as  closely  into  touch  with  Miletus  (in 
Asia)  as  with  Sparta  or  Olympia.  This  value  of  the  sea,  too, 
held  good  for  different  parts  of  "European  Greece"  itself. 
The  peninsula  has  less  area  than  Portugal,  but  a  longer  coast 
line  than  all  the  Spanish  peninsula.  The  very  heart  of  the 
land  is  broken  into  islands  and  promontories,  so  that  it  is  hard 
to  find  a  spot  thirty  miles  distant  from  the  sea. 

c.  Certain  products  of  some  districts  made  commerce  very  desir- 
able. The  mountain  slopes  in  some  parts,  as  in  Attica,  grew 
grapes  and  olives  better  than  grain.  Wine  and  olive  oil  had 
much  value  in  little  space.  Thus  they  were  especially  suited  for 
commerce.  Moreover,  such  mountain  districts  had  a  limited 
grain  supply ;  and,  if  population  was  to  increase,  the  people 
were  driven  to  trade.  Now,  sailors  and  traders  come  in 
touch  constantly  with  new  manners  and  new  ideas,  and  they 
are  more  likely  to  make  progress  than  a  purely  agricultural 
people.  Exchanging  commodities,  they  are  ready  to  exchange 
ideas  also.  The  seafaring  Greeks  were  "  always  seeking  some 
new  thing." 

lA  monarchy,  in  the  first  meaning  of  the  word,  is  a  state  ruled  by  one 
man,  a  "  monarch."  An  oligarchy  is  a  state  ruled  by  a  "  few,"  or  by  a  small 
class.  A  democracy  is  a  state  where  the  whole  people  govern.  In  ancient 
history  the  words  are  used  with  these  meanings.  Sometimes  "  aristocracy  " 
is  used  with  much  the  same  force  as  oligarchy.  (In  modern  times  the 
word  "monarchy"  is  used  sometimes  of  a  government  like  England,  which 
is  monarchic  only  in  form,  but  which  really  is  a  democracy.) 


THE  GREEK  PENINSULA 


SCALE  OF  MILES 


40         50         60        70 

^1 


Longitude 


§85] 


INFLUENCE  OF  GEOGRAPHY 


99 


d.  These  early  seekers  found  valuable  new  things  within 
easy  reach.  Fortunately,  this  most  European  of  all  European 
lands  lay  nearest  of  all  Europe  to  the  old  civilizations  of  Asia 
and  Egypt.  Moreover,  it  faced  this  civilized  East  rather  than 
the  barbarous  West.  On  the  other  side,  toward  Italy,  the 
coast  of  Greece  is'cliff  or  marsh,  with  only  three  or  four  good 
harbors.     On  the  east,  however,  the  whole  line  is  broken  by 


Scene  in  the  Valr  of  Tempe.  — From  a  photograph.     Cf.  §  173. 


deep  bays,  from  whose  mouths,  chains  of  inviting  islands 
lead  on  and  on.  In  clear  weather,  the  mariner  may  cross  the 
Aegean  without  losing  sight  of  land. 

e.  Very  important,  too,  was  the  appearance  of  the  landscape. 
A  great  Oriental  state  spread  over  vast  plains  and  was  bounded 
by  terrible  immensities  of  desolate  deserts.  But,  except  in 
Thessaly,  Greece  contained  no  plains  of  consequence.  It  was 
a  land  of  intermingled  sea  and  mountain,  with  eveiything  upon  a 
moderate  scale.     There  were  no  mountains  so  astounding  as  to 


100  THE   GREEKS  [§86 

awe  the  mind.  There  were  no  destructive  earthquakes,  or  tre- 
mendous storms,  or  overwhelming  floods.  Oriental  man  had 
bowed  in  superstitious  dread  before  the  mysteries  of  nature, 
with  little  attempt  to  explain  them.  But  in  Greece,  nature 
was  not  terrible;  and  men  began  early  to  search  into  her 
secrets.  Oriental  submission  to  tradition  and  custom  ivas  re- 
placed by  fearless  inquiry  and  originality.  In  like'  manner. 
Oriental  despotism  gave  way  to  Greek  freedom.  No  doubt,  too, 
the  moderation  and  variety  of  the  physical  world  had  a  part  in 
producing  the  many-sided  genius  of  the  people  and  their  lively 
but  well-controlled  imagination.  And  the  varied  beauty  of 
hill  and  dale  and  blue,  sunlit  sea,  the  wonderfully  clear,  ex- 
hilarating air,  and  the  soft  splendor  of  the  radiant  sky  helped 
to  give  them  intense  joy  in  mere  living. 

86.  Summary.  —  We  have  noted  five  features  of  Greek  geog- 
raphy: the  many  separate  districts;  the  sea  roads;  the  in- 
ducements to  trade ;  the  vicinity  of  the  open  side  to  Eastern 
civilization;  and  the  moderation,  diversity,  and  beauty  of  nature. 
Each  of  these  five  features  became  a  force  in  history.  The 
Greeks  produced  many  varieties  of  society,  side  by  side,  to  re- 
act upon  one  another.  They  learned  quickly  whatever  the 
older  civilizations  could  teach  them.  They  inquired  fearlessly 
into  all  secrets,  natural  and  supernatural,  instead  of  abasing 
themselves  in  Oriental  awe.  They  had  no  controlling  priest- 
hood, as  the  Egyptians  had ;  and  they  never  submitted  long  to 
arbitrary  government,  as  the  great  Asiatic  peoples  did.  Above 
all  other  peoples,  they  developed  a  love  for  harmony  and  pro- 
2)ortion.  Moderation  became  their  ideal  virtue,  and  they  used 
the  same  word  for  good  and  beautiful 


Exercise.  —  Review  the  topic  —  Influence  of  Geography  upon  History 
—  up  to  this  point.     See  Index,  Physical  Geography. 


CHAPTER  VIII 

HOW  WE  KNOW  ABOUT  "  PREHISTORIC  "  HELLAS 

87.  The  Homeric  Poems.  —  The  Greeks  were  late  in  learning 
to  use  writing,  and  so  our  knowledge  of  early  Greek  civilization 
is  imperfect.  Until  recently,  what  knowledge  we  had  came 
mainly  from  two  famous  collections  of  early  poems,  the  Iliad 
and  the  Odyssey.  The  later  Greeks  believed  that  these  were 
composed  about  1100  b.c.  by  a  blind  minstrel  ^  named  Homer. 
We  still  call  them  "  the  Homeric  poems,"  though  scholars  now 
believe  that  each  collection  was  made  up  of  ballads  by  many  bards. 
The  poems  were  not  put  into  manuscript  until  about  600  b.c.  ; 
but  they  had  been  handed  down  orally  from  generation  to  gen- 
eration for  centuries.  The  Iliad  describes  part  of  the  ten-year 
siege  of  Troy  (Ilium)  in  Asia.  A  Trojan  prince  had  carried 
away  the  beautiful  Helen,  wife  of  Menelaus,  king  of  Sparta; 
and,  under  the  leadership  of  the  great  king  Agamemnon, 
brother  of  Menelaus,  the  chiefs  had  rallied  from  all  parts  of 
Greece  to  recover  her.  Finally  they  captured  and'  burned  the 
city.  The  Odyssey  narrates  the  wanderings  of  Odysseus 
(Ulysses),  one  of  the  Greek  heroes,  in  the  return  from  the  war. 

The  Trojan  war  may  be  fact  or  fiction.^  In  either  case,  the 
pictures  of  society  in  the  poems  must  be  true  to  life.  In  rude 
ages  a  bard  may  invent  stories,  but  not  manners  and  customs.' 

1  In  early  times,  the  poet  did  not  write  his  poems.  He  chanted  them,  to  the 
accompaniment  of  a  harp  or  some  such  instrument,  at  festivals  or  at  the  meals 
of  chieftains.     Such  a  poet  is  called  a  minstrel,  or  bard,  or  harper. 

2  A  well-known  Homeric  scholar  has  just  published  an  ingenious  book  to 
prove  that  there  was  a  real  Trojan  war,  and  that  it  was  fought  by  the  Greeks 
to  secure  control  of  the  Hellespont  —  and  so  of  the  Black  Sea  trade.  Teachers 
will  find  this  latest  contribution  to  the  Homeric  problem  intensely  interesting : 
Walter  Leaf,  Troy  :  A  Study  in  Homeric  Geography,  Macmillan. 

3  To-day  a  novelist  inclines  naturally  to  make  the  people  in  his  story  talk 
and  act  like  the  people  in  real  life  around  him.    To  be  sure,  now,  he  may  try, 

101 


102  PREHISTORIC  HELLAS  [§88 

Thus  these  Homeric  poems  teach  ns  inucli  about  what  the 
Greeks  of  1000  or  1100  b.c.  thought,  and  how  they  lived. 

88.  Remains  in  the  Soil.  —  Quite  recently  another  source  of 
information  has  been  opened  to  us.  Students  of  Greek  history 
strangely  neglected  the  remains  buried  in  the  soil,  long  after  the 
study  of  such  objects  in  the  Orient  had  disclosed  many  wonders  ; 
but  in  1870  a.d.  Dr.  Schliemann,  a  German  scholar,  turned  to 
this  kind  of  investigation.  He  hoped  to  prove  the  Homeric 
stories  true.  His  excavations,  and  those  of  others  since,  have 
done  a  more  important  thing.  They  have  added  much  to  our 
knowledge  of  Homer's  time,  but  they  have  also  opened  up  two 
thousand  years  of  older  culture,  of  which  Homer  and  the  later 
Greeks  never  dreamed. 

89.  Henry  Schliemann's  own  life  was  as  romantic  as  any  story  in 
Homer.  His  father  was  the  pastor  in  a  small  German  village.  The  boy 
grew  up  with  perfect  faith  in  fairies  and  goblins  and  tales  of  magic  treas- 
ure connected  with  the  old  history  of  the  place.  His  father  told  him  the 
Homeric  stories,  and  once  showed  him  a  fanciful  picture  of  the  huge 
"  Walls  of  Troy."  The  child  was  deeply  interested.  When  he  was  told 
that  no  one  now  knew  just  where  Troy  had  stood,  and  that  the  city  had  left 
no  traces,  he  insisted  that  such  walls  mitst  have  left  remains  that  could  be 
uncovered  by  digging  in  the  ground  ;  and  his  father  playfully  agreed  that 
sometime  Henry  should  find  them.  Later,  the  boy  learned  that  the  great 
scholars  of  his  day  did  not  believe  that  such  a  city  as  Troy  had  ever 
existed.  This  aroused  in  him  a  fierce  resentment;  and  to  carry  out  his 
childhood  dream  of  finding  the  great  walls  of  Homer's  city  became  the 
passion  of  his  life.  To  do  this  he  must  have  riches.  He  was  very  poor. 
Six  years  he  worked  as  a  grocer's  boy  ;  then,  for  many  years  more  as 
clerk  for  various  larger  firms.  All  this  time  he  studied  zealously,  learning 
many  languages.  This  made  it  possible  for  his  employers  to  send  him  to 
foreign  countries,  in  connection  with  their  business.  In  this  way  he 
found  opportunities  to  amass  wealth  for  himself,  and,  at  the  age  of  forty- 
eight,  he  was  ready  to  begin  his  real  work. 

purposely,  to  represent  a  past  age  (historical  novel),  or  he  may  try  foolishly  to 
represent  some  class  of  people  about  whom  he  knows  little.  But  in  an  early 
age,  like  that  of  the  Homeric  minstrels,  a  poet  cannot  know  any  society  except 
the  simple  one  about  him,  and  he  knows  all  phases  of  that.  If  he  tells  a  story 
at  alP,  even  of  a  former  age,  he  makes  his  actors  like  men  of  his  own  time. 


§91]  TROY  AND  MYCENAE  103 

Three  incidents  in  the  explorations  are  treated  in  the  following 
paragraphs. 

90.  Excavations  at  Troy.  —  Dr.  Schliemann  began  his  excava- 
tion at  a  little  village  in  "Troy-land,"  three  miles  from  the 
shore,  where  vague  tradition  placed  the  scene  of  the  Iliad. 
The  explorations  continued  more  than  twenty  years  and  dis- 
closed the  remains  of  nine  distinct  towns,  one  above  another. 

The  oldest,  on  native  rock,  some  fifty  feet  below  the  present 
surface,  was  a  rude  village  of  the  Stone  Age.  The  second  was 
thought  by  Dr.  Schliemann  to  be  Homer's  Troy.  It  showed 
powerful  walls,  a  citadel  that  had  been  destroyed  by  fire,  and 
a  civilization  marked  by  bronze  weapons  and  gold  ornaments. 
We  know  now  that  this  city  passed  away  more  than  a  thou- 
sand years  before  Homer's  time,  so  that  no  doubt  the  very 
memory  of  its  civilization  had  perished  before  the  real  Troy 
was  built.  Above  it,  came  the  remains  of  three  inferior  settle- 
ments, and  then  —  the  sixth  layer  from  the  bottom  —  a  much 
larger  and  finer  city,  which  had  perished  in  conflagration  some 
twelve  hundred  years  before  Christ.  Extensive  explorations 
in  the  year  1893  (after  Schliemann's  death)  proved  this  sixth 
city  to  be  the  Troy  of  Homer,  with  remarkable  likeness  to  the 
description  in  the  Iliad. 

Above  this  Homeric  Troy  came  an  old  Greek  city,  a  magnificent  city  of 
the  time  of  Alexander  the  Great,  a  Roman  city,  and,  finally,  the  squalid' 
Turkish  village  of  to-day. 

91.  Excavations  at  Mycenae.  —  Homer  places  the  capital  of 
Agamemnon,  leader  of  all  the  Greeks,  in  Argolis  at  "  Mycenae, 
rich  in  gold."  Here,  in  1876,  Schliemann  uncovered  the 
remains  of  an  ancient  city,  with  peculiar,  massive  ("  Cyclo- 
pean") walls.  Within,  were  found  a  curious  group  of  tombs, 
where  lay  in  state  the  embalmed  bodies  of  ancient  kings,  — 

*'  in  the  splendor  of  their  crowns  and  breastplates  of  embossed  plate  of 
gold ;  their  swords  studded  with  golden  imagery ;  their  faces  covered 
strangely  in  golden  masks.  The  very  floor  of  one  tomb  was  thick  with 
gold  dust  —  the  heavy  gilding  from  some  perished  kingly  vestment.  In 
another  was  a  downfall  of  golden  leaves  and  flowers.     And  amid  this  pro- 


104  PREHISTORIC  HELLAS  [§92 

fusion  of  fine  fragments  were  rings,  bracelets,  smaller  crowns,  as  fot 
children,  dainty  butterflies  for  ornaments,  and  [a  wonderful]  golden  flower 
on  a  silver  stalk. " 

One  tomb,  with  three  female  bodies,  contained  870  gold 
objects,  besides  multitudes  of  very  small  ornaments  and  count- 
less gold  beads.  In  another,  five  bodies  were  "  literally  smoth- 
ered in  jewels."  And,  with  these  ornaments,  there  were  skill- 
fully and  curiously  wrought  weapons  for  the  dead,  with  whet- 
stones to  keep  them  keen,  and  graceful  vases  of  marble  and 
alabaster,  carved  with  delicate  forms,  to  hold  the  funeral  food 


Ukojszk  Dagger  fkom  Mycenae,  inlaid  with  gold. 


and  wine.  Near  the  entrance  lay  bodies  of  slaves  or  captives 
who  had  been  offered  in  sacrifice. 
"K  92.  These  discoveries  confirmed  much  in  "  Homer."  Like 
"Troy,"  so  this  ancient  Mycenae  had  perished  in  fire  long 
before  Homer's  day.  But  similar  cities  must  have  survived, 
in  some  parts  of  Hellas,  to  be  visited  by  the  wandering  poet. 
From  remains  of  many  palaces,  it  may  be  seen  now  that  the 
picture  of  Menelaus'  palace  in  the  Odyssey  (vii,  84  ff.)  was 
drawn  from  life,  —  the  friezes  of  glittering  blue  glass,  the 
walls  flashing  with  bronze  and  gleaming  with  plated  gold,  the 
heroes  and  their  guests  feasting  through  the  night,  from  gold 
vessels,  in  halls  lighted  by  torches  held  on  massive  golden 
statues. 

93.  Excavations  in  Crete.  —  Schliemann's  discoveries  amazed 
and  aroused  the  world.  Scores  of  scholars  have  followed  him, 
exploring  the  coasts  of  the  Aegean  at  many  points.  The  most 
wonderful  discoveries  of  all  have  been  made  in  Crete,  —  mainly 
since  the  year  1900.  Old  legends  of  the  Greeks  represented 
that  island  as  one  source  of  their  civilization  and  as  the  home 


93] 


EXCAVATIONS  IN  CRETE 


105 


of  powerful  kings  before  Greek  history  began.  These  legends 
used  to  be  regarded  as  fables ;  but  we  know  now  that  they 
were   based  upon   true   tradition.     At  Knossos,  a  palace   of 


The  Gate  of  the  Lions  at  Mycenae. 
The  huge  stone  at  the  top  of  the  gate,  supporting  the  lions,  is  15  feet  long  and 
7  feet  thick.    Enemies  could  reach  the  gate  only  by  passing  between  long 
stone  walls  —  from  behind  which  archers  could  shoot  down  upon  them. 

"  King  Minos  "  has  been  unearthed,  spreading  over  more  than 
four  acres  of  ground,  with  splendid  throne  rooms,  and  with 
halls  and  corridors,  living  rooms,  and  store  rooms.     In  these 


106 


PREHISTORIC  HELLAS 


[§93 


last,  there  were  found  multitudes  of  small  clay  tablets  covered 
with  writing,  —  apparently  memoranda  of  the  receipt  of  taxes. 
No  one  can  yet  read  this  ancient  Cretan  writing ;  but  the  sculp- 
tures and  friezes  on  the  walls,  the  paintings  on  vases,  and  the 
gold  designs  inlaid  on  sword  blades  teach  us  much  about  this 
forgotten  civilization.     Especially  amazing  are  the  admirable 


Mouth  of  Palace  Sewer  at  Knossos,  with  terracotta  drain  pipes,  — 
showing  method  of  joining  pipes.    From  Baikie. 


bath  rooms  of  the  palace,  with  a  drainage  system  which  has 
been  described  as  "  superior  to  anything  of  the  kind  in  Europe 
until  the  nineteenth  century."  The  pipes  could  be  flushed 
properly,  and  a  man-trap  permitted  proper  inspection  and  re- 
pair. Back  of  the  Queen's  apartments,  stood  a  smaller  room 
with  a  baby's  bath.  Like  Troy  and  Mycenae,  the  remains  show 
that  Knossos  was  burned  and  ravaged  —  about  1500  b.c. 


CHAPTER  IX 

THE  FIRST  CIVILIZATION  OF  HELLAS 

94.    Antiquity  of  "  Cretan  Culture."  —  Not  long  ago  it  was  the 

habit  of  scholars  to  call  the  Greeks  a  "young"  people  (com- 


Head  of  a  Rtill,  from  a  Kiiossos  relief. 

pared  with  Oriental  nations),  and  to  wonder  how  they  could 
have  risen  to  so  high  a  civilization  almost  at  a  bound.  Some- 
times the  blossoming  of  Greek  culture  was  compared  to  the 
fabled  birth  of  Athene,  the  Greek  goddess  of  wisdom,  who 
sprang  to  life,  fully  armed,  from  the  forehead  of  her  father 
Zeus.  But  now  we  have  learned  that  "obscure  milleniums 
preceded  the  sudden  bloom." 

We  have  traced  the  sources  of  our  knowledge  of  the  early 
periods  in  the  order  of  their  discovery.  But  this  is  not  the 
order  in  which  the  civilization  developed.     Troy  and  Mycenae 

107 


108  PREHISTORIC   HELLAS  [§95 

were  older  than  "  Homer  "  —  who  sang  of  a  golden  past  —  and 
Cretan  culture  runs  back  two  thousand  years  before  Mycenae 
was  built.  Still,  the  civilization  of  Mycenae  was  merely  a 
late  branch  of  a  widespreading  tree  which  had  its  roots  and 
its  highest  development  in  Crete.  Schliemann's  ^^  Second 
City"  at  Troy  belonged  to  an  early  stage  of  it,  and  his  "Sixth 
City  "  to  a  late  stage. 

About  1900  A.D.,  scholars  first  began  to  recognize  this  pre- 
Homeric  culture.     For  a  few  years  they  called  it  Mycenaean. 


\w 

V 

^  ^^^# 

w 

'*Vaphto  Cups":  3^  inches  high;  8  ounces  each.  Found  at  Vaphio,  in  the 
Peloponnesus,  in  1889  a.d.,  and  dating  back  at  least  to  1800  or  2000  B.C. 
Probahly  Cretan  in  origin.  Very  delicate  and  yet  vigorous  goldsmith 
work.    See  the  scroll  on  the  page  opposite. 

This  name  is  still  used  sometimes  for  the  last  period  of  it,  on 
the  mainland.  But  it  is  best  to  use  the  name  Cretan  civiliza- 
tion for  the  whole  culture  preceding  the  Homeric  age.  We  are 
now  to  trace  the  rise  of  that  culture,  and  its  character. 

95.  Native  to  the  Aegean  Regions.  —  Explorations  prove  that 
this  early  civilization  was  not  confined  to  Crete  and  Troy  and 
Mycenae.  It  spread  along  the  coasts  and  islands  of  the  Medi- 
terranean, in  patches,  from  Cyprus  to  Sardinia.  It  was  very 
nearly  ayi  "  Aegean  civilization.^^  It  was  the  work  of  the  slim, 
short,  dark-skinned  men  of  southern  Europe,,  between  3500  and 
1200  B.C.     This  culture  was  native,  not  borrowed.     Steady  prog- 


95] 


CRETAN  CIVILIZATION 


109 


110 


PREHISTORIC  HELLAS 


[§96 


ress  appears  from  rude  stone  tools  and  crude  carvings,  through 
many  stages,  up  to  magnificent  bronze  work  and  highly  devel- 
oped art.  There  are  no  sudden  leaps,  or  breaks  in  the  chain  of 
development,  such  as  might  suggest  the  wholesale  introduction 
of  a  foreign  civilization. 

The  oldest  settlement  that  Schliemann  unearthed  on  the  bare  rock 
underlying  the  site  of  Troy,  we  have  noted,  was  a  village  of  the  Stone  Age. 
By  3500  or  4000  b.c,  people  were  living  in  such  vil- 
lages (made  up  of  round  huts)  all  about  the  Aegean 
Sea.  Their  pottery  was  made  by  hand,  not  with  a 
wheel ;  but  the  decoration  shows  skill  and  love  of 
beauty.  Everywhere,  the  better  sort  of  knives  and 
arrow-heads  were  made  from  a  peculiar  dark  hard 
stone  (obsidian),  which,  for  these  regions,  is  found 
in  any  considerable  quantity  only  in  the  island  of 
Melos.  There  must  have  been  no  little  trade,  then, 
during  this  Stone  Age,  to  scatter  this  material  so 
widely. 

Before  2600  b.c,  Crete,  at  least,  extended  this 
trade  as  far  as  Egypt  and  Syria.  Egyptian  remains 
of  that  period  are  common  among  the  Cretan  ruins. 
Crete  stretches  its  long  body  across  the  mouth  of  the 
Aegean  and  forms  the  natural  stepping  stone  from 
Egypt  to  Europe.  Very  possibly,  this  fact  made  it 
the  leader  in  developing  primitive  Aegean  civilization 
to  higher  levels.  The  use  of  bronze  may  have  come 
from  Egypt.  Surely,  the  Cretan  traders  imported 
from  the  older  civilizations  much  that  was  more 
valuable  than  articles  of  commerce.  But  they  did 
not  merely  imitate  and  copy  :  they  made  foreign 
inventions  and  ideas  their  oicn,  by  adapting  them  to  their  own  life  and  by 
improving  upon  them. 

X  96.  The  Best  Stages.  —  At  all  events,  by  2500  b.c,  Crete  had 
advanced  far  in  the  bronze  age  of  culture;  and  for  the  next  thou- 
sand years  her  civilization  (in  material  things,  at  least)  was  quite 
equal  to  that  of  Egypt.  The  old  hand-made  pottery  gave  way  to 
admirable  work  on  the  potter's  wheel ;  and  the  vase  paintings, 
of  birds  and  beasts  and  plant  and  sea  life,  are  vastly  more  life- 
like and  graceful  than  any  that  Egyptian  art  can  show.     The 


Vase  from  Knossos 
(about  2200  b.c), 
with  characteristic 
sea-life  ornament. 
From  Baikie. 


§96] 


CRETAN  CIVILIZATION, 


111 


walls  of  houses  were  decorated  with  a  delicate  "  egg-shell "  porce- 
lain in  artistic  designs.  Gold  inlay  work,  for  the  decoration 
of  weapons,  had  reached  great  perfection.  A  system  of  syl- 
labic writing  had  been  developed,  seemingly  more  advanced 
than  the  Egyptian.  Un- 
happily scholars  have  not 
yet  found  a  key  to  it ;  but 
some  believe  that  it  may 
have  been  the  common  an- 
cestor of  the  Phoenician 
and  the  Greek  alphabets.^ 
The  palace  at  Knossos 
(§  94)  was  built  about  2200 
B.C.,  and  rebuilt  and  im- 
proved about  1800.  Its 
monarch  must  have  ruled 
all  the  island,  and  prob- 
ably (as  the  Greek  legends 
taught)  over  wide  regions 
of  the  sea.  The  city  had 
no  walls  to  shut  out  an 
enemy  :  Crete  relied  upon 
her  sea  power  to  ward  off 
invaders.     We  may  think 

of  the  Cretan  lawgiver,  Minos,  seated  on  his  throne  at  Knossos, 
ruling  over  the  surrounding  seas,  at  about  the  time  Abraham 
left  Ur  to  found  the  Hebrew  race,  or  a  little  before  the  law- 
giver, Hammurabi,  established  the  Old  Babylonian  Empire,  or 


Cretan  Writing.  (Plainly,  some  of  these 
characters  are  numerals.  Others  have  a 
strong  likeness  to  certain  Greek  letters, 
especially  in  the  oldest  Greek  writing.) 


1  One  old  Roman  writer  (Diodorus  Siculus)  has  preserved  the  interesting 
fact  that  the  Cretans  themselves  in  his  day  claimed  to  have  been  the  inventors 
of  the  alphabet.  He  says:  "  Some  pretend  that  the  Syrians  were  the  inven- 
tors of  letters,  and  that  the  Phoenicians  learned  from  them  and  brought  the 
art  of  writing  to  Greece.  .  .  .  But  the  Cretans  say  that  the  first  invention 
came  from  Crete,  and  that  the  Phoenicians  only  changed  the  form  of  the  let- 
ters and  made  the  knowledge  of  them  more  general  among  the  peoples." 
Modern  Cretans  had  forgotten  this  claim  for  many  centuries,  but  recent  dis- 
coveries go  far  to  prove  it  true. 


112 


PREHISTORIC  HELLAS 


[§96 


as  a  contemporary  of  some  of  the  beneficent  pharaohs  of  the 
Middle  Kingdom  in  Egypt. 

From  the  palace  frescoes,  Dr.  Arthur  J.  Evans  (the  English 
pioneer  in  Cretan  excavation)  describes  the  brilliant  life  of  the    '^ 

lords   and   ladies   of   the'*^^ 

court :  — 


Sometimes  the  dependants 
of  the  prince  march  into  the 
palace  in  stately  procession, 
bringing  gifts.  Sometimes  the 
court  is  filled  with  gayly 
adorned  dames  and  curled 
gentlemen  [Cretan  nobles  wore  j 
the  hair  in  three  long  curls], 
standing,  sitting,  flirting,  ges- 
ticulating [after  the  fashion 
of  southern  Europeans  in  con- 
versation to-day] .  We  see  the 
ladies  .  .  .  trying  to  "preserve 
their  complexion"  with  veils. 
And  says  another  of  the  dis- 
coverers, —  "The  women  who 
dance  and  converse  on  Knos- 
slan  walls  have  a  self-assurance 
and  sparkle  that  modern  belles 
might  envy."  Frequently, 
too,  the  Courtis  pictured  watch- 
ing a  troop  of  bull  trainers 
tame  wild  bulls.i 


So-called  Throne  of  Minos  in  the  palace 
at  Knossos.  Says  Baikie  {Sea  Kings  of 
Crete,  72) :  "  No  more  ancient  throne  ex- 
ists in  Europe,  or  probably  in  the  world, 
and  none  whose  associations  are  anything 
like  so  full  of  interest." 


The  chief  article  of  male  dress  was  a  linen  cloth  hanging 
from  the  waist  or  drawn  into  short  trousers  (like  the  dress  of 
men  on  the  Egyptian  monuments).  To  this,  except  in  war  or 
hunting,  the  noble  sometimes  added  a  short,  sleeveless  mantle, 
fastened  over  one  shoulder  with  a  jeweled  pin;  and  a  belt, 


iThe  bull  was  a  favorite  subject  for  Cretan  art.  See  some  illustrations  in 
these  pages.  Compare  also  the  later  story  of  the  Athenian  hero  Theseus  and 
the  Cretan  Minotaur  (bull),  in  any  collection  of  Greek  legends,  as  in  Haw- 
thorne's Tanglewood  Tales. 


96] 


CRETAN  CIVILIZATION 


113 


drawn  tight  about  the  waist,  always  carried  his  dagger,  inlaid 
with  gold  figures.  Women's  dress  was  elaborate,  with  "  care- 
ful fitting,  fine  sewing,  and  exquisite  embroidery."  The  skirts 
'vere  bell-shaped  —  like  a  modern  fashion  of  fifty  years  ago  — 
d  flounced  with  ruffles ;  and  the  bodice  was  close-fitting,  low- 
>ecked,  and  short-sleeved,  —  much  more  like  female  dress  to-day 
than  the  later  Greek  and  Roman  robes  were.     Men  and  women 


Cooking  Utensils,  found  in  one  tomb  at  Kuossos. 

alike  wore  gold  bracelets  and  rings,  and  women  added  long  coils 
of  beaded  necklaces. 

Each  home  wove  its  own  cloth,  as  we  learn  from  the  loom- 
weights  in  every  house.  Each  home,  too,  had  its  stone  mortars 
for  grinding  the  daily  supply  of  meal.  Kitchen  utensils  were 
varied  and  numerous.  They  include  perforated  skimmers  and 
strainers,  and  charcoal  carriers,  and  many  other  devices 
strangely  modern  in  shape.  Most  cooking  was  done  over  an 
open  fire  of  sticks  —  though  sometimes  there  was  a  sort  of 
recess  in  a  hearth,  over  which  a  kettle  stood.  When  the  de- 
stroying foe  came  upon  Knossos,  one  carpenter  left  his  kit  of 
tools  hidden  under  a  stone  slab;   and   among  these  we   find 


114 


PREHISTORIC  HELLAS 


[§y7 


"  saws,  hammers,  adze,  chisels  heavy  and  light,  awls,  nails,  files, 
and  axes."  They  are  of  bronze,  of  course,  but  in  shape  they 
are  so  like  our  own  that  it  seems  probable  that  this  handicraft 
passed  down  its  skill  without  a  break  from  the  earliest  Euro- 
pean civilization  to  the 
present.  One  huge  cross- 
cut saw,  like  our  lumber- 
man's, was  found  in  a 
mountain  town,  —  used 
probably  to  cut  the  great 
trees  there  into  columns 
for  the  palaces. 

97.  The  dark  side  of  this 
splendid  civilization  has 
to  do  with  its  government 
and  the  organization  of 
society.  Here,  Oriental 
features  prevailed.  The 
monarch  was  absolute; 
and  a  few  nobles  were  the 
only  others  who  found 
life  easy  and  pleasant. 
The  masses  were  far  more 
abject  and  helpless  than 
in  later  Greek  history. 
The  direct  cause  of  the 
destruction  of  Cretan  cul- 
ture was  a  series  of  barbarian  invasions;  but  the  remains 
show  that  the  best  stages  of  art  had  already  passed  away. 
Probably  the  invasions  were  so  completely  successful  only  be- 
cause of  internal  decay,  such  as  usually  comes  to  despotic  states 
after  a  period  of  magnificence.  Some  excavators  think  they 
find  evidence  that  the  invaders  were  assisted  by  an  uprising  of 
the  oppressed  masses.  In  any  event,  fortunately,  many  of  the 
better  features  of  this  early  Aegean  civilization  were  adopted 
by  the  conquerors  and  preserved  for  time  to  come. 


Cketan  Vase  of  later  period,  showing  a 
tendency  to  use  "  conventionalized  "  orna- 
ment. Critics  believe  that  such  vases  in- 
dicate a  period  of  decay  in  Cretan  art. 


§97]  CRETAN  CIVILIZATION  115 

For  Further  Reading.  —  Specially  suggested:  Davis'  Headings^ 
Vol.  I,  No.  32,  gives  an  interesting  extract  from  an  account  of  Cretan 
remains  by  one  of  the  discoverers.  Bury's  History  of  Greece,  7-11,  on 
Cretan  culture;  11-33,  on  remains  near  Mycenae  (half  these  pages  are 
given  to  illustrations)  ;  65-69,  on  the  Homeric  poems.  The  student  may 
best  omit  or  disregard  Professor  Bury's  frequent  discussions  as  to  whether 
Cretans  or  Trojans  were  "  Greeks."  The  important  thing  about  each 
new  wave  of  invasion  is  not  its  race,  but  its  kind  of  culture,  and  where 
that  culture  came  from. 

Additional,  for  students  who  wish  wider  reading :  Hawes,  Crete  the 
Fore-runner  of  Greece ;  or  Baikie,  Sea  Kings  of  Crete.     (Appendix.) 


CHAPTER   X 

I' 

tSe  HOMERIC   AGE 

^      ORIGIN 

98.  The  Achaeans. —;  Between  1500  and  1200  b.c.  a  great 
change  took  place  in  Greece.  The  civilization  pictured  by 
Homer  differs  greatly  ^  from  the  earlier  one.  It  was  not  a 
development  from  the  earlier :  it  was  a  separate  culture,  from  a 
different  source.  The  .JVIycenaeans  and  Cretans  buried  their 
dead,  worshiped  ancestors,  used  no  iron,  and  lived  frugally, 
mainly  on  fish  and  vegetable  diet.  Homer's  Greeks  burn  their 
dead,  adore  a  sun  god,  use  iron  swords,  and  feast  all  night 
mightily  on  whole  roast  pxen.  So,  too,  in  dress,  manners,  and 
personal  appearance,  as  far  as  we  can  tell,  the  two  are  widely 
different.  The  early  Greeks,  as  their  pictures  show,  were 
short,  dark,  black-eyed,  like  the  modern  Greeks  and  like  all 
the  other  aborigines  of  southern  Europe.  But  Homer  de- 
scribes his  Greeks,  or  at  least  his  chieftains,  as  tall,  fair, 
yellow-haired,  and  blue-eyed.  In  many  ways,  too,  their  civi- 
lization was  ruder  and  more  primitive  than  the  one  it  replaced. 

This  second  civilization  of  Hellas  is  called  Achaean,  —  the 
name  which  "  Homer  "  gives  to  the  Greeks  of  his  time.  These 
Achaeans  were  part  of  a  vigorous  race  dwelling  in  central 
Europe.  They  were  semibarbarians  in  that  home;  but  some 
fortunate  chance  had  taught  them  to  use  iron.  About  1500  b.c. 
bands  of  these  fair-haired,  blue-eyed,  ox-eating  warriors,  drawn 
by  the  splendor  and  riches  of  the  south,  broke  into  Hellas,  as 
barbarians  of  the  north  so  many  times  since  have  broken  into 
southern  Europe.  These  mighty-limbed  strangers,  armed  with 
long   iron  swords,  established   themselves   among  the  short, 

116 


§99]  ACHAEAN  CONQUESTS  117 

dark,  bronze-weaponed  natives,  dwelt  in  their  cities,  became 
their  chiefs,  married  their  women,  and.  possessed  the  land. 

99.  Nature  of  their  Invasion.  —  The  occnpation  of  the  land  by 
the  invaders  was  a  slow  process,  involving  unrecorded  misery, 
generation  after  generation,  for  the  gentler,  peace-loving  nar 
tives.  An  Egyptian  inscription  of  the  period  declares  that 
"  the  islands  were  restless  and  disturbed,"  —  and  indeed  the 
Achaean  rovers  reached  even  Egypt  in  their  raids  (§  31). 
During  most  of  the  period,  the  newcomers  merely  filtered  into 
Hellas,  band  by  band,  seizing  a  little  island,  or  a  valley,  at  a 
time.  Occasionally,  larger  forces  warred  long  and  desperately 
about  some  stronghold.  Knossos,  without  defensive  walls,  fell 
early  before  a  fleet  of  sea-rovers.  But  in  walled  cities,  like 
Troy  and  Mycenae,  the  old  civilization  lived  on  for  three  cen- 
turies. Much  of  the  time,  no  doubt,  there  was  peace  and 
intercourse  between  the  Achaeans  and  such  cities ;  but  finally 
the  invaders  mustered  in  force  enough  to  master  even  these. 
Homer's  ten-year  Trojan  War  may  be  based  upon  one  of  these 
closing  struggles. 

The  fair-haired  Achaeans  imposed  their  language  upon  the 
older  natives  (as  conquerors  commonly  do) ;  but,  in  course  of 
time,  their  blood  was  absorbed  into  that  of  the  more  numerous 
conquered  people  —  as  has  happened  to  all  northern  invaders 
into  southern  lands,  before  and  since.  The  physical  character- 
istics of  Homer's  Achaeans  left  no  more  trace  in  the  later 
Greeks,  than  the  tall,  yellow-haired  Goths  who  conquered 
Spain  and  Italy  in  the  fifth  century  after  Christ  have  left  in 
those  countries. 

The  Achaean  and  Cretan  cultures  blended  more  equally  than  the 
two  races  did,  —  though  not  till  the  splendor  and  most  of  the  art 
of  the  older  civilization  had  been  destroyed.  The  change  of 
language  explains  in  part  the  loss  of  the  art  of  writing,  — 
which  probably  had  been  the  possession  of  only  a  small  class 
of  scribes,  in  any  case.  But  the  common  people,  we  may  be 
sure,  clung  tenaciously  to  their  old  customs  and  habits  of  life, 
and  especially  to  their  religion.     When  next  we  see  the  Greek 


118  HOMER'S  GREECE  — THE  ACHAEANS  [§100 

civilization  clearly,  the  old  worship  of   ancestors;  of  which 
the  Homeric  poems  contain  no  mention,  had  reappeared  and 
mingled  with  the  newer  worship  of  the  Achaean  gods. 
Some  features  of  the  Achaean  a/je  are  described  below. 

THE   TRIBAL   ORGANIZATION 

100.  The  Clan.  —  In  early  times  the  smallest  unit  in  Greek 
society  was  not  a  family  like  ours,  but  a  clan  (or  gens).  Each 
clan  was  a  group  of  kindred,  an  enlarged  Mnd  of  family.  Some 
clans  contained  perhaps  a  score  of  members ;  others  contained 
many  score. 

The  nearest  descendant  of  the  forefather  of  the  clan,  count- 
ing from  oldest  son  to  oldest  son,  was  the  clan  elder,  or  "  king." 
Kinship  and  worship  were  the  two  ties  which  held  a  clan  to- 
gether. These  two  bonds  were  really  one,  for  the  clan  religion 
was  a  worship  of  clan  ancestors.  If  provided  with  pleasing  meals 
at  proper  times  and  invoked  with  magic  formulas  (so  the  belief 
ran),  the  ghostsi  of  the  ancient  clan  elders  would  continue  to 
aid  their  children.  The  food  was  actually  meant  for  the  ghost. 
Milk  and  wine  were  poured  into  a  hollow  in  the  ground,  while 
the  clan  elder  spoke  sacred  formulas  inviting  the  dead  to  eat.^ 

This  worshij)  was  secret.  The  clan  tomb  was  the  altar,  and 
the  clan  elder  was  the  only  lawful  priest.  For  a  stranger  even 
to  see  the  worship  was  to  defile  it ;  for  him  to  learn  the  sacred 
formulas  of  the  clan  worship  was  to  secure  power  over  the  gods.^ 
It  followed  that  marriage  became  a  "  religious  "  act.  The  woman 
renounced  her  own  gods,  and  was  accepted  by  her  husband's 
gods  into  their  clan.     Her  father,  of  course,  or  some  male  rela- 

1  Travelers  describe  similar  practices  among  primitive  peoples  to-day.  A 
Papuan  chief  prays:  "Compassionate  Father!  Here  is  food  for  you.  Eat 
it,  and  be  kind  to  us!  " 

2  Primitive  races  think  of  words  as  in  some  strange  way  related  to  the 
things  they  stand  for  (as  the  spirit  to  the  body).  This  is  one  reason  for  belief 
in  "  charms."  Those  who  knew  the  right  words  could  "  charm  "  the  gods  to 
do  their  will.  The  Romans,  in  the  days  of  their  power,  always  kept  the  real 
name  of  their  chief  god  a  secret,  lest  some  foe  might  compel  or  induce  him 
to  surrender  the  city. 


§103]  THE   TRIBAL  CITY  119 

tive,  renounced  for  her,  and  gave  her  to  the  bridegroom  (the 
origin  of  "  giving  in  marriage  "  to-day).  After  that,  she  and 
her  future  children  were  in  law  and  in  religion  no  longer  "  re- 
lated "  to  her  father  and  his  clan.  Legal  relationship,  and 
inheritance  of  property,  came  through  males  only. 

101.  Later  Family  Worship.  —  In  like  manner  in  later  times,  as  the 
families  of  the  clan  became  distinct  units,  each  came  to  have  its  sepa- 
rate family  worship.  The  Hearth  was  the  family  altar.  Near  it  were 
grouped  the  Penates,  or  images  of  household  gods  who  watched  over  the 
family.  The  father  was  the  priest.  Before  each  meal,  he  poured  out  on 
the  Hearth  the  libation,  or  food-offering,  to  the  family  gods  and  asked 
their  blessing.  The  family  tomb  was  near  the  house,  "  so  that  the  sons," 
says  Euripides  (a  later  Greek  poet;  §  221),  "in  entering  and  leaving 
their  dwelling,  might  always  meet  their  fathers  and  invoke  them." 

102.  The  Tribe.  —  Long  before  history  began,  clans  united 

into  larger  units.  In  barbarous  society  the  highest  unit  is  the 
tribe,  which  is  a  group  of  clans  living  near  together  and  believ- 
ing in  a  commoyi  ancestor.  In  Greece  the  clan  elder  of  the 
leading  clan  was  the  king  of  the  tribe  and  its  priest » 

103.  The  Tribal  City.  —  Originally  a  tribe  dwelt  in  several 
clan  villages  in  the  valleys  around  some  convenient  hill.  On 
the  hilltop  was  the  place  of  common  worship.  A  ring  wall,  at 
a  convenient  part  of  the  slope,  easily  turned  this  sacred  place 
into  a  citadel.  In  hilly  Greece  many  of  these  citadels  grew  up 
near  together;  and  so,  very  early,  groups  of  tribes  combined 
further.  Perhaps  one  of  a  group  would  conquer  the  others  and  * 
compel  them  to  tear  down  their  separate  citadels  and  to  move 
their  temples  to  its  center.  Tliis  made  a  city.  The  chief  of 
the  leading  tribe  then  became  the  priest-king  of  the  city. 

Sometimes,  of  course,  a  tribe  grew  into  the  city  stage  with- 
out absorbing  other  tribes ;  but,  in  general,  as  clans  federated 
into  tribes,  so  tribes  federated  into  cities,  either  peaceably  or 
through  war.  The  later  Athenians  had  a  tradition  that  in  very 
early  times  the  hero  Theseus  founded  their  city  by  bringing 
together  four  tribes  living  in  Attica. 


120  HOMER'S  GREECE  — THE  ACHAEANS  [§104 

104.  The  City  the  Political  Unit.  —  If  the  cities  could  have  combined 
into  larger  units,  Greece  might  have  become  a  ^'■nation-state,''''  like  modern 
England  or  France.  But  the  Greeks,  in  the  time  of  their  glory,  never 
got  beyond  a  city-state.  To  them  the  same  word  meant  "  city  "  and 
"  state."  A  union  of  cities,  by  which  any  of  them  gave  up  its  complete 
independence,  was  repugnant  to  Greek  feeling.  One  city  might  hold 
other  cities  in  subjection ;  but  it  never  admitted  their  people  to  any  kind  of 
citizenship.^  Nor  did  the  subject  cities  dream  of  asking  such  a  thing. 
What  they  wanted,  and  would  never  cease  to  strive  for,  was  to  recover 
their  separate  independence.     To  each  Greek,  his  city  was  his  country. 

It  followed,  through  nearly  all  Greek  history,  that  the  political^  rela- 
tions of  one  city  with  another  five  miles  away  were  foreign  relations, 
as  much  as  its  dealings  with  the  king  of  Persia.  Wars,  therefore,  were 
constant  and  cruel.  Greek  life  was  concentrated  in  small  centers.  This  made 
it  vivid  and  intense;  but  the  division  of  Greek  resources  between  so  many  hostile 
centers  made  that  life  brief. 

^     ^  GOVERNMENT  OF  THE   EARLY   CITY-STATE 

105.  The  King.  —  The  city  had  three  political  elements  — 
king,  conncil  of  chiefs,  and  popular  assembly.  In  these  we 
may  see  the  germs  of  later  monarchic,  aristocratic,  and  demo- 
cratic governments.     (For  these  terms,  see  §  85,  note.) 

The  king  was  leader  in  icar,  judge  in  peace,  and  priest  at  all 
times.  His  power  was  much  limited  by  custom  and  by  the 
two  other  political  orders. 

106.  A  council  of  chiefs  aided  the  king,  —  and  checked  him. 
These  chiefs  were  originally  the  clan  elders  and  the  members 
of  the  royal  family.  Socially  they  were  the  king's  equals ;  and 
in  government  he  could  not  do  anything  in  defiance  of  their 
wish.  If  a  ruler  died  without  a  grown-up  son,  the  council 
could  elect  a  king,  although  they  chose  usually  from  the  royal 
family. 

1  Can  the  student  see  a  connection  between  this  fact  and  the  "  exclusive  " 
character  of  clan  and  tribal  and  city-worship,  as  described  above  ? 

2  "Political"  means  "relating  to  government."  The  word  must  be  used 
frequently  in  history.  In  other  relations,  as  in  trade  and  religion  and  cul- 
ture, the  Greek  cities  did  not  think  of  one  another  as  foreigners,  to  any  such 
degree  as  in  political  matters. 


§  108]  GOVERNMENT  121 

107.  The  Assembly.  —  The  common  freemen  came  together 
for  worship  and  for  games ;  and  sometimes  the  king  called 
them  together,  to  listen  to  plans  that  had  been  adopted  by  him 
and  the  chiefs.  Then  the  freemen  shouted  approval  or  muttered 
disapproval.  They  could  not  start  new  movements.  There 
were  no  regular  meetings  and  few  spokesmen,  and  the  general 
reverence  for  the  chiefs  made  it  a  daring  deed  for  a  common 
man  to  brave  them.  If  the  chiefs  and  king  agreed,  it  was  easy 
for  them  to  get  their  way  with  the  Assembly. 

However,  even  in  war,  when  the  authority  of  the  nobles  was 
greatest,  the  Assembly  had  to  be  persuaded:  it  could  not  he 
ordered.  Homer  shows  that  sometimes  a  common  man  ven- 
tured to  oppose  the  "  kings." 

Thus,  in  one  Assembly  before  Troy,  the  Greeks  break  away  to  seize 
their  ships  and  return  home.  Odysseus  hurries  among  them,  and  by  per- 
suasion and  threats  forces  them  back  to  the  Assembly,  until  only  Thersites 
bawls  on,  —  "Thersites,  uncontrolled  of  speech,  whose  mind  was  full  of 
words  wherewith  to  strive  against  the  chiefs.  Hateful  was  he  to  Achilles 
above  all,  and  to  Odysseus, /or  them  he  was  wont  to  revile.  But  now  with 
shrill  shout  he  poured  forth  his  uphraidings  even  upon  goodly  Agamem- 
non.'''' Odysseus,  it  is  true,  rebukes  him  sternly  and  smites  him  into 
silence,  while  the  crowd  laughs.  "  Homer  "  sang  to  please  the  chieftains, 
his  patrons,  —  and  so  he  represents  Thersites  as  a  cripple,  ugly  and  un- 
popular ;  but  there  must  have  been  such  popular  opposition  to  the  chiefs, 
now  and  then,  or  the  minstrel  would  not  have  mentioned  such  an  incident 
at  all.  Says  a  modern  scholar,  —  A  chieftain  who  had  been  thwarted, 
perhaps,  by  some  real  Thersites  during  the  day,  "  would  over  his  evening 
cups  enjoy  the  poet's  travesty,  and  long  for  the  good  old  times  when 
[Odysseus]  could  put  down  impertinent  criticism  by  the  stroke  of 
his  knotty  scepter."  i 

SOCIETY   AND   INDUSTRY    ^ 

108.  Society  was  simple.  The  Homeric  poems  attribute 
wealth  and  luxury  to  a  few  places  (where  probably  some  frag- 
ments  of   the  Cretan   civilization   survived) ;    but   these   are 

_      _       __ 

1  Davis'  Readings,  VqI.  I,  No.-33,  reproduces  the  best  Homeric  account  of 
an  "  Assembly  "  in  war  time.    It  contains  also  the  Thersites  story  complete. 


122  HOMER'S  GREECE  — THE  ACHAEANS  [§109 

plainly  exceptions  to  the  general  rule.  When  the  son  of 
Odysseus  leaves  his  native  Ithaca  and  visits  Menelaus,  he  is 
astounded  by  the  splendor  of  the  palace,  with  its  "  gleam  as  of 
sun  and  moon,"  and  whispers  to  his  companion :  — 

"  Mark  the  flashing  of  bronze  through  the  echoing  halls,  and  the  flashing 
of  gold  and  of  amber  and  of  silver  and  of  ivory.  Such  like,  methinks, 
is  the  court  of  Olympian  Zeus.  .  .  .  Wonder  comes  over  me  as  I  lo'ok."  i 

But  mighty  Odysseus  had  built  his  palace  with  his  own 
hands.  It  has  been  well  called  —  from  the  poet's  description 
—  "a  rude  farmhouse,  where  swine  wallow  in  the  court."  And 
the  one  petty  island  in  which  Odysseus  was  head-king  held 
scores  of  yet  poorer  "  kings."  So,  too,  when.  Odysseus  is  ship- 
wrecked on  an  important  island,  he  finds  the  daughter  of  the 
chief  king  —  the  princess  Nausicaa  —  doing  a  washing,  with 
her  band  of  maidens  (treading  out  the  dirt  by  trampling  the 
clothes  with  their  bare  feet  in  the  water  of  a  running  brook). 
Just  before,  the  "  queen  "  was  pictured,  busy  in  gathering  to- 
gether the  palace  linen  for  this  event.  Such  descriptions  are 
the  typical  ones  in  the  poems. 

109.  Manners  were  harsh.  In  the  Trojan  War,  the  Greeks 
left  the  bodies  of  the  slain  enemy  unburied,  to  be  half  devoured 
by  packs  of  savage  dogs  that  hung  about  the  camp  for  such 
morsels.  The  common  boast  was  to  have  given  a  foe's  body  to 
the  dogs.2  When  the  noble  Trojan  hero.  Hector,  falls,  the 
Greek  kings  gather  about  the  dead  body,  "  a7id  no  one  came  who 
did  not  add  his  wound.^'  The  chiefs  fought  in  bronze  and  iron 
armor,  usually  in  chariots.  The  common  free  men  followed  on 
foot,  without  armor  or  effective  weapons,  and  seem  to  have 
counted  for  little  in  war.  Ordinary  prisoners  became  slaves  as 
a  matter  of  course.     But  when  the  chiefs  were  taken,  they  were 

1  Read  the  story  in  the  OclysHey,  or  in  Vol.  I,  No.  37,  of  Davis'  Readings. 

2  The  Iliad  opens  with  the  story  of  a  pestilence,  which  almost  drove  the 
Greeks  from  Troy.  The  poet  ascribes  it  to  the  anger  of  the  Sun-god,  Apollo, 
who  shot  his  arrows  npon  the  camp.  Little  wonder  that  the  sun's  rays,  in  a 
•warm  climate,  should  produce  pestilence,  under  such  conditions! 


§  110]  MANNERS  AND   INDUSTRIES  123 

murdered  in  cold  blood,  unless  they  could  tempt  the  victor  to 
spare  them  for  ransom.  Female  captives,  even  princesses,  ex- 
pected no  better  fate  than  slavery. 

On  the  other  hand,  there  are  hints  of  natural  and  happy 
family  life,  of  joyous  festivals,  and  games  and  dancesj  and  of 
wholesome,  contented  work.^ 

110.  Occupations.  —  The  mass  of  the  people  were  small  farmers, 
though  their  houses  were  grouped  in  villages.^  Even  the  kings 
tilled  their  farms,  in  part  at  least,  with  their  own  hands. 
Odysseus  can  drive  the  oxen  at  the  plow  and  "  cut  a  clean  fur- 
row '' ;  and  when  the  long  days  begin  he  can  mow  all  day  with 
the  crooked  scythe,  "  pushing  clear  until  late  eventide." 
'Slaves  were  few,  except  about  the  great  chiefs.  There  they 
served  as  household  servants  and  as  farm  hands;  and  they 
seem  to  have  been  treated  kindly.^  There  had  appeared,  how- 
ever, a  class  of  miserable  landless  freemen,  who  hired  them- 
selves to  farmers.  When  the  ghost  of  Achilles  (the  invincible 
Greek  chieftain)  wishes  to  name  to  Odysseus  the.  most  unhappy 
lot  among  mortals,  he  selects  that  of  the  hired  servant  (§  112). 

Artisans  and  smiths  were  found  among  the  retainers  of  the 
great  chiefs.  They  were  highly  honored,  but  their  skill  was 
far  inferior  to  that  of  the  Cretan  age.  Some  shiehls  and 
inlaid  weapons  of  that  earlier  period  had  passed  into  the  hands 
of  the  Achaeans ;  and  these  were  always  spoken  of  as  the  work 
of  Hephaestus,  the  god  of  fire  and  of  metal  work. 

A  separate  class  of  traders  had  not  arisen.  The  chiefs,  in  the 
intervals  of  farm  labor,  turned  to  trading  voyages  now  and 
then,  and  did  not  hesitate  to  increase  their  profits  by  piracy. 
It  was  no  offense  to  ask  a  stranger  whether  he  came  as  a  pirate 
or  for^eaceful  trade.     (Odyssey,  iii,  60-70.)  , 

1  Davis'  Readings,  Vol.  I,  No.  35. 

2  For  farm  life,  see  an  extract  in  Davis'  Readings,  "Vol.  I,  No.  39. 

3  When  Odysseus  returned  from  his  twenty  years  of  war  and  wandering, 
he  made  himself  known  first  to  a  faithful  swineherd  and  one  other  servant  — 
both  slaves;  and  "They  threw  their  arras  round  wise  Odysseus  and  passion- 
ately kissed  his  face  and  neck.  So  likewise  did  Odysseus  kiss  their  heads  and 
hands." 


124  HOMER'S  GREECE  — THE  ACHAEANS  [§111 

111.  Religious  Ideas.  —  It  has  been  said  above  that  the 
Achaeans  brought  in  a  new  worship  of  the  forces  of  nature. 
Their  lively  fancy  personified  these  in  the  forms  and  characters 
of  men  and  women — built  in  a  somewhat  more  majestic  m'old 
than  human  men.  The  great  gods  lived  on  cloud-capped 
Mount  Olympus,  and  passed  their  days  in  feasting  and  laugh- 
ter and  other  pleasures.  When  the  chief  god,  Zeus,  slept, 
things  sometimes  went  awry,  for  the  other  gods  plotted  against 
his  plans.  His  wife  Hera  was  exceedingly  jealous  — for  which 
she  had  much  reason  —  and  the  two  had  many  a  family 
wrangle.  Some  of  the  gods  went  down  to  aid  their  favorites 
in  war,  and  were  wounded  by  human  weapons. 

The  twelve  great  Olympian  deities  were  as  follows  (the  Latin  names 
are  given  in  parentheses)  :  — 

Zeus  (Jupiter),  the  supreme  god;  god  of  the  sky;  "father  of  gods 
and  men."  « 

Poseidon  (Neptune),  god  of  the  sea. 

Apollo,  the  sun  god ;  god  of  wisdom,  poetry,  prophecy,  and  medicine. 

Ares  (Mars),  god  of  war. 

Hephaestus  (Vulcan),  god  of  fire  —  the  lame  smith. 

Hermes  (Mercury),  god  of  the  wind;  messenger;  god  of  cunning,  of 
thieves,  and  of  merchants. 

Hera  (Juno),  sister  and  wife  of  Zeus;  queen  of  the  sky. 

Athene  (Minerva),  goddess  of  wisdom ;  female  counterpart  of  Apollo. 

Artemis  (Diana),  goddess  of  the  moon,  of  maidens,  and  of  hunting. 

Aphrodite  (Venus),  goddess  of  love  and  beauty. 

Demeter  (Ceres),  the  earth  goddess  —  controlling  fertility. 

Hestia  (Vesta) ,  the  deity  of  the  home  :  goddess  of  the  hearth  fire. 

The  Greeks  thought  also  of  all  the  world  about  them  as 
peopled  by  a  multitude  of  lesser  local  gods  and  demigods  — 
spirits  of  spring  and  wood  and  river  and  hill  —  all  of  whom, 
too,  they  personified  as  glorious  youths  or  maidens.  Surely  to 
give  the  gods  beautiful  human  forms,  rather  than  the  revolting 
bodies  of  lower  animals  and  reptiles  (§  24)  was  an  advance, 
even  though  it  fell  far  short  of  the  noble  religious  ideas  of  the 
Hebrews  and  Persians.  And  in  a  multitude  of  legends  the 
Greek  poets  gave  to  these  gods  a  delightful  charm,  which  has 


§  112]  RELIGION  AND  MORALS  125 

made  their  stories  a  lasting  possession  of  the  world's  culture,^  — 
and  which  indeed  kept  this  worship  alive  among  the  later 
Greeks  long  after  the  primitive  ideas  in  that  worship  were 
really  outgrown.  Even  in  the  early  period,  noble  religious 
thoughts  sometimes  appear.  In  the  Odyssey  the  poet  exclaims : 
"  Verily,  the  blessed  gods  love  not  froward  deeds,  but  they 
reverence  justice  and  the  righteous  acts  of  men." 

112.  Ideas  of  a  Future  Lif^.  —  The  Greeks  believed  in  a  place 
of  terrible  punishment  (Tartarus)  for  a  few  great  offenders 
agamst  the  gods,  and  in  an  Elysium  of  supreme  pleasure  for  a 
very  few  others  particularly  favored  by  the  gods.  But  for  the 
mass  of  men  tho  future  life  was  to  be  "  a  washed-out  copy  of 
the  brilliant  life  on  earth"  —  its  pleasures  and  pains  both 
shadowy.  Thus  Odysseus  tells  how  he  met  Achilles  in  the 
home  of  the  dead  :  — 

"  And  he  knew  me  straightway,  when  he  had  drunk  the  dark  blood  [of 
a  sacrifice  to  the  dead]  ;  yea,  and  he  wept  aloud,  and  shed  big  tears  as  he 
stretched  forth  his  hands  in  his  longing  to  reach  me.  But  it  might  not  be, 
for  he  had  now  no  steadfast  strength  nor  power  at  all  in  moving,  such  as 
was  aforetime  in  his  supple  limbs.  .  .  .  But  lo,  other  spirits  of  the  dead 
that  be  departed  stood  sorrowing,  and  each  one  asked  of  those  that  were 
dear  to  them."  —  Odyssey,  xi,  390  ff. 

And  in  their  discourse,  Achilles  exclaims  sorrowfully :  — 

"  Nay,  speak  not  comfortably  to  me  of  death,  O  great  Odysseus. 
Bather  would  I  live  on  ground  as  the  hireling  of  another,  even  with  a 
lack-land  man  who  had  no  great  livelihood,  than  bear  sway  among  all  the 
dead/' 

For  Further  Reading.  —  Specially  suggested:  Davis'  Beadings, 
Vol.  I,  Nos.  33-38  (most  of  these  already  referred  to  in  footnotes). 
Additional:  Bury,  pp.  69-79. 

iThe  legends  of  heroes  and  demigods,  like  Hercules,  Theseus,  and  Jason,  are 
retailed  for  young  people  charmingly  by  Hawthorne,  Gay  ley,  Guerber,  and 
Kingsley.  The  stories  have  no  historical  value  that  could  be  made  clear  in  a 
book  like  this ;  but  every  boy  and  girl  should  know  them. 


CHAPTER   XI 

FROM  THE  ACHAEANS   TO  THE  PERSIAN  WARS 
(1000-500  B.C.) 

\}^  A  NEW  AGE 

113.  The  Dorian  Conquest.  —  The  Achaean  conquests  closed 
about  1200  B.C.  For  two  centuries  Hellas  was  troubled  only 
by  the  usual  petty  wars  between  small  states.  But,  about 
1000  B.C.,  the  revival  of  culture  was  checked  again  for  a  hundred 
years  by  new  destructive  invasions  from  the  north. 

The  new  barbarians  called  themselves  Dorians.  They  seem 
to  have  been  closely  allied  in  language  to  the  Achaeans ;  and 
they  were  probably  merely  a  rear  guard  which  had  stopped 
for  two  hundred  years  somewhere  in  northern  Hellas.  They 
conquered  because  they  had  adopted  a  new  and  better  military 
organization.  The  Achaeans  fought  still  in  Homeric  fashion, 
—  the  chiefs  in  chariots,  and  their  followers  as  an  unwieldy, 
ill-armed  mob.  The  Dorians  introduced  the  use  of  heavy- 
armed  infantry,  with  long  spears,  in  regular  array  and  close 
ranks. 

By  900  B.C.,  the  movements  of  the  tribes  had  ceased.  The 
conquering  Dorians  had  settled  down,  mainly  in  the  Pelopon- 
nesus. This  district  had  been  the  center  of  the  Mycenaean 
and  Achaean  glory,  but  it  now  lost  its  leadership  in  culture. 
When  civilization  took  a  new  start  in  Hellas,  soon  after  900, 
it  was  from  new  centers  —  in  Attica  and  in  Asia  Minor. 

114  Phoenician  Influence.  —  TJie  civilization  ivhicJi  the  Achae- 
ans and  Dorians  had  destroyed  at  Mycenae  and  Qrete  was 
restored  to  them  in  jmrt  by  the  Phoenicians.  After  the  overthrow 
of  Cretan  power,  Phoenicia  for  many  centuries  was  the  leading 
searpower  of  the  Mediterranean  (1500-600  B.C.).     Especially 

126 


§  115]  DORIAN   GREECE  127 

among  the  islands  and  coasts  of  the  Aegean,  did  her  traders 
barter  with  the  inhabitants  (much  as  English  traders  did  two 
hundred  years  ago  with  American  Indians),  tempting  them 
with  strange  wares  of  small  value,  and  counting  it  best  gain  of 
all  if  they  could  lure  curious  maidens  on  board  their  black 
ships  for  distant  slave  markets.  In  return,  however,  they  made 
many  an  unintentional  payment.  Language  shows  that  the 
Phoenicians  gave  to  the  Greeks  the  names  (and  so,  no  doubt, 
the  use)  of  linen,  myrrh,  cinnamon,  frankincense,  soap,  lyres, 
cosmetics,  and  writing  tablets.  The  forgotten  art  of  writing 
•they  introduced  again,  —  this  time  with  a  true  alphabet.  But 
the  lively  Hellenes  were  not  slavish  imitators.  Whatever  the 
strangers  brought  them,  they  improved  and  made  their  own. 

115.  The  Gap  in  our  Knowledge.  —  The  Dorians  had  no 
Homer,  as  the  Achaeans  had,  nor  did  they  leave  magnifi- 
cent monuments,  as  the  Mycenaeans  did.  Accordingly,  after 
Homer,  there  is  a  blank  in  our  knoivledge  for  nearly  Jive  cen- 
turies. Great  changes,  however,  took  place  during  these 
obscure  centuries ;  and  in  a  rough  way  we  can  see  what  they 
were,  by  companng  Homeric  Greece  with  the  historic  Greece  that 
is  revealed  when  the  curtain  rises  again. 

This  "rising  of  the  curtain  "  took  place  about  650  b.c.  By 
that  time  the  Greeks  had  begun  to  use  the  alphabet  freely. 
The  next  150  years,  however,  merely  continued  movements 
which  were  already  well  under  way;  and  the  whole  period, 
from  the  Dorian  conquest  to  the  year  500,  can  be  treated  as  a 
unit  (§§116  ff.). 

To  that  half  thousand  years  belonged  six  great  movements,  (i)  The 
Hellenes  awoke  to  a  feeling  that  they  were  one  people  as  compared  with 
other  peoples.  (2)  They  extended  Hellenic  culture  widely  by  coloniza- 
tion. (3)  The  system  of  government  everywhere  underwent  great 
change.  (4)  Sparta  became  a  great  military  power,  whose  leadership 
in  war  the  other  Greek  states  were  willing  to  recognize.  (5)  Athens 
became  a  democracy.  (6)  A  great  intellectual  development  appeared, 
manifested  in  architecture,  painting,  sculpture,  poetry,  and  philosophy. 

Each  of  the  six  movements  will  be  described  briefly. 


128  HELLAS  FROM   1000  TO  500  B.C.  [§116 


I.     UNITY   OF  FEELING 

116.  Greeks  came  to  think  of  all  Hellenes  as  one  race,  compared 
with,  other  peoples  —  in  spite  of  many  subdivisions  among 
themselves.  The  Iliad  does  not  make  it  clear  whether  Homer 
looked  upon  the  Trojans  as  Greeks  or  not.  Apparently  he 
cared  little  about  the  question.  Five  hundred  years  later  such 
a  question  would  have  been  a  first  consideration  to  every 
Greek.  The  Greeks  had  not  become  one  nation :  that  is,  they 
had  not  come  under  the  same  government.  But  they  had 
come  to  believe  in  a  kinship  with  each  other,  to  take  pride  in 
their  common  civilization,  and  to  set  themselves  apart  from 
the  rest  of  the  world.  The  three  chief  forces  which  had 
created  this  oneness  of  feeling  were  language,  literature,  and 
the  Olympian  religion,  with  its  games  and  oracles. 

a.  The  Greeks  understood  each  other'' s  dialects,  while  the 
men  of  other  speech  about  them  they  called  "  Barbarians,"  or 
babblers  {Bar'-bar-oi).  This  likeness  of  language  made  it  possible 
for  all  Greeks  to  possess  the  same  literature.  The  poems  of 
Homer  were  sung  and  recited  in  every  village  for  centuries ; 
and  the  universal  pride  in  Homer,  and  in  the  glories  of  the 
later  literature,  had  much  to  do  in  binding  the  Greeks  into 
one  people. 

b.  The  poets  invented  a  system  of  relationship.  The  first 
inhabitant  of  Hellas,  they  said,  was  a  certain  Hellen,  who  had 
three  sons,  Aeolus,  DoruSj,  and  Xuthus.  Xuthus  became  the 
father  of  Achaeus  and  Ion.  Aeolus,  Dor  us,  Achaeus,  and  Ion 
were  the  ancestors  of  all  Hellenes,  —  in  the  four  great  divi- 
sions, Aeolians ^Dorians,  Achaeans,  and  lonians.  This  system 
of  fables  made  it  eashr  for  the  Greeks  to  believe  themselves  con- 
nected by  blood. 

c.  Three  special  features  of  the  Olympian  religion  helped  to 
bind  Greeks  together,  —  the  Olympic  Games,  the  Delphic  Oracle, 
and  the  various  Amphictyonies  (§§  117,*  118,  119). 

117.  The  Oljnnpic^Games.  —  To  the  great  festivals  of  some  of 
the  gods,  men  flocked  from  all  Hellas.     This  was  especially 


§117] 


ONENESS  OF  CULTURE 


129 


true  of  the  Olympic  games.  These  were  celebrated  each  fourth 
year  at  Olympia,  in  Elis,  in  honor  of  Zeus.  The  contests  con- 
sisted of  foot  races,  chariot  races,  wrestling,  and  boxing.  The 
victors  were  felt  to  have  won  the  highest  honor  open  to  any 
Greek.  They  received  merely  an  olive  wreath  at  Olympia; 
but  at  their  homes  they  were  honored  with  inscriptions  and 


Ruins  of  the  Entrance  to  the  Stadium  {athletic  field)  at  Olympia. 


statues.  Only  Greeks  could  take  part  in  the  contests,  and  there 
was  a  strong  feeling  that  all  wars  between  Greek  states  should 
be  suspended  during  the  month  of  the  festival. 

To  these  games  came  merchants,  to  secure  the  best  market 
for  rare  wares.  Heralds  proclaimed  treaties  there  —  as  the  best 
way  to  make  them  known  through  all  Hellas.  Poets,  orators, 
and  artists  gathered  there ;  and  gradually  the  intellectual  con- 
tests and  exhibitions  became  the  most  important  feature  of 
the  meeting.     The  oration  or  poem  or  statue  which  was  praised 


130  HELLAS  FROM   1000  TO  500  B.C.  [§  118 

by  the  crowds  at  Olympia  had  received  the  approval  of  the 
most  select  and  intelligent  judges  that  could  be  brought 
together  anywhere  in  the  world. 

These  intellectual  contests,  however,  did  not  become  part  of  the 
sacred  games.  Nor  was  any  prize  given  to  the  winner.  The  four-year 
periods  between  the  games  were  called  Olympiads.  These  periods  finally 
became  the  Greek  units  in  counting  time  :  all  events  were  dated  from  what 
was  believed  to  be  the  first  recorded  Olympiad,  beginning  in  776  b.c.  An 
admirable  account  of  the  Olympic  Games  is  given  in  Davis'  Headings, 
Vol.  I,  No.  44.  But  the  student  will  enjoy  even  more  the  vivid  picture  in 
Dr.  Davis'  novel,  A  Victor  of  Salamis. 

118.  The  Delphic  Oracle.  —  Apollo,  the  sun  god,  was  also  the 
god  of  prophecy.  One  of  his  chief  temples  was  at  Delphi,  far 
up  the  slopes  of  Mount  Parnassus,  amid  wild  and  rugged 
scenery.  From  a  fissure  in  the  ground,  within  the  temple, 
volcanic  gases  poured  forth.  A  priestess  would,  when  desired, 
inhale  the  gas  until  she  passed  into  a  trance  (or  seemed  to  do 
so) ;  and,  while  in  this  state,  she  was  supposed  to  see  into  the 
future,  by  the  aid  of  the  god.  The  advice  of  this  "  oracle  "  was 
sought  by  men  and  by  governments  throughout  all  Hellas.  (See 
further  in  Davis'  Readings,  Vol.  I,  Nos.  41^3.) 

119.  Amphictyonies.  —  There  was  an  ancient  league  of  Greek 
tribes  to  protect  the  temple  at  Delphi.  This  was  known  as 
the  Amphictyonic  League  (league  of  "dwellers-round-about"). 
Smaller  amphictyonies,  for  the  protection  of  other  temples, 
were  common  in  Greece.  In  early  Greek  histoi^,  they  were 
the  only  hint  of  a  movement  toward  a  union  of  states.  All 
these  leagues,  it  is  true,  were  strictly  religious  in  purpose,  and 
not  at  all  like  political  unions.  The  Delphic  Amphictyony, 
however,  did  in  a  way  represent  the  whole  Greek  people.  All 
important  states  sent  delegates  to  its  "  Council,"  which  held 
regular  meetings;  and  every  division  of  the  Greek  race  felt 
that  it  had  a  share  in  the  oracle  and  in  its  League. 

120.  Dorians  and  lonians.  —  At  the  cost  of  some  digression,  this  is 
the  best  place  to  note  that  through  all  later  Greek  history  (after  6oo  B.C.) 
the  two  leading  races  were  the  Dorians  and  the  lonians.    (See  §  ii6  &,  above.) 


§  121]  EXPANSION  AND   COLONIZATION  131 

By  600  B.C.  the  Dorians  had  their  chief  strength  in  the  Peloponnesus, 
while  the  lonians  held  Attica  and  most  of  the  islands  of  the  Aegean. 
The  lonians  seem  to  have  been  descendants  of  the  original  inhabitants 
of  Greece,  mixed  with  tribes  of  the  Achaean  invasion. 

Athens  was  the  leading  city  of  the  lonians.  The  Athenians  were  sea- 
farers and  traders ;  they  preferred  a  democratic  government ;  they  were 
open  to  new  ideas  —  "  always  seeking  some  new  thing  " ;  and  they  were 
interested  in  art  and  litetature.  Sparta  was  the  leading  city  of  the 
Dorians.  The  Spartans  were  a  military  settlement  of  conquerors,  in  a 
fertile  valley,  organized  for  defense  and  ruling  over  slave  tillers  of  the 
soil.  They  were  warriors,  not  traders;  aristocratic,  not  democratic; 
conservative,  not  progressive ;  practical,  not  artisfic.  ^ 

Some  writers  used  to  explain  the  differences  between  Athens  and  Sparta 
on  the  ground  of  race,  and  teach  that  all  lonians  were  naturally  demo- 
cratic and  progressive,  while  all  Dorians  were  naturally  aristocratic  and 
conservative.  But  it  has  been  pointed  out  that  Dorian  colonies  in  Italy 
and  Sicily  (like  Syracuse)  resembled  Athens  more  than  they  did  Sparta. 
Their  physical  surroundings  were  more  like  those  of  Athens,  also.  To-day 
scholars  look  with  suspicion  upon  all  attempts  to  explain  differences  in 
civilization  on  the  ground  of  inborn  race  tendencies.  For  Sparta  and 
Athens,  the  explanation  certainly  is  found  mainly  in  the  difference  in 
physical  surroundings^ 

II.     EXPANSION   BY   COLONIZATION 

121.  First  Period.  —  While  Greek  civilization  was  becoming 
more  united  in  feeling,  it  was  becoming  more  scattered  in 
space.  The  old  tribes  which  the  Dorians  drove  out  of  the 
Peloponnesus  jostled  other  tribes  into  motion  all  over  Greece, 
and  some  of  the  fugitives  carried  the  seeds  6f  Greek  culture 
more  widely  than  before  along  the  coasts  of  the  Aegean. 

This  period  of  colonization  lasted  about  a  century,  from 
1000  to  900  B.C.  Its  most  important  fact  was  the  Hellenizing 
of  the  western  coast  of  Asia  Minor.  Some  of  this  district  had 
been  Greek  before  ;  but  now  large  reinforcements  arrived  from 
the  main  Greek  peninsula,  and  all  non-Hellenic  tribes  were 
subdued  or  driven  out.  Large  bodies  of  Ionian  refugees  from 
the  Peloponnesus  had  sought  refuge  in  Ionian  Attica.  But 
Attica  could  not  support  them  all ;   and  soon  they  began  to 


132  HELLAS  FROM   1000  TO  500  B.C.  [§  122 

cross  the  sea  to  Asia  Minor.  There  they  established  them- 
selves in  twelve  great  cities,  of  which  the  most  important  were 
Miletus  and  Ephesus.  The  whole  middle  district  of  that  coast 
took  the  name  Ionia,  and  was  united  in  an  amphictyony. 

122.  Second  Period.  —  A  century  later,  there  began  a  still 
wider  colonizing  movement,  which  went  on  for  two  hundred 
years  (800-600  b.c),  doubling  the  area  of  Hellas  and  spread- 
ing it  far  outside  the  old  Aegean  home.  The  cause  this  time 
was  not  war.  Greek  cities  were  growing  anxious  to  seize  the 
Mediterranean  commerce  from  the  Phoenicians.  The  new  colo- 
nies were  founded  largely  for  trading  stations. 

Thus  Miletus  sent  colony  after  colony  to  the  jiorth  shore  of 
the  Black  Sea,  to  control  the  corn  trade  there.  Sixty  Greek 
towns  fringed  that  sea  and  its  straits.  The  one  city  of  Chalcis, 
in  Euboea,  planted  thirty-two  colonies  on  the  Tliracian  coast, 
to  secure  the  gold  and  silver  mines  of  that  region.  On  the 
west,  Sicily  became  almost  wholly  Greek,  and  southern  Italy 
took  the  proud  name  of  Magna  Graecia  (Great  Greece).  In- 
deed, settlements  were  sown  from  end  to  end  of  the  Mediter- 
ranean. Among  the  more  important  of  the  colonies  were 
Syracuse  in  Sicily,  Tarentum,  Sybaris,  and  Croton  in  Italy, 
Corey ra  near  the  mouth  of  the  Adriatic,  Massilia  (Marseilles) 
in  Gaul,  Olynthus  in  Thrace,  Cyrene  in  Africa,  Byzantium  at 
the  Black  Sea's  mouth,  and  Naucratis  in  Egypt  (§  32).^ 

123.  Method  of  Founding  Colonies.  —  Many  motives  besides 
the  commercial  assisted  this  movement.  Sometimes  a  city 
found  its  population  growing  too  fast  for  its  grain  supply. 
Often  there  was  danger  of  class  struggles,  so  that  it  seemed 
well  to  get  rid  of  the  more  adventurous  of  the  poorer  citizens. 
Perhaps  some  daring  youth  of  a  noble  family  longed  for  a  more 
active  life  than  he  found  at  home,  and  was  glad  to  become  the 
head  of  a  new  settlement  on  a  distant  frontier. 

In  any  case  the  oracle  at  Delphi  was  first  consulted.  If  the 
reply  was  favorable,  announcements  were  made  and  volunteers 

1  Map  study :  on  outline  maps,  or  on  the  board,  locate  the  districts  and  cities 
mentioned  in  §§  121  and  122. 


u      50     100  200  aoo  4S0  i3o 

I  Ionian       I  I  Dorian      I  I  Other  Greek  Jlaces 


(Phoenician) 

J L 


Longitude  West     0 


10  Longitude 


from     20 


124] 


POLITICAL  REVOLUTIONS 


133 


were  gathered  for  the  expedition.  The  mother  city  always 
gave  the  sacred  fire  for  the  new  city  hearth,  and  appointed  the 
"founder."  This  "founder''  established  the  new  settlement 
with  religious  rites  and  distributed  the  inhabitants,  who 
thronged  in  from  all  sides,  into  artificial  tribes  and  clans. 


Ruins  of  the  Athletic  Field  at  Delphi.    Second  only  to  the  Olympic 
Games,  and  similar  to  them,  was  the  Festival  at  Delphi  in  honor  of  Apollo. 

The  colonists  ceased  to  he  citizens  of  their  old  home,  and  the 
new  city  enjoyed  complete  independence.  The  colony  recognized 
a  religious  connection  with  its  "  metropolis "  (mother  city), 
and  of  course  there  were  often  strong  bonds  of  friendship 
between  the  two;  but  there  was  no  political  union  between 
them  — until  Athens  invented  a  new  form  of  colony  which  will 
be  described  later  (§  148). 


III.     CHANGES   IN   GOVERNMENT 

124.   The  Kings  overthrown  by  Oligarchies.  —  Between  1000 
and  500  b.c.  the  "  kings  "  disappeared  from  every  Greek  city 


134  HELLAS  FROM    1000  TO  500  B.C.  [§  125 

except  Sparta  and  Argos,  and  even  in  those  cities  they  lost  most 
of  their  old  power.  The  change  was  the  work  of  the  nobles ; 
and  that  class  divided  the  royal  power  among  themselves. 
Monarchies  gave  way  to  oligarchies. 

A  Homeric  king,  we  have  seen,  had  three  kinds  of  duties  :  he 
was  war  chief,  judge,  and  priest.  The  office  of  war  chief  could 
least  safely  be  left  to  the  accident  of  birth.  Accordingly  the 
nobles  took  away  this  part  of  the  king's  duties  first,  turning 
it  over  to  officers  whom  they  elected  from  among  themselves. 
Then,  as  judicial  work  increased  with  the  growth  of  city  life, 
special  judges  were  chosen  to  take  over  that  part  of  the  king's 
work.  The  priestly  dignity  was  connected  most  closely  with 
family  descent  (§§  101,  102):  therefore  it  was  left  longest  a 
matter  of  inheritance. 

This,  then,  was  the  general  order  of  the  changes  by  which 
the  rule  of  one  man  became  the  rule  of  "  the  few.^^  The  process 
was  gradual;  the  means  and  occasion  varied.  A  contest  be- 
tween two  rivals  for  the  throne,  or  the  dying  out  of  a  royal 
line,  or  a  weak  king  or  a  minor,  —  any  of  these  conditions  made 
it  easy  for  the  nobles  to  encroach  upon  the  royal  power. 

125.  Oligarchies  overthrown  by  Tyrants.  —  Originally,  the  aris- 
tocratic element  consisted  of  the  council  of  clan  elders  (§  106), 
but  with  time  it  had  become  modified  in  many  ways.  Some- 
times the  families  of  a  few  great  chiefs  had  come  to  over- 
shadow the  rest.  In  other  places,  groups  of  conquering  families 
ruled  the  descendants  of  the  conquered.  Sometimes,  perhaps, 
wealth  helped  to  draw  the  line  between  "  the  few  "  and  "  the 
many."  At  all  events,  there  was  in  all  Greek  cities  a  sharp  line 
between  two  classes,  —  one  calling  itself  "  the  f ew,'^  "  the  good," 
"the  noble";  and  another  called  by  these  "the  many,"  "the 
bad,"  "  the  base." 

"The  few"  had  succeeded  the  kings.  "The  many"  were 
oppressed  and  misgoverned,  and  they  began  to  clamor  for  relief. 
They  were  too  ignorant  as  yet  to  maintain  themselves  against 
the  intelligent  and  better  united  "few";  but  the  way  was 
prepared  for  them  by  the  "  tyrants  "  (§  126). 


§  126]  POLITICAL  REVOLUTIONS  135 

Why  does  it  matterwho  controls  the .  governnient  ?  The  student 
should  begin  to  think  upon  this  matter.  Government  is  not  a  matter  of 
dignity  mainly,  but  a  very  practical  matter.  It  touches  our  daily  life 
very  closely.  In  one  of  our  States,  for  many  years  past,  a  certain  railroad 
has  controlled  the  legislature.  Therefore  it  has  escaped  taxation,  for  the 
most  part,  upon  its  immense  wealth ;  and  every  poor  man  in  the  State 
has  had  to  pay  unduly  high  taxes  in  consequence,  leaving  less  money  for 
his  children's  shoes  and  books.  The  same  railroad  has  been  permitted  to 
charge  exorbitant  rates  on  freight.  Every  farmer  has  received  too  little 
for  his  wheat ;  and  every  citizen  has  paid  too  much  for  flour.  So  for 
forty  years,  in  our  own  day  and  country,  big  business  interests  have 
striven  constantly  to  own  congress  and  legislatures  and  judges  and  gov- 
ernors, so  as  to  get  or  keep  monopolies  or  tariff  advantages  or  other 
special  privileges,  by  which  they  have  heaped  up  riches  —  which,  in  the 
long  run,  have  been  drawn  from  the  homes  of  the  working  people.  In 
early  society,  class  distinctions  are  drawn  more  sharply,  and  class  rule  was 
even  more  tyrannical.  "  The  few  "  are  usually  wiser  than  "  the  many  "  ; 
but  all  history  proves  that  class  rule  by  "  the  good  "  is  sure  to  be  a  selfish, 
bad  rule. 

126.  "Tyrants"  pave  the  Way  for  Democracies.  —  Before 
500  B.C.  every  city  in  the  Greek  peninsula,  except  Sparta,  had 
its  tyrant,  or  had  had  one.  In  the  outlying  parts  of  Hellas, 
tyrants  were  common  through  later  history  also,  but  by  the 
year  500  they  had  disappeared  from  the  main  peninsula ;  and 
so  the  two  centuries  from  700  to  500  B.C.  are  sometimes  called  the 
^^  Age  of  Tyrants^ 

In  Greek  histoiy  a  tyrant  is  not  necessarily  a  bad  or  cruel  ruler : 
he  is  simply  a  man  who  by  force  seizes  supreme  power.  But 
arbitrary  rule  was  hateful  to  the  Greeks,  and  the  murder  of  a 
tyrant  seemed  to  them  a  good  act.  Sometimes,  too,  the 
selfishness  and  cruelty  of  such  rulers  justified  the  detestation 
which  still  clings  to  the  name.  But  at  the  worst  the  tyrants 
seem  to  have  been  a  necessary  evil,  to  break  down  the  greater 
evil  of  the  selfish  oligarchies.  Many  tyrants  were  generous, 
far-sighted  rulers,  building  public  works,  developing  trade, 
patronizing  art  and  literature ;  but  their  main  value  in  history 
was  this  :  they  paved  the  ivay  for  democracy. 


136  HELLAS  FROM   1000  TO  500  B.C.  [§  127 

Sometimes  a  tyrant  had  been  an  ambitious  noble  ;  sometimes 
a  man  of  the  people,  by  birth.  In  either  case,  he  usually  won 
his  mastery  by  coming  forward,  in  some  crisis  of  civil  strife, 
as  the  champion  of  "  the  many."  When  he  had  made  himself 
tyrant  of  his  city,  he  surrounded  himself  with  paid  soldiers ; 
but  he  sought  also  to  keep  the  favor  of  the  masses,  who  had 
helped  him  to  the  throne.  The  nobles  he  could  not  conciliate. 
These  he  burdened  with  taxes,  oppressed,  exiled,  and  murdered. 
The  story  goes  that  Periander,  tyrant  of  Corinth,  sent  to  the 
tyrant  of  Miletus  to  ask  his  advice  in  government.  The  Mile- 
sian took  the  messenger  through  a  grain  field,  striking  off  the 
finest  and  tallest  ears  as  they  walked,  and  sent  him  back  with- 
out other  answer. 

Thus  when  the  tyrants  themselves  were  overthrown,  democ-- 
racy  had  a  chance.  The  nobles  were  weaker  than  before,  and 
the  people  had  gained  confidence.  In  the  Ionian  cities,  the 
next  step  was  usually  a  democratic  government.  In  Dorian 
parts  of  Greece,  more  commonly  there  followed  an  aristocracy. 
But  this  was  always  much  broader,  and  less  objectionable, 
than  the  older  oligarchies.  The  tyrants  had  done  their  work 
effectively.^ 

This,  then,  was  the  general  order  of  change  :  the  kings  give  way  to 
oligarchies ;  the  oligarchies  are  overthrown  by  tyrants  ;  and  the  tyrants, 
unintentionally,  prepare  the  way  for  the  rule  of  the  people.  We  shall 
now  trace  the  changes,  with  more  detail,  in  the  two  leading  cities  of 
Hellas,  —  Sparta  and  Athens.  The  first  had  less  change  than  any  other 
city.     The  second  led  the  movement. 

IV.     RISE    OF   SPARTA  TO   MILITARY   HEADSHIP 

127.  Changes  in  Early  Sparta.  —  The  invading  Dorians  founded 
many  petty  states  in  the  Peloponnesus.  For  a  time  one  of  the 
weakest  of  these  was  Sparta.  Her  territory  covered  only  a 
• 

1  Exercise.  —  Contrast  the  "tyrants"  with  the  Homeric  kings,  —  as  to 
origin  of  power;  as  to  limitation  by  custom  and  public  opinion ;  as  to  security 
in  their  positions. 


§  128]  SPARTA'S  HEADSHIP  137 

few  square  miles.  It  was  shut  off  from  the  sea,  and  it  was 
surrounded  by  powerful  neighbors. 

The  later  Spartans  attributed  their  rise  from  these  condi- 
tions to  the  reforms  of  a  certain  Lycurgus.  Certainly,  about 
the  year  900,  whether  the  reformer's  name  was  Lycurgus  or 
not,  the  Spartans  adopted  peculiar  institutions  which  made 
them  a  marked  people.  The  new  laws  and  customs  disciplined 
and  hardened  them ;  and  they  soon  entered  upon  a  brilliant 
career  of  conquest.  Before  700,  they  had  subdued  all  Laconia; 
before  650,  Messenia  also ;  while  the  other  states  of  the  Pelo- 
ponnesus, except  hostile  Argos,  had  become  their  allies. 

128.  Government.  —  Sparta  had  two  kings.  An  old  legend 
explained  this  peculiar  arrangement  as  due  to  the  birth  of  twin 
princes.  At  all  events  in  this  city  the  royal  power  was  weakened 
by  division,  and  so  the  nobles  were  less  tempted  to  abolish  it. 

There  was  also  a  Senate  of  thirty  elders.  In  practice,  this 
body  was  the  most  important  part  of  the  government.  The 
kings  held  two  of  the  seats,  and  the  people  elected  the  twenty- 
eight  other  senators. 

No  one  under  sixty  years  of  age  could  be  chosen.  The  candidates  were 
led  through  the  Assembly  in  turn,  and  as  each  passed,  the  people  shouted. 
Judges,  shut  up  in  a  room  from  which  they  could  not  see  the  candidates, 
listened  to  the  shouts  and  gave  the  vacancy  to  the  one  whose  appearance 
had  called  out  the  loudest  welcome.  Aristotle,  a  later  Greek  writer,  calls 
this  method  "childish"  ;  but  it  has  an  interesting  relation  to  our  viva- 
voce  voting,  where  a  chairman  decides,  in  the  first  instance,  by  noise. 

A  popular  Assembly  of  all  Spartans  chose  senators  and  other 
officers,  and  decided  important  matters  laid  before  it  —  subject 
to  a  veto  by  the  Senate.  The  Assembly  had  no  right  to  intro- 
duce new  measures,  and  the  common  Spartan  could  not  even 
take  part  in  the  debated 

About  725  B.C.  new  magistrates,  called  Ephors,  became  the 
chief  rulers.  Five  Ephors  were  chosen  each  year  by  the  Assem- 
bly, and  any  Spartan  might  be  elected.  The  Ephors  called  the 
Assembly,  presided  over  it,  and  acted  as  judges  in  all  important 
matters.     One  or  two  of  them  accompanied  the  king  in  war, 


138  HELLAS  FROM   1000  TO  500  B.C.  [§  129 

with  power  to  control  his  movements,  and  even  to  arrest  him 
and  put  him  to  death.  In  practice,  the  Ephors  acted  as  the  serv- 
ants of  the  Senate,  which  indeed  really  controlled  the  nomina- 
tions and  elections  of  these  officers. 

To  the  Greeks,  all  delegation  of  power,  even  to  officers  elected  for 
short  terms,  seemed  undemocratic.  They  would  not  have  called  our 
government  by  President,  Congress,  and  Supreme  Court  a  democracy  at 
all.  Our  government  is  sometimes  called  a  "  representative  democracy." 
To  the  Greeks,  democracy  always  meant  "  direct  democracy,"  —  a  gov- 
ernment in  which  each  freeman  took  somewhat  the  same  part  that  a 
member  of  Congress  does  with  us  —  a  system  such  that  each  citizen 
voted,  not  occasionally,  to  elect  representatives,  but  constantly,  on  all 
matters  of  importance,  —  which  matters  he  might  also  discuss  in  the 
ruling  Assembly  of  his  city.  Even  one  of  our  State  governments  with 
the  "initiative  "  and  "  referendum  "  would  have  seemed  to  the  Greek  a 
very  mild  sort  of  *' direct  democracy."  By  his  standard,  Sparta  was 
exceedingly  aristocratic. 

129.  Classes  in  Laconia.  —  Moreover,  the  Spartans  as  a  ivhole 
were  a  ruling  class  in  the  inidst  of  subjects  eight  or  ten  times  their 
number.  They  were  simply  a  camp  of  some  nine  thousand  con- 
querors (with  their  families)  living  under  arms  in  their  unwalled 
city.  They  were  wholly  given  to  camp  life.  They  had  taken 
to  themselves  the  most  fertile  lands  in  Laconia,  but  they  did 
no  work.  Each  man's  land  was  tilled  by  certain  slaves,  or 
Helots. 

The  Helots  numbered  four  or  five  to  one  Spartan.  They 
were  slaves,  not  to  individual  Spartans,  but  to  the  government. 
Besides  tilling  the  Spartan  lands,  they  furnished  light-armed 
troops  in  war;  but  they  were  k  constant  danger.  A  secret 
police  of  active  Spartan  youth  busied  itself  in  detecting  plots 
among  them,  and  sometimes  carried  out  secret  massacres  of  the 
more  intelligent  and  ambitious  slaves. 

Indeed  it  was  lawful  for  any  Spartan  to  kill  a  Helot  with- 
out trial ;  and  sometimes  crowds  of  Helots  vanished  mysteri- 
ously when  their  numbers  threatened  Spartan  safety.  On  one 
occasion,  in  the  great  struggle  with  Athens  in  the  fifth  cen- 


§  130]  SPARTA'S  HEADSHIP  139 

tury  (§§  192  ff.),  the  Spartans  gave  the  Helots  heavy  armor, 
but  afterward  they  become  terrified  at  the  possible  conse- 
quences. Thucydides  (the  Greek  historian  of  that  period) 
tells  how  they  met  the  danger :  — 

"  They  proclaimed  that  a  selection  would  be  made  of  those  Helots  who 
claimed  to  have  rendered  the  best  service  to  the  Spartans  in  the  war,  and 
promised  them  liberty.  The  announcement  was  intended  to  test  them  : 
it  was  thought  that  those  among  them  who  were  foremost  in  asserting 
their  freedom  would  be  most  high-spirited  and  most  likely  to  rise  against 
their  masters.  So  [the  Spartans]  selected  about  two  thousand,  who  were 
crowned  with  garlands,  and  went  in  procession  round  the  temples.  They 
[the  Helots]  were  supposed  to  have  received  their  liberty,  but  not  long 
afterwards  the  Spartans  put  them  all  out  of  the  way,  and  no  man  knew 
how  any  of  them  came  to  their  end.'''' 

The  inhabitants  of  the  hundred  small  subject  towns  of  Laco- 
nia  were  free  men,  but  they  were  not  part  of  the  Spartan  state. 
They  kept  their  own  customs  and  shared  in  the  government  of 
their  cities,  under  the  supervision  of  Spartan  rulers.  They 
tilled  lands  of  their  own,  and  they  carried  on  such  trades  and 
commerce  as  existed  in  Laconia. 

These  subject  Laconians  were  three  or  four  to  one  Spartan-, 
and  they  furnished,  in  large  measure,  the^ heavy-armed  soldiers 
of  the  Spartan  army.  The  Ephors  could  put  them  to  death 
without  trial,  but  they  seem,  as  a  rule,  to  have  been  well  treated 
and  well  content. 

Thus  the  inhabitants  of  Laconia  were  of  three  classes  : 
a  small  ruling  body  of  warriors,  living  in  one  central  settlement  ; 
a  large  class  of  cruelly  treated,  rural  serfs,  to  till  the  soil  for  these 
aristocratic  soldiers  ;  another  large  class  of  well-treated  subjects, 
—  town-dioellers,  —  ivho,  however,  had  no  share  in  the  Spartan 
government. 

130.  "  Spartan  Discipline."  —  Sparta  kept  its  mastery  in  La- 
conia by  sleepless  vigilance  and  by  a  rigid  discipline.  That 
discipline  is  sometimes  praised  as  "the  Spartan  training." 
Its  sole  aim  was  to  make  soldiers.  It  succeeded  in  this ;  but 
it  was  harsh  and  brutal. 


140  HELLAS  FROM   1000  TO  500  B.C.  [§  130 

The  family  J  as  well  as  the  man,  belonged  absolutely  to  the 
state.  The  Ephors  examined  each  child,  at  its  birth,  to  decide 
whether  it  was  fit  to  live.  If  it  seemed  weak  or  puny,  it  was 
exposed  in  the  mountains  to  die.  The  father  and  mother 
could  not  save  it.  If  it  was  strong  and  healthy,  it  was  re- 
turned to  its  parents  for  a  few  years.  But  after  a  boy  reached 
the  age  of  seven,  he  never  again  slept  under  his  mother's  roof: 
he  was  taken  from  home,  to  be  trained  with  other  boys  under 
public  officers,  until  he  was  twenty. 

The  boys  were  taught  reading  and  a  little  martial  music, 
but  they  were  given  no  other  mental  culture.  The  main  pur- 
pose of  their  education  was  to  harden  and  strengthen  the  body 
and  to  develop  self-control  and  obedience.  On  certain  festival 
days,  boys  were  whipped  at  the  altars  to  test  their  endurance ; 
and  Plutarch  (a  Greek  writer  of  the  second  century  a.d.)  states 
that  they  often  died  under  the  lash  rather  than  utter  a  cry. 
This  custom  was  much  like  the  savage  "  sun-dance '^  of  some 
American  Indian  tribes.  Indeed,  several  features  of  Spartan 
life  that  are  ascribed  by  legend  to  Lycurgus  seem  rather  to 
have  been  survivals  of  a  barbarous  period  that  the  Spartans 
never  wholly  outgrew. 

From  twenty  to  thirty,  the  youth  lived  under  arms  in  bar- 
racks. There  he  was  one  of  a  mess  of  fifteen.  From  his  land 
he  had  to  provide  his  part  of  the  barley  meal,  cheese,  and 
black  broth,  with  meat  on  holidays,  for  the  company's  food. 
The  mess  drilled  and  fought  side  by  side,  so  that  in  battle 
each  man  knew  that  his  daily  companions  and  friends  stood 
about  him.  These  manyiyears  of  constant  military  drill  made 
it  easy  for  the  Spartans  to  adopt  more  con3^1ex  ^ctics  than 
were  possible  for  their  neighbors.  They'  w*ere  trained.in  small 
regiments  and  companies,  so  as  to  maneuver  readily  at  the 
word  of  command.  This  made  them  superior  in  the  field. 
They  stood  to  the  other  Greeks  as  disciplined  soldiery  always 
stand  to  untrained  militia. 

At  thirty  the  man  was  required  to  marry,  in  order  to  rear 
more  soldiers ;  but  he  must  still  eat  in  barracks,  and  live  there 


§  132]  RISE   OF  DEMOCRACY  AT  ATHENS  141 

most  of  the  time.  He  had  no  real  home.  Said  an  Athenian, 
''  The  Spartan's  life  is  so  unendurable  that  it  is  no  wonder  he 
throws  it  away  lightly  in  battle." 

There  was  certain  virtue^  no  doubt,  in  this  training.  The 
Spartans  had  the  quiet  dignity  of  born  rulers.  In  contrast  with 
the  noisy  Greeks  all  about  them,  their  speech  was  brief  and 
pithy  ("  laconic  "  speech).  They  used  only  iron  money.  And 
their  plain  living  made  them  appear  superior  to  the  weak  in- 
dulgences of  other  men.  After  the  introduction  of  Ephors, 
their  form  of  government  did  not  change  for  five  hundred 
years;  and  this  changeless  character  called  forth  admiration 
from  the  other  Greeks,  who  were  accustomed  to  kaleidoscopic 
revolutions.  Spartan  women,  too,  kept  a  freedom  which  un- 
happily was  lost  in  other  Greek  cities.  Girls  were  trained  in 
gymnastics,  much  as  boys  were ;  and  the  women  were  famous 
for  beauty  and  health,  and  for  public  spirit  and  patriotism. 

131.  The  value  of  the  Spartans  to  the  world  lay  in  the  fact  that  they 
made  a  garrison  for  the  rest  of  Greece,  and  helped  save  something  better 
than  themselves.  In  themselves,  they  were  hard,  ignorant,  narrow. 
They  did  nothing  for  art,  literature,  science,  or  philosophy.  If  the  Greeks 
had  all  been  Spartans,  we  could  afford  to  omit  the  study  of  Greek  history. 

For  Further  Beading.  —  All  students  should  read  the  charming 
account  of  Spartan  customs  contained  in  Plutarch's  Life  of  Lycurgus. 
Davis'  RmdLngs  has  several  pages  of  extracts  from  the  more  valuable 
part. 

Exercise.  —  Name  the  three  classes  of  people  in  Laconia.  Which  one 
alone  had  full  political  rights  ?  What  were  the  four  parts  of  the  govern- 
ment ?     State  the  powers  of  each. 

'^     V.     BEGINNING   OF  DEMOCRACY  AT  ATHENS 

132.  Consolidation  of  Attica.  —  Athens  was  the  only  city  in  At- 
tica —  a  considerable  territory.  Like  Sparta,  Athens  was  the 
result  of  more  consolidation  than  was  common  with  Greek  cities. 
In  other  districts  as  large  as  Attica  or  Laconia  there  were 
always  groups  of  independent  cities.  Boeotia,  for  instance, 
contained  twelve  cities,  jealous  of  one  another;  and  Thebes, 


142  HELLAS  FROM   1000  TO  500  B.C.  [§  133 

the  largest  among  them,  could  at  best  hope  for  only  a  limited 
leadership  over  her  rivals. 

In  Attica,  before  history  really  began,  the  beginnings  of  several  cities 
bad  been  consolidated  in  one  (§  103).  Indeed,  consolidation  had  been 
carried  even  farther  than  with  Sparta.  Athens  was  the  home  of  all  the 
free  inhabitants  of  Attica,  not  merely  the  camp  of  one  ruling  tribe. 

133.  Favorable  Conditions.  —  Attica  is  one  of  the  most  easily 
defended  districts  of  all  Greece  —  against  any  force  not  abso- 
lutely overwhelming.  It  is  a  peninsula;  and  on  the  two  land 
sides,  where  it  borders  Megaris  and  Boeotia,  it  is  reached  only 
through  fairly  difficult  passes.  These  facts  explain,  in  part, 
why  Attica  was  the  one  spot  of  southern  Greece  not  overrun  by 
conquerors  at  the  time  of  the  Dorian  migration.  Naturally,  it 
became  a  refuge  for  Ionian  clans  driven  from  the  Peloponnesus. 
The  richest  and  strongest  of  these  were  adopted  into  the  tribes 
of  Attica.  Others  became  dependants.  The  frequent  and 
peaceful  introduction  of  new  blood  helped  to  make  the  people 
progressive  and  open  to  outside  influence. 

134.  Decline  of  the  Homeric  Kingship.  —  Like  other  Greek 
cities,  Athens  lost  her  kings  in  the  dim  centuries  before  we 
have  any  real  history.  The  nobles  began  to  restrict  the  royal 
power  about  iOOO  b.c.  The  king's  title  had  been  king-archon. 
Alongside  the  king-archon  the  nobles  first  set  up,  from  among 
themselves,  a  war-archon  (polemarch).  Then  they  created  a 
chief-archon,  usually  called  the  Archon,  to  act  as  judge  and  as 
chief  executive  of  the  government.  After  that,  the  king-archon 
was  only  the  city-priest.  In  752,  the  office  was  made  elective, 
for  ten-year  terms.  For  some  time  longer  the  king-archon  was 
always  chosen  from  the  old  royal  family ;  but  finally  the  ofl&ce 
was  thrown  open  to  any  noble.  At  last,  in  682  b.c,  the  archons 
were  all  made  annual  officers,  and  the  number  was  increased  to 
nine,  because  of  the  growing  judicial  work. 

135.  Rule  by  the  Nobles.  —  The  nobles  were  known  as  Eupa- 
trids  (well-born).  They  were  the  chiefs  of  the  numerous  clans 
in  Attica.     Their  council  was  called  the  Areopagus,  from  the 


§  137]  RISE   OF  DEMOCRACY  AT  ATHENS.  143 

name  of  the  hill  where  it  met.  The  Areopagus  chose  the 
archons  (from  nobles,  of  course),  and  ruled  Attica.  The  other 
tribesmen  had  even  less  influence  than  in  Homeric  times. 
They  no  longer  had  a  political  Assembly. 

136.  Economic  ^  Oppression.  —  The  nobles  tyrannized  over  the 
common  tribesmen  in  economic  matters.  Most  of  the  land  had 
come  to  belong  to  the  nobles.  They  tilled  it  mainly  by  tenants, 
who  paid  five  sixths  of  the  produce  for  rent.  A  bad  season  or 
hostile  ravages  compelled  these  tenants  to  borrow  seed  or  food, 
and  to  mortgage  themselves  .for  payment.  If  a  debtor  failed 
to  pay  promptly,  he  and  his  family  could  be  dragged  off  in 
chains  and  sold  into  slavery. 

Besides  the  great  landlords  and  their  "tenants,  there  was  a 
class  of  small  farmers  owning  their  own  lands ;  but  often  these 
men  also  were  obliged  to  borrow  of  the  nobles.  In  conse- 
quence, many  of  them  passed  into  the  condition  of  tenants. 
Aristotle  (a  later  Greek  writer)  says  :  — • 

"  The  poor  with  their  wives  and  children  were  the  very  bondsmen  of  the 
rich,  who  named  them  Sixth-men,  because  it  was  for  this  wage  they  tilled 
the  land.  The  entire  land  was  in  the  hands  of  a  few.  If  the  poor  failed 
to  pay  their  rents  they  were  liable  to  be  haled  into  slavery,  .  .  .  They 
were  discontented  also  with  every  other  feature  of  their  lot,  for,  to  speak 
generally,  they  had  no  share  in  anything.''''  —  Constitution  of  Athens^  2. 

137.  The  first  advance  was  to  base  political  power  in  part  upon 
wealth.  The  supremacy  of  the  nobles  had  rested  largely  on- 
their  superiority  in  war.  They  composed  the  "knights,"  or 
heavy-armed  cavalry  of  Attica.  In  comparison  with  this  cav- 
alry, the  early  foot  soldiery  was  only  a  light-armed  mob.  But, 
before  650,  the  Athenians  adopted  the  Dorian  plan  of  a  heavy- 
armed  infantry  ("  hoplites "),  with  shield,  helmet,  and  long 
spear.  The  serried  ranks  of  this  infantry  proved  able  to  repel 
cavalry.  The  importance  of  the  nobles  in  war  declined,  and 
there  followed  some  decrease  in  their  political  power.    ^L». 

1  "Economic  "  means  **  with  reference  to  property,"  or  "  with  reference  to 
the  way  of  getting  a  living."  The  word  must  not  be  confused  with  "eco- 
nomical." 


144  HELLAS  FROM   1000  TO  500  B.C.  [§  i 

Each  man  furnished  his  own  arras  for  war.  So,  in  order  thai 
each  might  know  just  what  military  service  was  required  from 
him,  all  tribesmen  were  divided  into  four  classes,  according  to 
their  yearly  income  from  land}  The  first  and  second  classes 
(the  richest  ones)  were  obliged  to  serve  as  knights,  or  cavalry. 
Doubtless  at  first  these  were  all  nobles.  The  third  class  were 
to  arm  themselves  as  hoplites.  The  fourth  class  were  called 
into  the  field  less  often,  and  only  as  light-armed  troops. 

This  "  census  "  was  designed 
only  to  regulate  service  in  the 
army,  but  it  became  a  basis  for 
the  distribution  of  political  power. 
All  the  heavy-armed  soldiery  — 
the  three  higher  classes  —  came  to 
have  the  right  to  vote  on  ques- 
tions of  peace  and  war,  and  in 
time  they  grew  into  a  nevj  politi- 
cal Assembly.  This  Assembly 
elected  archons  and  other  officers. 
Thus  political  rights  ceased  to  be 
based  wholly  on  birth,  and  became  partly  a  matter  of  wealth. 

138.  Civil  Strife.  —  In  general,  however,  the  nobles  seemed 
almost  as  safely  intrenched  under  the  new  system  by  their 
wealth  as  they  had  been  before  by  birth.  Their  rule  continued 
selfish  and  incompetent;  and  nothing  had  been  done  to  cure 
the  sufferings  of  the  poor.  The  people  grew  more  and  more 
bitter ;  and,  at  length,  ambitious  adventurers  began  to  try  to 
overthrow  the  oligarchy  and  make  themselves  tyrants.  One 
young  conspirator,  Cylon,  with  his  forces,  actually  seized  the 
Acropolis,  the  citadel  of  Athens.  The  nobles  rallied,  and 
Cylon  was  defeated ;  but  the  ruling  oligarchy  had  received  a 
fright,  and  they  now  made  a  great  concession  (§  139). 

— I — _ 

1  SOO-measure  men,  300-measure  men,  200-measure  men,  and  those  whose 
income  was  less  than  200  measures  of  wheat.  (The  Greek  '*  measure  "  was  a 
little  more  than  half  a  bushel.) 


40]  RISE   OF  DEMOCRACY  AT  ATHENS  145 

^  139.  Draco :  Written  Laws.  —  Until  621  b.c,  Athenian  law 
had  been  a  matter  of  ancient  custom.  It  was  not  written  down, 
and  much  of  it  was  known  only  to  the  nobles.  All  judges,  of 
course,  were  nobles ;  and  they  abused  their  power  in  order  to 
fa^^or  their  own  class.  Therefore  the  Athenians  clamored  for  a 
written  code.  They  did  not  ask  yet  for  new  laws,  but  only 
that  the  old  laws  might  be  definitely  fixed  and  known  to  all. 

The  nobles  had  long  resisted  this  demand.  But  in  621, 
after  the  attempt  of  Cylon,  they  consented  that  Draco,  one  of 
the  archons,  should  draw  up  a  written  code.  This  was  done ; 
and  the  "  laws  of  Draco  "  were  engraved  on  wooden  blocks  and 
set  up  where  all  might  see  them.  Draco  did  not  make  new 
laws:  he  merely  put  old  customs  into  fixed  written  form.  The 
result  was  to  make  men  feel  how  harsh  and  unfit  the  old  laws 
were,  —  "  written  in  blood  rather  than  ink,^'  as  was  said  in  a  later 
age.     The  Athenians  now  demanded  new  laws. 

140.  Solon.  —  Just  at  this  time  Athens  produced  a  rare  man 
who  was  to  render  her  great  service.  Solon  was  a  descendant 
of  the  old  kings.  In  his  youth  he  had  been  a  trader  to  other 
lands,  even  going  as  far  as  Egypt  (§  23).  He  was  already 
famous  as  a  poet,  a  general,  and  a  philosopher ;  and  he  was  to 
show  himself  also  a  statesman. 

Solon's  patriotism  had  been  proven.  At  one  time  the  internal  quarrels 
had  so  weakened  Athens  that  little  Megara  had  captured  Salamis.  In 
control  of  this  island,  it  was  easy  for  Megara  to  seize  ships  trying  to  enter 
the  Athenian  ports.  Efforts  to  recover  this  important  place  failed  miser- 
ably ;  and,  in  despair,  the  Athenians  had  voted  to  put  to  death  any  one 
who  should  again  propose  the  attempt.  Solon  shammed  madness,  —  to 
claim  a  crazy  man's  privilege,  —  and,  appearing  suddenly  in  the  Assem- 
bly, recited  a  warlike,  patriotic  poem  which  roused  his  countrymen  to 
fresh  efforts.  Solon  was  made  general ;  and  he  recovered  Salamis  and 
saved  Athens  from  ruin. 

Now,  in  peril  of  civil  war,  the  city  turned  naturally  to  Solon. 
He  was  known  to  sympathize  with  the  poor.  In  his  poems  he 
had  blamed  the  greed  of  the  nobles  and  had  pleaded  for  recon- 
ciliation between  the  classes.  All  trusted  him,  and  the  poor 
loved  him.     He  was  elected  Archon,  with  special  authority,  to 


146  HELLAS  FROM   1000  TO  50(0  B.C.  [§  141 

make  new  laws  and  to  remodel  the  government.     This  office 
he  held  for  two  years,  594  and  593  B.  G. 

141.  The  "Shaking-off  of  Burdens."  —  The  first  year  Solon 
swept  away  economic  evils.  Three  measures  righted  past 
wrongs: — 

a.  The  old  tenants  were  given  full  ownership  of  the  lands 
which,they  had  formerly  cultivated  for  the  nobles.^ 

b.  All  debts  were  canceled  so  as  to  give  a  new  start. 

c.  All  Athenians  in  slavery  in  Attica  were  freed. 
Two  measures  aimed  to  prevent  a  return  of  old  evils :  — 

d.  It  was  made  illegal  to  reduce  Athenians  to  slavery. 

e.  To  own  more  than  a  certain  quantity  of  land  was  for- 
bidden. 

In  later  times  the  whole  people  celebrated  these  acts  of  Solon 
each  year  by  a  "  Festival  of  the  Shaking-off  of  Burdens." 

142.  Political  Reform.  —  These  economic  changes  resulted  in 
political  change,  since  political  power  was  already  based  upon 
landed  property.  Up  to  the  time  of  Solon,  the  nobles  had 
owned  most  of  the  land.  But  now  much  of  it  had  been  given 
to  the  poor,  and  henceforth  it  was  easy  for  any  rich  man  to  buy 
land.  Many  merchants  now  rose  into  the  first  class,  while 
many  nobles  sank  into  other  classes.  Soon,  the  Eupatrid  name 
disappeared. 

Moreover,  in  the  second  year  of  his  Archonship,  Solon  intro- 
duced direct  political  changes  which  went  far  toward  making 
Athens  a  democracy. 

a.  A  Senate  was  created,  to  prepare  measures  for  the  Assem- 
bly to  act  upon.  The  members  were  chosen  each  year  by  lot,^  so 
that  neither  wealth  nor  birth  could  control  the  election.  This 
new  part  of  the  government  became  the  guiding  part. 

6.    The  Assembly  (§  137)  was  enlarged  both  as  to  size  and 

1  In  one  of  his  poems,  Solon  speaks  of  "  freeing  the  enslaved  land,"  by  re- 
moving the  stone  pillars  which  had  marked  the  nobles'  ownership. 

2  The  lot  in  elections  was  regarded  as  an  appeal  to  the  gods,  and  its  use  was 
accompanied  by  religious  sacrifices  and  by  prayer.  The  early  Puritans  in  New 
England  sometimes  used  the  lot  in  a  similar  way. 


§  145]  RISE  OF  DEMOCRACY  AT  ATHENS  147 

power.  The  ^^ fourth  class"  (light-armed  soldiery)  were  ad- 
mitted to  vote  in  it  —  though  they  were  not  allowed  to  hold 
office  of  any  kind.  This  enlarged  Assembly  of  all  Athenian 
tribesmen  discussed  the  proposals  of  the  Senate  and  decided 
upon  them ;  elected  the  archons ;  and  could  tiy  them  for  misgov- 
ernment  at  the  end  of  their  year  of  office. 

c.  The  Areopagus  was  no  longer  a  council  of  nobles  only.  It  was 
composed  of  ex-archons.  Thus,  it  was  elected,  indirectly,  by  the  Assembly. 
It  had  lost  most  of  its  powers  to  the  Senate  and  Assembly ;  but  it  re- 
mained a  court  to  try  murder  cases,  and  to  exercise  a  supervision  over 
the  morals  of  the  citizens,  with  power  to  impose  fines  for  extravagance, 
insolence,  or  gluttony. 

143.  Additional    Measures.  —  Solon    also    replaced    Draco's 

bloody  laws  with  a  milder  code ;  introduced  a  coinage  (§  70) ; 
made  it  the  duty  of  each  father  to  teach  his  son  a  trade; 
limited  the  wealth  that  might  be  buried  with  the  dead;  and 
restricted  women  from  appearing  in  public. 

144.  The  sixth  century  b.c.  was  one  of  great  progress  in  Athens. 
In  682  B.C.,  a  few  noble  families  still  owned  most  of  the 

soil,  possessed  all  political  power,  and  held  the  rest  of  the  peo- 
ple in  virtual  slavery. 

In  593  B.C.,  when  Solon  laid  down  his  office,  nearly  all 
Athenian  tribesmen  were  landowners.  All  were  members  of 
the  political  Assembly,  which  decided  public  questions. 

Some  elements  of  aristocracy  were  left.  To  hold  of&ce,  a  man  had  to  pos- 
sess enough  wealth  to  belong  to  one  of  the  three  higher  classes,  and  some 
offices  were  open  only  to  the  wealthiest  class.  But  if  this  Athenian  prog- 
ress seems  slow  to  us,  we  must  remember  that  in  nearly  all  the  Ameri- 
can spates,  for  some  time  after  the  Revolutionary  War,  important  oflfices 
and  the  right  to  vote  were  open  only  to  men  with  property. 

145.  Anarchy  Renewed.  —  The  reforms  of  Solon  did  not  end 
the  fierce  strife  of  factions.  Bitter  feuds  followed  between  the 
Plain  (wealthy  landowners),  the  Shore  (merchants),  and  the 
Mountain  (shepherds  and  small  farmers).  Twice  within  ten 
years,  disorder  prevented  the  election  of  archons.  , 


148  HELLAS  FROM   1000  TO  500  B.C.  [§  146 

146.  Pisistratus,  560-527.  —  From  such  anarchy  the  city  was 
saved  by  Pisistratus.  In  560  b.c.^  this  noble  made  himself 
tyrant,  by  help  of  the  Mountain  (the  most  democratic  fac- 
tion).'^^Twice  the  aristocracy  drove  him  into  exile,  once  for 
ten  years.'  But  each  time  he  recovered  his  power,  almost 
without  bloodshed,  because  of  the  favor  of  the  poorer  people. 

His  rule  was  mild  and  wise.  He  lived  simply,  like  other 
citizens.  He  even  appeared  in  a  law  court,  to  answer  in  a  suit 
against  him.  And  he  always  treated  the  aged  Solon  (his  kins- 
man) with  deep  respect,  despite  the  latter's  bitter  opposition. 
Indeed,  Pisistratus  governed  through  the  forms  of  Solon's  constitu- 
tion,"^ and  enforced  Solon's  laws,  taking  care  only  to  have  his  oivn 
friends  elected  to  the  chief  offices.  He  was  more  like  the  "  boss" 
of  a  great  political  "  machine  "  than  like  a  "  tyrant."  During 
the  last  period  of  his  rule,  however,  he  did  banish  many  nobles 
and  guarded  himself  by  mercenary  soldiers. 

Pisistratus  encouraged  commerce ;  enlarged  and  beautified 
Athens ;  built  roads,  and  an  aqueduct  to  bring  a  supply  of  water 
to  the  citj  from  the  hills ;  and  drew  to  his  court  a  brilliant  circle 
of  poets,  painters,  architects,  and  sculptors,  from  all  Hellas. 
The  first  written  edition  of  the  Homeric  poems  is  said  to  have 
been  put  together  under  his  encouragement.  During  this  same 
time,  Anacreon  (§  155)  wrote  his  graceful  odes  at  Athens,  and 
Thespis  (§155)  began  Greek  tragedy  at  the  magnificent  festivals 
there  instituted  to  Dionysus  (god  of  wine).  The  tyrant  gave 
new  splendor  to  the  public  worship,  and  set  up  rural  festivals 
in  various  parts  of  Attica,  to  make  country  life  more  attractive. 
He  divided  the  confiscated  estates  of  banished  nobles  among 
landless  freemen,  and  thus  increased  the  number  of  peasant 
landholders.     Attica  was  no  longer  torn  by  dissension. 

"  Not  only  was  he  in  every  respect  humane  and  mild  and  ready  to  for- 
give those  who  offended,  but  in  addition  he  advanced  money  to  the  poorer 
people  to  help  them  in  their  labors, 

1  Two  years  before  Cyrus  became  king  of  Persia. 

2  Constitution,  herej'and  everywhere  in  early  history,  means  not  a  written 
document  as  with  us,  put  the  general  usages  of  government  in  practice. 


§  148]  RISE  OF  DEMOCRACY  AT  ATHENS  149 

"For  the  same  reason  [to  make  rural  life  attractive]  he  instituted 
local  justices,  and  often  made  expeditions  in  person  into  the  country 
to  inspect  it,  and  to  settle  disputes  between  persons,  that  they  might  not 
come  to  the  city  and  neglect  their  farms.  It  was  in  one  of  these  prog- 
resses, as  the  story  goes,  that  Pisistratus  had  his  adventure  with  the 
man  in  the  district  of  Hymettus,  who  was  cultivating  the  spot  afterwards 
known  as  the  'Tax-free  Farm.'  He  saw  a  man  digging  at  very  stony 
ground  with  a  stake,  and  sent  and  asked  what  he  got  out  of  such  a  plot 
of  land.  'Aches  and  pains,'  said  the  man,  '  and  out  of  these  Pisistratus 
must  get  his  tenth.'  Pisistratus  was  so  pleased  with  the  man's  frank 
speech  and  industry  that  he  granted  him  exemption  from  taxes." — 
Aristotle,  Constitution  of  Athens^  17. 

147.  Expulsion  of  the  Son  of  Pisistratus,  510  B.C. — In  527, 
Pisistratus  was  succeeded  by  his  sons  Hippias^and  Hipparchus. 
Hipparchus,  the  younger  brother,  lived  an  evil  life,  and  in  514 
he  was  murdered  because  of  a  private  grudge.^  The  rule  of 
Hippias  had  been  kindly,  but  now  he  grew  cruel  and  suspicious, 
and  Athens  became  ready  for  revolt. 

CUsthenes,  one  of  a  band  of  exiled  nobles,  saw  his  opportunity 
to  regain  his  home.  The  temple  of  Apollo  at  Delphi  had  just 
been  burned,  and  Clisthenes  engaged  to  rebuild  it.  He  did  so 
with  great  magnificence,  using  the  finest  of  marble  where  the 
contract  had  called  only  for  common  limestone.  After  this, 
whenever  the  Spartans  consulted  the  oracle,  no  matter  what  the 
occasion,  they  were  always  ordered  by  the  priestess  to  ''Jirst  set 
free  the  Athenians."  The  Spartans  had  no  quarrel  with  Hippias ; 
but  repeated  commands  from  such  a  source  could  not  be  disre- 
garded. In  510,  a  reluctant  Spartan  army,  with  the  Athenian 
exiles,  expelled  the  tyrant. 

^  148.  Vigor  of  Free  Athens.  —  The  Athenians  were  now  in 
confusion  again ;  but  they  were  stronger  than  before  the  rule 
of  Pisistratus,  and  better  able  to  govern  themselves.  The 
oligarchy  strove  to  regain  its  ancient  control ;  but  Clisthenes 
wisely  threw  his  strength  upon  the  side  of  the  people,  and 
drove  out  the  oligarchs.     The  Thebans  and  Euboeans  seized 

1  Davis'  Readings,  Vol.  I,  No.  53,  gives  the  patriotic  song  of  Athens  that 
commemorated  this  event. 


150  HELLAS  FROM   1000  TO  500  B.C.  [§  149 

this  time  of  confusion  to  invade  Attica  from  two  sides  at  once ; 


but  they  were  routed  by  a  double  engagement  in  one  day.  A 
Spartan  army  restored  the  oligarchs  for  a  moment,  but  was 
itself  soon  besieged  in  the  Acropolis  and  captured  by  the 
aroused  democracy. 

A  century  later  an  Athenian  dramatist  (Aristophanes,  §  221)  portrayed 
the  Athenian  exultation  (and  hinted  some  differences  between  Athenian 
and  Spartan  life)  in  the  following  lines  :  — 

..."  For  all  his  loud  fire-eating, 
The  old  Spartan  got  a  beating. 
And,  in  sorry  plight  retreating, 

Left  his  spear  and  shield  with  me. 
Then,  with  only  his  poor  shirt  on. 
And  who  knows  what  years  of  dirt  on, 
With  a  bristling  bush  of  beard, 

He  slunk  away  and  left  us  free." 

The  Athenians  had  enjoyed  little  fame  in  war,  "but  now," 
says  Aristotle,  "  they  showed  that  men  will  fight  more  bravely 
for  themselves  than  for  a  master."  Indeed,  they  were  not 
content  simply  to  defend  themselves.  Chalcis  in  Euboea  was 
stormed,  and  its  trade  with  Thrace  (§  122)  fell  to  Athens. 

Athens  now  began  a  new  kind  of  colonization,  sending  four 
thousand  citizens  to  possess  the  best  land  of  Chalcis,  and  to 
serve  as  a  garrison  there.  These  men  retained  full  Athenian 
citizenship.  They  were  known  as  cleruchs,  or  out-settlers.  In 
this  way  Athens  found  land  for  her  surplus  population,  and 
fortified  her  influence  abroad. 

During  these  struggles,  Clisthenes  proposed  further  reforms  in  the 
government.  The  people  adopted  his  proposals,  and  so  made  Athens  a  true 
democraq/.     (See  §§  149-152.) 

149.   There  were  four  main  evils  for  Clisthenes  to  remedy. 

a.  The  constitution  of  Solon,  though  a  great  advance  toward 
democracy,  had  left  the  government  still  largely  in  the  haiids  of 
the  rich.     The  poorest  "  class  "  (which  contained  at  least  half  of 


§  151]  RISE   OF  DEMOCRACY  AT  ATHENS  151 

all  the  citizens)  could  not  hold  office;  and  the  Assembly  had 
not  learned  how  to  use  its  new  powers. 

h.  The  jealousy  between  the  Plain,  the  Shore,  and  the 
Mountain  (§  145)  still  caused  great  confusion. 

c.  All  voting  was  by  clans ;  and  there  was  strong  temptation 
for  each  clan  merely  to  rally  around  its  own  chief. 

d.  There  was  a  bitter  jealousy  between  the  Athenian  tribes- 
men (the  citizens)  and  a  large  body  of  non-citizens.  The 
presence  of  these  calls  for  a  further  explanation. 

150.  The  Non-citizen  Class.  —  Solon's  reforms  had  concerned 
tribesmen  only.  But  in  the  ninety  years  between  Solon  and 
Clisthenes,  the  growing  trade  of  Athens  had  drawn  many  aliens 
there.  These  men  were  enterprising  and  sometimes  wealthy; 
but  though  they  lived  in  the  city,  they  had  no  share  in  it.  No 
alien  could  vote  or  hold  office,  or  sue  in  a  law  court  (except 
through  the  favor  of  some  citizen),  or  take  part  in  a  religious 
festival,  or  marry  an  Athenian,  or  even  own  land  in  Attica. 
The  city  might  find  it  worth  while  to  protect  his  property,  in 
order  to  attract  other  strangers;  but  he  had  no  secure  rights. 
Nor  coidd  his  son,  or  his  son's  son,  or  any  later  descendant 
acquire  any  rights  merely  by  continuing  to  live  in  Athens. 

A  like  condition  was  found  in  other  Greek  cities;  but  rarely  were  the 
aliens  so  large  or  so  wealthy  a  class  as  in  commercial  Athens.  Discontent 
might  at  any  moment  make  them  a  danger.  Clisthenes'  plan  was  to  take 
them  into  the  state,  and  so  make  them  strengthen  it. 

151.  Geographical  Tribes. —  Clisthenes  began  his  work  by 
markirig  off  Attica  into  a  hundred  divisions,  called  demes.  Each 
citizen  was  enrolled  in  one  of  these,  and  his  son  after  him. 
Membership  in  a  clan  had  always  been  the  proof  of  citizenship. 
Now  that  proof  was  to  be  found  in  this  deme-enrollment. 

The  hundred  demes  were  distributed  among  ten  "  tribes,"  or 
wards ;  but  the  ten  demes  of  each  tribe  were  not  located  close 
together.  TJiey  were  scattered  as  widely  as  possible,  so  as  to  in- 
clude different  interests.  Voting  in  the  Assembly  was  no  longer 
by  the  old  blood  tribes,  but  by  these  ten  new  "territorial" 


152  HELLAS  FROM   1000  TO  500  B.C.  [§  152 

tribes.     By  this  one  device,  Clisthenes  remedied  three  of  the 
four  great  evils  of  the  time  (b,  c,  d,  in  §  149). 

(1)  A  clan  could  no  longer  act  as  a  unit,  since  its  members 
made  parts,  perhaps,  of  several  "tribes."  So  the  influence  of 
the  clan  chiefs  declined.  (2)  Men  of  the  Shore  and  of  the 
Mountain  often  found  themselves  united  in  the  same  tribe,  and 
the  old  factions  died  out.  (3)  While  Clisthenes  was  distribut- 
ing citizens  among  the  new  geographical  units,  he  seized  the 
chance  to  enroll  the  non-citizens  also  in  the  demes.  Thus,  fresh, 
progressive  influences  were  again  adopted  into  Athenian  life. 

It  must  not  be  supposed,  however,  that  aliens  continued  to  gain  ad- 
mission in  the  future,  as  with  us,  by  easy  naturalization.  The  act  of 
Clisthenes  applied  only  to  those  then  in  Athens,  and  to  their  descendants.  In 
a  few  years  another  alien  class  grew  up,  with  all  the  old  disadvantages. 

152.  The  Assembly  kept  its  old  powers,  and  gained  new  ones. 
It  began  to  deal  with  foreign  affairs,  taxation,  and  the  details 
of  campaigns.  It  no  longer  confined  itself  to  proposals  from 
the  "  Council  of  Five  Hundred  "  (the  new  name  for  the  Senate). 
Any  citizen  could  move  amendments  or  introduce  new  business. 
The  Assembly  now  elected  ten  "generals^'  yearly,  who  took 
over  most  of  the  old  authority  of  the  archons. 

These  new  arrangements  corrected  much  of  the  first  evil 
noted  in  §  149.  The  "fourth  class  "  of  citizens  was  still  not 
eligible  to  office.  Otherwise,  Athens  had  become  a  democracy. 
To  be  sure,  it  took  some  time  for  the  Assembly  to  realize  its 
full  power  and  to  learn  how  to  control  its  various  agents ;  but 
its  rise  to  supreme  authority  was  now  only  a  matter  of  natural 
growth. 

Solon  and  Clisthenes  were  the  two  men  who  stood  foremost  in  the 
great  work  of  putting  government  into  the  hands  of  the  people.  The 
struggle  in  which  they  were  champions  is  essentially  the  same  contest 
that  is  going  on  to-day.  The  student  will  have  little  dif&culty  in  select- 
ing names,  in  America  and  in  European  countries,  to  put  in  the  list  which 
should  be  headed  with  the  names  of  these  two  Athenians. 


§154]  ART,   POETRY,  PHILOSOPHY  153 

153.  Ostracism.  —  One  i)eculiar  device  of  Clisthenes  deserves  mention. 
It  was  called  ostracism^  and  it  was  designed  to  head  off  civil  strife.  Once 
a  year  the  Assembly  was  given  a  chance  to  vote  by  ballot  (on  pieces  of 
pottery,  "ostraka"),  each  one  against  any  man  whom  he  deemed  dan- 
gerous to  the  state.  If  six  thousand  citizens  thought  that  some  one  ought 
to  go  into  exile  for  the  safety  of  the  state,  then  that  man  had  to  go  against 
whom  the  largest  number  of  the  six  thousand  votes  were  cast.  Such  exile 
was  felt  to  be  perfectly  honorable  ;  and  when  a  man  came  back  from  it,  he 
took  at  once  his  old  place  in  the  public  regard. 

Exercise:  Questions  on  the  Government.  —  For  the  Eupatrid  gov- 
ernment.—  1.  What  represented  the  monarchic  element  of  Homer's 
time  ?  2.  What  the  aristocratic  ?  3.  What  the  democratic  ?  4.  Which 
element  had  made  a  decided  gain  in  power  ?  6.  Which  had  lost  most  V 
6.    Which  of  the  three  was  least  important  ?  .  7.    Which  most  important  ? 

For  the  government  after  Solon.  —  1.   What  was  the  basis  of  citizenship  ?^ 

2.  What  was  the  basis  for  distribution    of   power  among  the  citizens? 

3.  Was  the  introduction  of  the  Senate  a  gain  for  the  aristocratic  or  demo- 
cratic element  ?  4.  What  powers  did  the  Assembly  gain  ?  5.  Which 
two  of  these  powers  enabled  the  Assembly  to  control  the  administration  ? 

Students  should  be  able  to  answer  similar  questions  on  the  government 
after  Clisthenes'  reforms.  It  would  be  a  good  exercise  for  the  class  to 
make  out  questions  themselves. 

VI.  INTELLECTUAL  DEVELOPMENT 

154.  Architecture,  painting,  and  sculpture  had  not  reached 
full  bloom  in  the  sixth  century,  but  they  had  begun  to  show  a 
character  distinct  from  Oriental  art.  Their  chief  centers  in 
this  period  were  Miletus  and  Ephesus  (in  Ionia)  and  Athens, 
Architecture  was  more  advanced  than  painting  or  sculpture. 
It  found  its  best  development,  not  in  palaces,  as  in  the  old 
Cretan  civilization,  but  in  the  temples  of  the  gods.  In  every 
Greek  city,  the  temples  were  the  most  beautiful  and  the  most 
prominent  structures. 

The  plan  of  the  Greek  temple  was  very  simple.  People  did 
not  gather  within  the  building  for  service,  as  in  our  churches. 
They  only  brought  oiferings  there.  The  inclosed  part  of  the 
building,  therefore,  was  small  and  rather  dark.  —  containing 
only  one  or  two  rooms,  for  the  statues  of  the  god  and  the  altar 


154 


HELLAS  FROM   1000  TO  500  B.C. 


[§154 


and  the  safe-keeping  of  the  offerings.  It  was  merely  the  god's 
house,  where  people  could  visit  him  when  they  wished  to  ask 
favofs. 

In  shape,  the  temple  was  rectangular.  The  roof  projected 
beyond  the  inclosed  part  of  the  building,  and  was  supported 
not  by  the  walls,  but  by  a  row  of  columns  running  around  the 
four  sides.  The  gables  {pediments)  in  front  and  rear  were  low, 
and  were  filled  with  statuary,  as  was  also  the  frieze,  between 
the  cornice  and  the  columns.  Sometimes  there  was  a  second 
frieze  upon  the  walls  of  the  building  inside  the  colonnade. 


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Ground  Plan  of  the  Temple  of  Theseus  at  Athens. 


The  building  took  much  of  its  beauty  from  its  colonnades  ; 
and  the  chief  differences  in  the  styles  of  architecture  were  marked 
by  the  columns  and  their  capitals.  According  to  differences  in 
these  features,  a  building  is  said  to  belong  to  the  Doric,  Ionic, 
or  Corinthian  "order."  "^^~ 

In  the  Doric  order  the  column  has  no  base  of  its  own,  but  rests 
directly  upon  the  foundation  from  which  the  walls  rise.  The 
shaft  is  grooved  lengthwise  with  some  twenty  flutings.  The 
capital  is  severely  simple,  consisting  of  a  circular  band  of  stone, 
swelling  up  from  the  shaft,  capped  by  a  square  block,  without 
ornament.  Upon  the  capitals  rests  a  plain  band  of  massive 
stones  (the  architrave),  and  above  this  is  the  frieze,  which  sup- 
ports the  roof.     The  frieze  is  divided  at  equal  spaces  by  tri- 


§155] 


ART,   POETRY,   PHILOSOPHY 


155 


Ionic  Order. 


glyphs,  a  series  of  three  projecting  flutings;  and 
the  spaces  between  the  triglyphs  are  filled  with 
sculpture. 

The  Doric  style  is  the  simplest  of  the  three 
orders.  It  is  almost  austere  in  its  plainness,  giv- 
ing a  sense  of  self-controlled 
power  and  repose.  Some- 
times it  is  called  a  masculine 
style,  in  contrast  with  the 
more  ornate  and  feminine 
character  of  the  Ionic  order. 

Tlie  Ionic  order  came  into 
general  use  later.  In  this 
style,  the  column  has  a  base 
arranged  in  three  expanding 
circles.  The  shaft  is  more 
slender  than  the  Doric.  The 
swelling  bell  of  the  capital 
is  often  nobly  carved,  and  it 
is  surmounted  by  two  spiral 
rolls.  The  frieze  has  no  tri- 
glyphs: the  sculpture  upon 
it  is  one  continuous  band. 

The  Corinthian  order  is  a  later 
development  and  does  not  belong  Doric  Column.  —  From 
to  the  period  we  are  now  consid-  the  Temple  of  Theseus 
ering.  It  resembles  the  Ionian  ; 
but  the  capital  is  taller,  lacks 
the  spirals,  and  is  more  highly- 
ornamented,  with  forms  of  leaves 
or  animals.  For  illustrations  of 
the  Doric  and  Ionic  orders,  see  also  pages  158,  159,  and 
especially  page  212.     For  the  Corinthian,  see  page  476. 


at  Athens. 

1,  the  shaft ;  2,  the  capital ; 
3,  the  frieze ;  4,  cornice ; 
5,  part  of  roof,  showing  the 
low  slope. 


Corinthian 
Order. 


155.  Poetry.  —  In  poetry  there  was  more  prog- 
ress even  than  in  architecture.  The  earliest  Greek 
poetry  had  been  made  up  of  ballads,  celebrating 


156 


HELLAS  FROM   1000  TO  500  B.C. 


[§155 


wars  aud  heroes.  These  ballads  were  stories  in  verse,  sung  by 
wandering  minstrels.  The  greatest  of  such  compositions  rose' 
to  epic  poetry,  of  which  the  Iliad  and  Odyssey  are  the  noblest 
examples.     Their  period  is  called  the  Epic  Age. 

In  the  seventh  and  sixth  centuries,  most  poetry  consisted  of 
odes  and  songs  in  a  great  variety  of  meters,  —  corresponding  to 

the  more  varied  life 
of  the  time.  Love  and 
pleasure  are  the  favor- 
ite themes,  and  the 
poems  describe  feel- 
ings rather  than  out- 
ward events.  They 
were  intended  to  be 
sung  to  the  accom- 
paniment of  the  lyre 
(a  sort  of  harp).  They 
are  therefore  called 
lyrics ;  and  the  sev- 
enth and  sixth  cen- 
turies are  known  as 
the  Lyric  Age. 

It  is  possible  to 
name  here  only  a  few 
of  the  many  famous 
lyric  poets  of  that 
age.  Sappho,  of  Lesbos,  wrote  exquisite  and  melodious  love 
songs,  of  which  a  few  fragments  survive.  Her  lover  Alcaeus 
(another  Lesbian  poet)  described  her  as  "Pure  Sappho,  violet 
tressed,  softly  smiling."  The  ancients  were  wont  to  call  her 
"the  poetess,"  just  as  they  referred  to  Homer  as  "the  poet." 
Simonides  wrote  odes  to  arouse  Hellenic  patriotism ;  Anacreon 
h^s  been  spoken  of  in  connection  with  the  brilliant  court  of 
Pisistratus.  Tyrtaeus,  an  Attic  war-poet,  wrote  chiefly  for  the 
Spartans,  and  became  one  of  their  generals.  Corinna  was  a 
woman  poet  of  Boeotia.    Pindar,  the  greatest  of  the  lyric  poets. 


A  Doric  Capital.  —  From  a  photograph  ot  a  de- 
tail of  the  Parthenon.  See  §  219  for  the  date 
and  history.  i 


§  156]  ART,  POETRY,  PHILOSOPHY  157 

came  from  the  same  district.  He  delighted  especially  to  cele- 
brate the  rushing  chariots  and  glorious  athletes  of  the  Olympic 
games. 

'l^wo  other  great  poets,  representing  another  kind  of  poetry, 
belong  to  this  same  period.  Ilesiod  of  Boeotia  lived  about 
800  B.C.  He  wove  together  into  a  long  poem  old  stories  of 
the  creation  and  of  the  birth  and  relationship  of  the  gods. 
This  Theogony  of  Hesiod  was  the  most  important  single  work 
in  early  Greek  literature,  after  the  Homeric  poems.  Hesiod 
wrote  also  remarkable  home-like  poems  on  farm  life  (Works 
and  Days).''-  The  other  writer  was  Thespis,  who  began  dramatic 
poetry  (plays)  at  Athens,  under  the  patronage  of  Pisistratus. 

156.  Philosophy.  —  In  the  sixth  century,  too,  Greek  phi- 
losophy was  born.  Its  home  was  in  Ionia.  There  first  the 
Greek  mind  set  out  fearlessly  to  explain  the  origin  of  things. 
Tholes  of  Miletus,  ^^  father  of  Greek  philosophy,"  taught  that 
all  things  came  from  Water,  or  moisture.  His  pupil  Anax- 
imenes  called  Air,  not  Water,  the  universal  "first  principle." 
Pythagoras  (born  at  Samos,  but  teaching  in  Magna  Graecia) 
sought  the  fundamental  principle,  not  in  any  kind  of  matter, 
but  in  Number,  or  Harmony.  Xenophanes  of  Ionia,  affirmed 
that  the  only  real  existence  was  that  of  God,  one  and  change- 
less—  "not  in  body  like  unto  mortals,  nor  in  mind.''  The 
changing  world,  he  said,  did  not  really  exist :  it  was  only  a 
deception  of  men's  senses.  Heracleitus  of  Ephesus,  on  the 
other  hand,  held  that  "  ceaseless  change  "  was  the  very  prin- 
ciple of  things  :  the  world,  he  taught,  had  evolved  from  a  fiery 
ether,  and  was  in  constant  flux. 

Some  of  these  explanations  of  the  universe  seem  childish  to 
us.  But  the  great  thing  is  that,  at  last,  men  should  have  begun 
to  seek  for  any  natural  explanation  —  instead  of  putting 
forward  some  sitpernatural  explanation.  Accordingly,  this 
early  philosophy  ivas  closely  related  to  early  science.     Thales 

1  This  was  really  a  textbook  on  farming, —  the  first  textbook  in  Europe. 
Hesiod  wrote  it  in  verse,  because  prose  writing  in  his  day  was  unknown.  The 
earliest  composition  of  any  people  is  usually  in  meter. 


158 


HELLAS  FROM   1000  TO  500  B.C. 


[§157 


was  the  first  Greek  to  foretell  eclipses.  (He  could  predict  the 
period,  but  not  the  precise  day  or  hour.)  Those  who  laughed 
at  philosophers,  liked  to  tell  of  him  that,  while  gazing  at  the 
heavens,  he  fell  into  a  well.  He  may  have  obtained  his  knowl- 
edge of  astronomy  from  Egypt,  which  country  we  know  he 
visited  (§  32).     Anaximander,  another  philosopher  of  Miletus, 


West  Front  of  the  Parthenon  to-day.    Doric  style.    See  §  219. 

made  maps  and  globes.  The  Pythagoreans  naturally  paid 
special  attention  to  mathematics  and  especially  to  geometry; 
and  to  Pythagoras  is  ascribed  the  famous  demonstration  about 
the  square  on  the  hypotenuse  of  a  right  triangle. 

The  Pythagoreans  connected  "  philosophy  "  particularly  with 
conduct.  The  harmony  in  the  outer  world,  they  held,  must 
be  matched  by  a  harmony  in  the  soul  of  man.  Indeed,  all  these 
sages  taught  lofty  moral  truths.  (See  Davis'  Readings,  Vol.  I, 
No.  98.)  Greek  philosophy  lifted  itself  far  above  the  moral 
level  of  Greek  religion. 

157.  Summary  of  the  Five  Centuries.  —  During  the  five  cen- 
turies from  1000  to  500  b.c,  the  Hellenes  had  come  to  think 
of  themselves  as  one  people  (though  not  as  one  nation),  and 


157] 


ART,   POETRY,  PHILOSOPHY 


159 


had  developed  a  brilliant,  jostling  society.  During  more  than 
half  the  period  they  had  been  busy  sowing  Hellenic  cities 
broadcast  along  even  the  distant  Mediterranean  shores.  They 
had  found  a  capable  military  leadership  in  Sparta.  They  had 
everywhere  rid  themselves  of  the   old   monarchic   rule,  by  a 


West  Front  of  Temple  of  Victory  at  Athens.  —  From  the  ruins  to-day. 
Ionic  style.     See  §  218. 

long  series  of  changes ;  and,  in  Athens  in  particular,  they  had 
gone  far  toward  creating  a  true  democracy.  Toward  the  close 
of  the  period,  they  had  experienced  an  artistic  and  intellectual 
development  which  made  their  civilization  nobler  and  more 
promising  than  any  the  world  had  yet  seen.  Moreover,  this  civili- 
zation was  essentially  one  with  our  own.  The  remains  of  Egyptian 
or  Babylonian  sculpture  and  architecture  arouse  our  admiration 
and  interest  as  curiosities ;  but  they  are  foreign  to  us.  With 
the  remains  of  a  Greek  temple,  or  a  fragment  of  a  Greek  poem, 
of  the  year  500,  we  feel  at  home.  It  might  have  been  built,  or 
written,  by  our  own  people. 


160 


HELLAS  FROM   1000  TO  500  B.C. 


[§158 


158.  The  following  table  of  date^s  shows  the  correspondence  in  time 
of  leading  events  in  the  Oriental  and  the  Greek  world  down  to  the  period 
when  the  two  worlds  come  into  close  relations.  Down  to  about  800,  dates 
are  mostly  estimates  (§  31).  This  table,  is  not  given  to  be  memorized,  but 
merely  to  be  read  and  referred  to. 


Hellas 


B.C. 


3500   Rising  Aegean  "  New  Stone  " 
culture 


2500  Bronze  culture  in  Crete  and 
other  Aegean  centers 

2500  or  2400  Destruction  of  Schlie- 
mann's  "  Troy  "  (the  "  Sec- 
ond City") 


2000  (?)  "  Minos  of  Crete  " 


1600  Phoenicians  in  the  Aegean 
1500-1200  Achaean  conquests 
1500  Destruction  of  Knossos 


1300 
1200 


1100 


Destruction  of  Mycenae 
Destruction     of      Homer's 

"Troy"      (the     "Sixth 

City") 
Homeric  Poems 


The  East 
B.C. 

5000  Records  of  advanced  Bronze 
cultures  in  valleys  of  Nile 
and  Euphrates 

3400-2400   "Old      Kingdom"      in 
Egypt,    centered   at  Merr 
phis ;      Menes  ;      Cheop. 
pyramids 

2800  Sargon :  empire  from  Eu- 
phrates to  Mediterranean 

2400-2000  "Middle  Kingdom"  in 
Egypt,  centered  at  Thebes  : 
Lake  Moeris ;  Red  Sea 
canal ;  commerce  with  Crete 

2234  Beginning  of  recorded  astro- 
nomical observations  at 
Babylon  (§  49) 

2000   Abraham  emigrates  from  Ur 

2000-1600  Egyptian  Decline  :  Hyk- 
sos  ;  Hebrews  enter  Egypt 

1917  (?)  Hammurabi:  "  First  Bab- 
ylonian "  Empire  ;  volumi- 
nous cuneiform  literature 

1600-1330  "New  Empire"  in 
Egypt 

1475  Egyptian  brief  conquest  of  the 
East :  Jirst  union  of  the 
Oriental  world 

1320   Hebrew  exodus 


1100  Beginnings  of  Assyrian  Em- 
pire —  Tiglath-Pileser  I 


158] 


HELLAS  AND  THE  EAST 


161 


Hellas  (continued) 

1000  Dorian  conquests 
900   Rise  of  Sparta 
900-800  Ionian  colonization 
800-650   Greek     colonization 

Mediterranean  coasts 
776  First  recorded  Olympiad 

700-500   "  Age  of  Tyrants  " 


of 


650-500   "Lyric  Age" 


594-593   Solon's  reforms 
560-527   Pisistratus 
510  Expulsion    of    Tyrants    from 
Athens 


The  East  (continued) 

1055-975  David  and  Solomon 
1000  (?)   Zoroaster 

850  (?)   Carthage  founded 


745  True  Assyrian  Empire  —  Tig- 
lath-Pileser  II 

722  Sargon  carries  the  Ten  Tribes 
of  Israel  into  captivity 

672  Assyria  conquers  Egypt :  sec- 
ond union  of  Oriental  world 

653-525  Last  period  of  Egyptian 
independence  —  open  to 
Greeks ;  visits  by  Solon  and 
Thales ;  circumnavigation 
of  Africa  , 

650  (?)    First  coinage,  in  Lydia 

630   Scythian  ravages 

625-538  Second  Babylonian  Em- 
pire :  Babylonian  captivity 
of  the  Jews 

556   Ci'oesus,  king  in  Lydia 

558-529  Cyrus  the  Great  founds 
Persian  Empire  —  third  un- 
ion of  the  Oriental  World 


500  Ionian  Revolt  (§§164,  165) 
(Eastern  and  Western  civilizations  in  conflict) 


For  Further  Reading.  —  Specially  suggested:  (1)  Davis'  Head- 
ings, Vol.  I,  Nos.  40-56.  These  very  nearly  fit  in  with  the  order  of 
treatment  in  this  book,  and  several  numbers  have  been  referred  to  in 
footnotes.  It  is  desirable  for  students  each  day  to  consult  the  Read- 
ings, to  see  whether  they  can  find  there  more  light  on  the  lesson  in  this 
book. 

(2)  Bury  (on  colonization),  86-106,  116-117;  (on  Sparta),  120-134; 
(on  ''  Lycnrgus'^),  134-135;  (on  certain  tyrants),  149-155;  (^oracles 
and  festivals),  159-161  ;  (work  of  Solon),  180-189. 


162  HELLAS  FROM   1000  TO  500  B.C.  [§  158 

Exercise. — Distinguish  between  Sparta  and  Laconia.  How  did  the 
relation  of  Thebes  to  Boeotia  differ  from  that  of  Sparta  to  Laconia  ? . 
Which  of  these  two  relations  was  most  like  that  of  Athens  to  Attica  f 
Have  you  any  buildings  in  your  city  in  which  Greek  columns  are  used  ? 
Of  which  order,  in  each  case  ?  (Take  several  leading  buildings  in  a  large 
town.)  Explain  the  following  terms  :  constitution ;  Helot ;  Eupatrid ; 
tyrant;  Lycurgus;  Clisthenes  ;  Areopagus;  archon ;  deme;  clan;,  tribe; 
a  "  tribe  of  Clisthenes." 

(To  explain  a  term,  in  such  an  exercise,  is  to  make  such  statements 
concerning  it  as  will  at  least  prevent  the  term  being  confused  with  any 
other.  Thus  if  the  term  is  Solon,  it  will  not  do  to  say,  "  A  Greek  law- 
giver," or  "  A  lawgiver  of  the  sixth  century  b.c."  The  answer  must  at 
least  say,  "  An  Athenian  lawgiver  of  about  600  b.c."  ;  and  it  ought  to  say, 
"An  Athenian  lawgiver  and  democratic  reformer  of  about  600  b.c." 
Either  of  the  first  two  answers  is  worth  zero.) 


CHAPTER   XII 

THE  PERSIAN   WARS 

We  have  no^^j^ached  a  point  where  the  details  of  Greek 
history  are  bett^^nown,  and  where  a  more  connected  story  is 
possible.     This  sfory  begins  with  the  Persian  Wars.  «• 

NAx.'  THE   TWO   ANTAGONISTS 


159.^Persia.  —  In   §§69-77,  we  saw  how  —  within  a  time 
nolon|Wthan  an  average  human  life^  Persia  had  stretched 


its  rule  over  the  territory  of  all  former  Oriental  empires, 
besides  adding  vast  regions  before  unknown.  By  500  B.C. 
(the  period  to  which  we  have  just  carried  Greek  history), 
]^ersia  reached  into  the  peninsula  of  "HtwioQjstan  in  Asia, 
and,  across  Thrace,  up  to  the  Greek  peninsula  in  Europe 
(map,  after  page  84).  On  this  western  frontier  lay  the  scat- 
tered groups  of  Greek  cities,  busting  and  energetic,  .but  small 
and  disunited.  27^6  mighty  worl(^empire  noiv  advanced  con- 
Jidently  to  add  these  little  communities  to  its  dominions. 

Persia,  in  many  ways,  was  the  noBlest  of  the  Asiatic  empires ;  but 
its  civilization  was  distinctly  Oriental  (with  the  general  character  that 
has  been  noted  in  §§  8o  ff.).  The  Greek  cities,  between  looo  and  500  B.C., 
had  created  a  wholly  different  sort  of  culture,  which  we  call  European, 
or  Western  (§§  82,  86).  East  and  West  now  joined  battle.  The  Persian 
attack  upon  Greece  began  a  contest  between  two  worlds,  which  has  gone 
on,  at  times,  ever  since,  —  with  the  present  "  Eastern  Question  "  and  our 
Philippine  question  for  latest  chapters. 

160.  Three  sections  of  Hellas  were  prominent  in  power  and 
culture:  the  European  peninsula,  which  we  commonly  call 
Greece ;  Asiatic  Hellas,  with  its  coast  islands ;  and  Sicily  and 
Magna  Graecia  (§  122).  Elsewhere,  the  cities  were  too  scat- 
tered, or  too  small,  or  too  busy  with  their  owti 'defense  against 

163 


164  THE   GREEKS  — PERSIAN  WARS  [§161 

surrounding  savages,  to  count  for  much  in  the  approaching 
contest.  Asiatic  Hellas  felLeasilx  to  Persia  bef ore. Jihe_ real 
struggle  began.  Then  the  two  other  sections  were  attacked 
simultaneously,  Greece  by  Persia,  Sicily  by  Carthage. 

Carthage  was  a  Phoenician  colony  on  the  north  coast  of 
Africa  (see  map  after  page  132).  It  had  built  up  a  consider- 
able empire  in  the  western  Mediterranean ;  and,  in  Sicily,  it 
had  already,  from  time  to  time,  come  into  conflict  with  Greek 
colonies.  Sicily  was  an  important  point  f^pi  which  to  control 
Mediterranean  trade.  Carthage  now  made  a  determined  at- 
tempt to  drive  out  her  rivals  there. 

The  Greeks  believed  that  the  Persian  king  urged  Carthage 
to  take  this  time  for  attack,  so  that  Magna  Graecia  and  Sicily 
might  not  be  able  to  join  the  other  Greeks  in  res^Jjig  the 
main  attack  from  Persia.  At  all  events,  such  was  tne  result. 
The  Greek  cities  in  Sicily  and  Italy  were  ruled  by  tyrants. 
These  rulers  united  under  Gelon  of  Syracuse,  and  repelled 
the  Carthaginian  onset.  But  the  struggle  kept  the  Western 
Greeks  from  helping  their  kinsmen  against  the  Persians. 

161.  Conditions  in  Greece  itself  at  this  critical  moment  were 
unpromising.  The_forces  that  could  be  mustered  against  the 
master  of  the  world  were  small  at  best;  but  just  now  thejT 
were  further  divided  and  wasted  in  internal  struggles.  Athens 
was  at  war  with  Aegina  and  with  Thebes  ;  Sparta  had  re- 
newed an  ancient  strife  with  Argos  (§  96),  and  had  crippled 
her  for  a  generation  by  slaying  in  one  battle  almost  the  whole 
body  of  adult  Argives.^  Phocis  was  engaged  in  war  with 
Thessalians  on  one  side  and  Boeotians  on  the  other.  Worse 
than  all  this,  many  cities  were  torn  by  cruel  class  strife  at 

1  The  old  men  and  boys,  however,  were  still  able  to  defend  Argos  itself 
against  Spartan  attack.  This  touches  an  important  fact  in  Greek  war- 
fare: a  walled  city  could  hardly  he  taken  by  assault;  it  could  fall  only- 
through  extreme  carelessness,  or  by  treachei-y,  or  starvation.  The  last 
danger  did  not  often  exist.  The  armies  of  the  besiegers  were  made  up  of 
citizens,  not  of  paid  troops;  and  they  could  not  keep  the  field  long  themselves. 
They  were  needed  at  home,  and  it  was  not  easy  for  them  to  secure  food  for  a 
long  siege. 


162] 


THE  ANTAGONISTS 


165 


home,  —  oligarchs  against  democrats.     Owe  favorable  condition^ 
however,  calls  for  attention  (§  162). 

162.  The  Peloponnesian  League.  —  In  a  sense,  Sparta  was  the 
head  of  Greece.  She  lacked  the  enterprise  and  daring  that 
were  to  make  Athens  the  city  of  the  coming  century ;  but  her 
government  was 
firm,  her  army  was 
large  and  disci- 
plined, and  so  far 
she  had  shown* 
more  genius  than 
any  other  Greek 
state  in  organizing 
her  neighbors  into 
a  military  league. 
Two  fifths  of  the 
PeloponnesiLS  she 
ruled  directly  (La- 
conia  and  Mes- 
senia),  and  the 
rest  (except  Argo- 
lis  and  Achaea)  formed  a  confederacy  for  war,  with  Sparta  as 
the  head. 

It  is  true  the  union  was  very  slight.  On  special  occasions, 
at  the  call  of  Sparta,  tbe^  states  sent  delegates  to  a  conference 
to  discuss  peace  or  war ;  but  there  was  no .  constitution,  no 
common  treasury,  not  even  a  general  treaty  to  bind  the  states 
together.  Indeed,  one  city  of  the  league  sometimes  made  war 
upon  another.  Each  state  was  bound  to  Sparta-  by  its  special 
treaty ;  and,  if  Sparta  was  attacked  by  an  enemy,  each  city  of 
the  "  league  "  was  expected  to  maintain  a  certain  number  of 
troops  for  the  confederate  army.  Loose  as  this  Peloponnesian 
league  was,  it  was  the  greatest  war  power  in  Hellas ;  and  it 
seemed  the  one  rallying  point  for  disunited  Greece  in  the  coming 
struggle  (§  130,  close).  Except  for  the  presence  of  this  war 
power,  few  other  Greeks  would  have  dared  to  resist  Persia  at  all. 


THE  PELOPONNESIAN  LEAGUE 
(500  B.C.) 


166  THE   GREEKS  — PERSIAN  WARS  [§163 


OPENING  OF   THE   STRUGGLE  IN  IONIA 

163.  Conquest  of  the  Ionian  Greeks.  —  For  two  centuries  before 
500  B.C.,  the  Asiatic  Hellenes  excelled  all  other  branches  of 
the  Greek  race  in  culture.  Unfortunately  for  them,  the  em- 
pire of  Lydia  arose  near  them.  That  great  state  was  un- 
willing to  be  shut  off  from  the  Aegean  by  the  Greek  cities, 
and  it  set  out  to  conquer  them.  For  some  time,  the  little  Greek 
states  kept  their  independence ;  but  when  the  energetic  Croesus 
(§  70)  became  king  of  Lydia,  he  subdued  all  the  cities  on  the 
coast  of  Asia  Minor.  Croesus,  however,  was  a  warm  admirer 
of  the  Greeks,  and  his  rule  over  them  was  gentle.  They  were 
expected  to  acknowledge  him  as  their  over-lord  and  to  pay  a 
small  tribute  in  money ;  but  they  were  left  to  manage  their  own 
affairs  at  home,  and  were  favored  in  many  ways. 

When  Cyrus  the  Persian  attacked  Croesus  (§  72),  the 
Asiatic  Greeks  fought  gallantly  for  Lydia.  After  the  over- 
throw of  Croesus,  they  tried  to  come  to  terms  with  Cyrus. 
Cyrus  was  angry  because  they  had  refused  his  invitations 
to  join  him  in  the  war,  and  he  would  make  them  no  promises. 
Fearing  severe  punishment,  they  made  a  brief  struggle  for 
independence.  They  applied,  in  vain,  to  Sparta  for  aid.  Then 
Thales  (§  156)  suggested  a  federation  of  all  Ionia,  with  one  gov- 
ernment and  one  army  ;  but  the  Greeks  could  not  rise  to  so  wise 
a  plan  (cf.  §  104).  So  the  Ionian  cities  fell,  one  by  one,  before 
the  arms  of  Cyrus;  and  under  Persian  despotism  their  old 
leadership  in  civilization  soon  vanished. 

164.  The  "  Ionian  Revolt,'^  500  B.C.  —  The  Persian  conquest 
took  place  about  540  b.c.  Before  that  time  the  lonians  had 
begun  to  get  rid  of  tyrants'.  But  the  Persians  set  up  a  tyrant 
again  in  each  city,  as  the  easiest  means  of  control.  (This 
shows  something  of  what  would  have  happened  in  Greece  itself, 
if  Persia  had  won  in  the  approaching  war.)  Each  tyrant  knew 
that  he  could  keep  his  power  only  by  Persian  support. 

In  the  year  500,  by  a  general  rising,  the  lonians  deposed 
their  tyrants  once  more,  formed  an  alliance  with  one  another. 


§  165]  THE  FIRST  ATTACK  167 

and  broke  into  revolt  against  Persia.  Another  appeal  to 
Sparta  ^  for  help  proved  fruitless ;  but  Athens  sent  twenty 
ships,  and  little  Eretria  sent  five.  "  These  ships,"  says  Herod- 
otus, "  were  the  beginnings  of  woes,  both  to  the  Greeks  and  to 
the  barbarians." 

At  first  the  lonians  and  their  allies  were  successful.  They 
even  took  Sardis,  the  old  capital  of  Lydia,  far  in  the  interior. 
But  treachery  and  mutual  suspicion  were  rampant;  Persian 
gold  was  used  skillfully ;  and  one  defeat  broke  up  the  loose 
Ionian  league.  Then  the  cities  were  again  subdued,  one  by 
one,  in  the  five  years  following. 

FIRST  TWO   ATTACKS   UPON   THE   EUROPEAN  GREEKS 
(492-490  B.C.) 

165.  What  was  th%  relation  of  the  Ionian  Revolt  to  the  Persian 
invasion  of  Greece?  According  to  legend,  the  Persian  king 
attacked  Greece  to  punish  Athens  for  sending  aid  to  the 
Ionian  rebels.  Herodotus"  says  that  Darius  (§  76)  was  so 
angered  by  the  sack  of  Sardis  that,  during  the  rest  of  his 
life,  he  had  a  herald  cry  out  to  him  thrice  each  day  at  dinner, 
—  "0  King,  remember  the  Athenians !  "  This  story  has  the 
appearance  of  a  later  invention,  to  flatter  Athenian  vanity. 
Probably  Athens  was  pointed  out  for  special  vengeance,  by  her 
aid  to  Ionia ;  b^d  the  Persian  invasion  would  have  come,  anyway, 
and  it  would  have  come  some  years  sooner,  had  not  the  war  in 
Ionia  kept  the  Persians  busy. 

The  expanding  frontier  of  the  Persian  empire  had  reached 

1  The  story  of  the  appeal  to  Sparta  is  told  pleasantly  by  Herodotus  (ex- 
tract in  Davis'  Readings,  Vol.  I,  No.  57).  It  should  be  made  a  topic  for  a 
special  report  by  some  student  to  the  class.  (This  seems  a  good  place  to  call  the 
attention  of  teachers  to  one  feature  of  the  present  textbook.  The  story  just 
referred  to  might  easily  be  put  into  the  text ;  but  it  would  take  up  much  space ; 
and  though  interesting,  it  has  little  historical  value.  At  least,  it  is  in  no  way 
essential  for  understanding  the  rest  of  the  history.  More  important  still, — 
any  student  who  has  Herodotus  accessible  can  tell  the  story  as  well  as  this 
book  could  do  it.  This  is  the  kind  of  outside  reading  that  any  student  likes 
to  do,  and  a  kind  that  any  student  is  perfectly  able  to  do.) 


168  THE  GREEKS  — PERSIAN  WARS  [§  166 

Thessaly  just  before  500  b.c,  and  the  same  motives  that  had 
carried  Persian  arms  through  Thrace  and  Macedonia  would 
have  carried  them  on  into  Greece.  Persia  was  still  in  full 
career  of  conquest.  The  Greek  peninsula  was  small ;  but  its 
cities  were  becoming  wealthy,  and  Persia  coveted  them  for 
their  ships  and  their  trade.  The  real  significance  of  the  Ionian 
war  was  that  it  helped  to  delay  the  f^ain  Persian  onset  until  the 
Greeks  were  better  prepared.  The  Athenians  had  been  wise,  as 
well  as  generous,  in  aiding  the  lonians. 

166.  First  Expedition  against  Greece,  492  B.C.  Mount  Athos.  — 
Immediately  after  the  end  of  the  Ionian  revolt  Darius  began 
vast  preparations  for  the  invasion  of  Greece.  A  mighty  army 
was  gathered  at  the  Hellespont  under  Mardonius,  son-in-law  of 
the  king;  and  a  large  fleet  was  collected.  This  was  to  sail 
along  the  coast,  in  constant  touch  with  tl^p  army,  and  furnish 
it,  day  by  day,  with  provisions  and  other  supplies.  In  492, 
these  forces  set  out,  advancing  along  the  shores  of  the  Aegean. 
But  the  army  suffered  from  constant  attacks  by  the  savage 
Thracian  tribes;  and  finally,  as  the  fleet  was  rounding  the  rocky 
promontory  of  Mount  Athos,  a  terrible  storm  dashed  it  to 
pieces.  With  it  were  wrecked  all  hopes  of  success.  Mardonius 
had  no  choice  but  to  retreat  into  Asia. 

167.  Second  Expedition,  490  B.C.  Marathon.  —  This  failure 
filled  Darius  with  wrath.  Such  a  check  in  an  expedition 
against  the  petty  Greek  states  was  wholly  unexpected.  Mar- 
donius, though  an  able  general,  was  disgraced,  and  preparations 
were  begun  for  a  new  expedition. 

Meantime,  in  491,  heralds  were  sent  to  all  the  Greek  cities 
to  demand  "  earth  and  water,"  in  token  of  submission.  ^The 
islands  in  the  Aegean  yielded  at  once.  In  continental  Greece 
the  demand  was  in  general  quietly  refused  ;  but,  in  Athens  and 
Sparta,  indignation  ran  so  high  that  even  the  sacred  character 
of  ambassadors  did  not  save  the  messengers.  At  Athens  they 
were  thrown  into  a  pit,  and  at  Sparta  into  a  well,  and  told  to 
"  take  thence  what  they  wanted." 

In  the  spring  of  490,  the  Persians  were  ready  for  the  second 


1167]  THE  SECOND  ATTACK  169 

expedition.  This  time,  taking  warning  from  the  disaster  at 
Mount  Athos,  the  troops  were  embarked  on  a  mighty  fleet, 
which  proceeded  directly  across  the  Aegean.  Stopping  only 
to  receive  the  submission  of  certain  islands  by  the  way,  the 
fleet  reached  the  island  of  Eubgea  without  a  check. 

There  Eretria  (§  164)  was  captured,  through  treachery.  The 
city  was  destroyed,  and  most  of  the  people  were  sent  in  chains 
to  Persia.  Then  the  Persians  landed  on  the  plain  of  3Iarathon 
in  Attica,  to  punish  Athens.  Hippias,  the  exiled  tyrant 
(§  147),  was  with  the  invaders,  hoping  to  get  back  his  throne 
as  a  servant  of  Persia;  and  he  had  pointed  out  this  admirable 
place  for  disembarking  the  Persian  cavalry. 

At  first  most  of  the  Athenians  wished  to  fight  only  behind 
their  walls.  Sooner  or  later,  this  must  have  resulted  in  ruin, 
especially  as  there  were  some  traitors  within  the  city  hoping 
to  admit  Hippias.  Happily  Miltiades,  one  of  the  ten  Generals 
(§  152),  persuaded  the  commanders  to  march  out  and  attack 
the  Persians  at  once.^ 

From  the  rising  ground  where  the  hills  of  Mount  PentelicuSu. 
meet  the  plain,  the  ten  thousand  Athenian  hoplites  faced  the 
Persian  host  for  the  first  struggle  between  Greeks  and  Asiatics 
on  European  ground.  Sparta  had  promised  aid;  and,  at  the 
first  news  of  the  Persian  approach,  a  swift  runner  (Phidippi- 
des)  had  raced  the  hundred  and  fifty  miles  of  rugged  hill 
country  to  implore  Sparta  to  hasten.  He  reached  Sparta  on 
the  second  day ;  but  the  Spartans  waited  a  week,  on  the  ground 
that  an  old  law  forbade  them  to  set  out  on  a  military  expedi- 
tion before  the  full  moon.  The  Athenians  felt  bitterly  that 
Sparta  was  ready  to  look  on,  not  unwillingly,  while  the 
"second  city  in  Greece"  was  destroyed. 

At  all  events,  Athens  was  left  to  save  herself  (and  our 
Western  world)  as  best  she  could,  with  help  from  only  one  city. 
This  was  heroic  little  Plataea,  in  Boeotia,  near  by.  Athens 
had  sometimes  protected  the  democratic  government  of  that 

1  This  story  should  be  read  in  Herodotus,  or,  even  better  in  some  ways, 
in  the  extracts  in  Davis'  Readings,  with  Dr.  Davis'  admirable  introductions. 


170 


THE   GREEKS  — PERSIAN  WARS 


[§167 


city  from  attack  by  the  powerful  oligarchs  of  Thebes.  The 
Plataeans  remembered  this  gratefully,  and,  on  the  eve  of 
the  battle,  marched  into  the  Athenian  camp  with  their  full 
force  of  a  thousand  hoplites.  Then  Athenians  and  Plataeans 
won  a  marvelous  victory  over  perhaps  ten  times  their  number^ 
of  the  most  famous  soldiery  in  the  world.  The  result  was  due 
to  the  generalship  of  Miltiades,  and  to  the  superior  equipment 
of  the  Greek  hoplite. 

Miltiades  drew  out  his  front  as  thin  as  he  dared,  to  prevent 
the  long  Persian  front  from  overlapping  and  "  flanking  "  him. 

To  accomplish  this,  he 
weakened  his  center  dar- 
ingly, so  as  to  mass  all  the 
men  he  could  spare  from 
there  in  the  wings.  He 
meant  these  wings  to  bear 
the  brunt  of  battle,  and 
ordered  them  to  advance 
more  rapidly  than  the  thin 
center.  Then  he  moved 
his  forces  down  the  slope 
toward  the  Persian  lines. 
While  yet  an  arrow's  flight  distant,  the  advancing  Greeks  broke 
into  a  run,  according  to  Miltiades'  orders,  so  as  to  cover  the  rest 
of  the  ground  before  the  Persian  archers  could  get  in  their 
deadly  work.  Once  at  close  quarters,  the  heavy  weapons  of 
the  Greeks  gave  them  overwhelming  advantage.  Their  dense, 
heavy  array,  charging  with  long,  outstretched  spears,  by  its 
sheer  weight  broke  the  light- armed  Persian  lines,  which  were 


SCALE  or  MILES 

=1 — r= 


Plan  of  Marathon.    Cf.  map,  page  180. 


1  The  figures,  on  the  next  page,  for  the  slain,  are  probably  trustworthy ;  but 
all  numbers  given  for  the  Persian  army,  in  this  or  other  campaigns,  are 
guesses.  Ancient  historians  put  the  Persians  at  Marathon  at  from  a  quarter 
to  half  a  million.  Modem  scholars  are  sure  that  no  ancient  fleet  could  possi- 
bly carry  any  considerable  part  of  such  a  force,  —  and,  indeed,  it  is  clear  that 
the  ancient  authorities  had  no  basis  for  their  figures.  Modern  guesses  — 
they  are  nothing  better  —  put  the  Persian  force  at  Marathon  all  the  way  from 
100,000  down  to  20,000. 


§167]  THE  SECOND  ATTACK  171 

utterly  unprepared  for  conflict  on  such  terms.  The  Persians 
fought  gallantly,  as  usual;  but  their  darts  and  light  scimetars 
made  little  impression  upon  the  heavy  bronze  armor  of  the 
Greeks,  while  their  linen  tunics  and  wicker  shields  counted  for 
little  against  the  thrust  of  the  Greek  spear.  For  a  time,  it 
is  true,  the  Greek  center  had  to  give  ground ;    but  the  two 


Marathon  To-day.  —  From  a  photograph.  The  camera  stood  a  little  above 
the  Athenian  camp  in  the  Plan  on  the  opposite  page.  That  camp  was  in 
the  first  open  space  in  the  foreground,  where  the  poplar  trees  are  scattered. 
The  land  beyond  the  strip  of  water  is  the  narrow  peninsula  running  out 
from  the  "  Marsh  "  in  the  Plan. 

wings,  having  routed  the  forces  in  front  of  them,  wheeled 
upon  the  Persian  center,  crushing  upon  both  flanks  at  the 
same  moment,  and  drove  it  in  disorder  to  the  ships.  One 
hundred  ninety-two  Athenians  fell.  The  Persians  left  over 
sixty-four  hundred  dead  upon  the  field. 

The  Athenians  tried  also  to  seize  the  fleet;  but  here  they 
were  repulsed.  The  Persians  embarked  and  sailed  safely  away. 
They  took  a  course  that  might  lead  to  Athens.     Moreover,  the 


172  THE  GREEKS  — PERSIAN  WARS  [§168 

Greek  army  had  just  seen  sun-signals  flashing  to  the  enemy 
from  some  traitor's  shield  in  the  distant  mountains  ;  and  Mil- 
tiades  feared  them  to  be  an  invitation  to  attack  the  city  in  the 
absence  of  the  army.  To  check  such  plots,  he  sent  the  runner' 
Phidippides  to  announce  the  victory  to  Athens.  Already  ex- 
hausted by  the  battle,  Phidippides  put  forth  supreme  effort, 
raced  the  twenty -two  miles  of  mountain  road  from  Marathon, 
shouted  exultantly  to  the  eager,  anxious  crowds,  —  "  Ours  the 
victory,"  —  and  fell  dead.^ 

Meanwhile  Miltiades  was  hurrying  the  rest  of  his  wearied 
army,  without  rest,  over  the  same  road.  Fortunately  the 
Persian  fleet  had  to  sail  around  a  long  promontory  (map, 
page  180),  and  when  it  appeared  off  Athens,  the  next  morn- 
ing, Miltiades  and  his  hoplites  had  arrived  also.  The 
Persians  did  not  care  to  face  again  the  men  of  Marathon ; 
and  the  satTle  day  they  set  sail  for  Asia.^ 

168.  Importance  of  Marathon. —  Merely  as  a  military  event 
Marathon  is  an  unimportant  skirmish  ;  but,  in  its  results  upon 
human  welfare,  it  is  among  the  few  really  "  decisive  "  battles 
of  the  world.  Whether  Egyptian  conquered  Babylonian,  or 
Babylonian  conquered  Egyptian,  mattered  little  in  the  long  run. 
Possibly,  whether  Spartan  or  Athenian  prevailed  over  the 
other  mattered  not  much  more.  But  it  did  matter  whether 
or  not  the  huge,  inert  East  should  crush  the  new  life  out  of 
the    West.     Marathon  decided  that  the  West  should  live  on. 

For  the  Athenians  themselves,  Marathon  began  a  new  era. 
Natural  as  the  victory  came  to  seem  in  later  times,  it  took  high 
courage  on  that  day  to  stand  before  the  hitherto  un conquered 
Persians,  even  without  such  tremendous  odds.  "The  Athe- 
nians," says  Herodotus,  "  were  the  first  of  the  Greeks  to  face 

iThe  student  will  like  to  read,  or  to  hear  read,  Browning's  poem,  Pheidip- 
pides,  with  the  story  of  both  runs  by  this  Greek  hero.  Compare  this  story 
with  Herodotus'  account  in  Davis'  Readings,  Vol.  I,  No.  59.  The  famous 
run  from  the  battlefield  to  the  city  is  the  basis  of  the  modern  "  Marathon  " 
race,  in  which  champion  athletes  of  all  countries  compete. 

2The  full  story  of  this  battle  should  be  read  as  Herodotus  tells  it.  It  is 
given  in  Davis'  Readings,  Vol.  I,  Nos.  59,  60. 


§  169]  AN  INTERVAL  OF  PREPARATION  173 

the  Median  garments,  .  .  .  whereas  up  to  this  time  the  very- 
name  of  Mede  [Persian]  had  been  a  terror  to  the  Hellenes." 
Athens  broke  the  spell  for  the  rest  of  Greece,  and  grew  herself  to 
heroic  stature  in  an  hour.  The  sons  of  the  men  who  conquered 
on  that  field  could  find  no  odds  too  crushing,  no  prize  too 
dazzling,  in  the  years  to  come.  It  was  now  that  the  Athenian 
character  first  showed  itself  as  Thucydides  described  it  a  century- 
later  :  "  The  Athenians  are  the  only  people  who  succeed  to 
the  full  extent  of  their  hope,  because  they  throw  themselves  with- 
out reserve  into  whatever  they  resolve  to  do." 

ATHENS  — FROM  MARATHON   TO   THERMOPYLAE 

169.  Internal  Faction  Crushed.  —  Soon  after  Marathon,  Egypt 
revolted  against  Persia.  Tliis  gave  the  Greeks  ten  years  more  for 
preparation;  but,  except  in  Athens,  little  use  was  made  of  the 
interval.  In  that  city  the  democratic  forces  grew  stronger 
and  more  united,  while  the  oligarchs  were  weakened. 

One  incident  in  this  change  was  the  ruin  of  Miltiades,  the 
hero  of  Marathon.  Miltiades  was  originally  an  Athenian  noble 
who  had  made  himself  tyrant  of  Chersonesu^^  (map  after 
page  94).  Not  long  before  .the  Persian  invasion,  he  had 
brought  upon  himself  the  hatred  of  the  Great  King,^  and  had 
fled  back  to  Athens.  Here  he  became  at  once  a  prominent 
supporter  of  the  oligarchic  party.  The  democrats  tried  to 
prosecute  him  for  his  previous  "  tyranny " ;  but  the  attempt 
failed,  and  when  the  Persian  invasion  came,  the  Athenians 
were  fortunate  in  having  his  experience  and  ability  to  guide 
them.  Soon  after  Marathon,  however,  Miltiades  failed  in  an 
expedition  against  Pares,  into  which  he  had  persuaded  the 
Athenians ;  and  then  the  hostile  democracy  secured  his 
overthrow.  He  was  condemned  to  pay  an  immense  fine,  and 
is  said  to  have  died  soon  afterward  in  prison. 

This  blow  was  followed  by  the  ostracism  of  some  oligarchic 
leader  each  season  for  several  years,  until  that  party  was  utterly 

1  Report  the  story  from  Herodotus,  if  a  translation  is  accessible. 


174  THE   GREEKS  — PERSIAN  WARS  [§170 

broken.     Thus  Athens  was  saved  from  its  most  serious  inter- 
nal dissension. 

170.  Themistocles  makes  Athens  a  Naval  Power.  — The  victo- 
rious democrats  at  once  divided  into  new  parties.  The  more 
moderate  section  was  content  with  the  constitution  of  Clis- 
thenes  and  was  disposed  to  follow  old  customs.  Its  leader 
was  Aristkles^  a  calm,  conservative  man,  surnamed  "  the  Just." 
The  radical  wing,  favoring  new  methods  and  further  change, 
was  led  by  Themistocles.  Themistocles  was  sometimes  less 
scrupulous  and  upright  than  Aristides,  but  he  was  one  of  the 
most  resourceful  and  far-sighted  statesmen  of  all  history. 

Themistocles  desired  passionately  one  great  departure  from 
past  custom  in  Athenian  affairs.  He  wished  to  make  Athens 
a  naval  power.  He  saiv  clearly  that  the  real  struggle  with  Persia 
was  yet  to  come,  and  that  the  result  could  he  decided  by  victory  on 
the  sea.  Such  victory  was  more  probable  for  the  Greeks  than 
victory  on  land.  Huge  as  the  Persian  empire  was,  it  had  no 
seacoast  except  Egypt,  Phoenicia,  and  Ionia.  It  could  not, 
therefore,  so  vastly  outnumber  the  Greeks  in  ships  as  in  men  ; 
and  if  the  Greeks  could  secure  command  of  the  sea,  Persia 
would  be  unable  to  attack  them  at  all. 

But  this  proposed  naval  policy  for  Athens  broke  with  all 
tradition,  and  could  not  win  without  a  struggle.  Seafarers 
though  the  Greeks  were,  up  to  this  time  they  had  not  used 
ships  much  in  war.  Attica,  in  particular,  had  almost  no  navy. 
The  party  of  Aristides  wished  to  hold  to  the  old  policy  of 
fighting  on  laud,  and  they  had  the  glorious  victory  of  Marathon 
to  strengthen  their  arguments.  Feeling  ran  high.  Finally^ 
in  483,  the  leaders  agreed  to  let  a  vote  of  ostracism  decide 
between  them.  Fortunately,  Aristides  was  ostracized  (§  153), 
and  for  some  years  the  influence  of  Themistocles  was  the 
strongest  power  in  Athens.  \^^ 

While  the  voting  was  going  on  (according  to  Herodotus)  a  stupid  fellow, 
who  did  not  know  Aristides,  asked  him  to  write  the  name  Aristides  on  the 
shell  he  was  about  to  vote.  Aristides  did  so,  asking,  however,  what  harm 
Aristides  had  ever  done  the  man.     "jVoharm,"  replied  the  voter;  "in 


§  171]  THE  MAIN   ATTACK  175 

deed,  I  do  not  know  him;  but  I  am  tired  of  hearing  him  called  'the  Just.'  " 
Read  the  other  anecdotes  about  Aristides  in  Davis'  Beadings,  Vol.  I,  No.  61. 

Themistocles  at  once  put  his  new  policy  into  operation. 
Rich  veins  of  silver  had  recently  been  discovered  in  the  mines 
of  Attica.  These  mines  belonged  to  the  city,  and  a  large  reve- 
nue from  them  had  accumulated  in  the  public  treasury.  It 
had  been  proposed  to  divide  the  money  among  the  citizens  ; 
but  Themistocles  persuaded  his  countrymen  to  reject  this 
tempting  plan,  and  instead  to  build  a  great  fleet.  Thanks  to 
this  policy,  in  the  next  three  years  Athens  became  the  great- 
est naval  power  in  Hellas.  The  decisive  victory  of  Salamis 
was  to  be  the  result  (§  179). 

I  THE   THIRD   ATTACK,   480-479   b.c. 

171.  Persian  Preparation.  —  Meantime,  happily  for  the  world, 
the  great  Darius  died,  and  the  invasion  of  Greece  fell  to  his 
feebler  son,  Xerxes.  Marathon  had  proved  that  no  Persian 
fleet  by  itself  could  transport  enough  troops ;  so  the  plan  of 
Mardonius'  expedition  (§  166)  was  tried  again,  but  upon  a 
larger  scale,  both  as  to  army  and  fleet. 

To  guard  against  another  accident  at  Mt.  Athbs,  a  canal  for 
ships  was  cut  through  the  isthmus  at  the  back  of  that  rocky 
headland,  —  a  great  engineering  work  that  took  three  years. 
Meantime,  supplies  were  collected  at  stations  along  the  way ; 
the  Hellespont  was  bridged  with  chains  of  boats  covered  with 
planks ;  ^  and  at  last,  in  the  spring  of  480,  Xerxes  in  person 
led  a  mighty  host  of  many  nations  into  Europe. 

Ancient  reports  put  the  Asiatics  at  from  one  and  a  half 
million  to  two  million  soldiers,  with  followers  and  attendants 
to  raise  the  total  to  five  millions.  Modern  critics  think 
Xerxes  may  have  had  some  half-million  troops,  with  numerous 
followers.  In  any  case,  the  numbers  vastly  exceeded  those 
which  the  Greeks  could  bring  against  them.  A  fleet  of  twelve 
hundred  ships  accompanied  the  army. 

1  Read  Herodotus'  story  of  Xerxes'  wrath  when  the  first  bridge  broke,  and 
how  he  ordered  the  Hellespont  to  be  flogged  (Davis'  Readings,  Vol.  I,  No.  64). 


176  THE   GREEKS  — PERSIAN  WARS  [§172 

172.  The  Greek  Preparation.  —  The  danger  forced  the  Greeks 
into  something  like  common  action  :  into  a  greater  unity,  indeed, 
than  they  had  ever  known.     Sparta  and  Athens  joined  in  call- 
ing a  Hellenic  congress  at  Corinth,  on  the  isthmus,  in  481  b.c. 
The  deputies  that  appeared  bound  their  cities  by  oath  to  ai(" 
one  another,  and  pledged  their  common  efforts  to  punish  any 
states  that  should  join  Persia.     Ancient  feuds  were  pacified 
Plans  of  campaign  were  discussed,  and  Sparta  was  formally 
recognized  as  leader.     In  spite  of  Athens'  recent  heroism,  ^ 
belief  in  Sparta's  invincibility  in  war  was  too  strong  to  perj 
any  other  choice. 

Messengers  were  sent  also  to  implore  aid  from  outlying  por 
tions  of  Hellas,  but  with  little  result.     Crete  excused  he: 
on  a  superstitious  scruple.     Corcyra  promised  a  fleet,  but  to<. 
care  it  should  not  arrive ;  and  the  Greek  tyrants  in  Sicily  ai^ 
Magna  Graecia  had  their  hands  full  at  home  with  the  Carthp 
ginian  invasion  (§  160). 

The  outlook  was  full  of  gloom.  Argos,  out  of  hatred  for 
Sparta,  and  Thebes,  from  jealousy  of  Athens,  had  refused  to 
attend  the  congress,  and  were  ready  to  join  Xerxes.  Even  the 
Delphic  oracle,  which  was  of  course  consulted  in  such  a  crisis, 
predicted  ruin  and  warned  the  Athenians  in  particular  to  flee 
to  the  ends  of  the  earth. 

173.  The  Lines  of  Defense.  —  Against  a  land  attack  the 
Greeks  had  three  lines  of  defense.  The  first  was  at  the  Vale 
of  Tempe  near  Mount  Olympus,  where  only  a  narrow  pass 
opened  into  Thessaly.  The  second  was  at  Thermopylae,  where 
the  mountains  shut  off  northern  from  central  ^  Greece,  except 
for  a  road  only  a  few  feet  in  width.  The  third  was  behind  the 
Isthmus  of  Corinth. 

174.  Plan  of  Campaign. — At  the  congress  at  Corinth  the 
Peloponnesians  had  wished  selfishly  to  abandon  the  first  two  lines. 
They  urged  that  all  patriotic  Greeks  should  "retire.  ak-i»nce 
within  the  Peloponnesus,  the  final  citadel  of  Greece,  and  for- 

1  For  these  terms,  see  map  study,  page  95. 


§  176]  THERMOPYLAE  177 

tify  the  isthmus  by  an  impregnable  wall.      This  plan  was  as 
foolish  as  it  was  selfish.     Greek  troops  might  have  held  the 
isthmus  against  the  Persian  land   army ;  but   the    Pelopon- 
nesus was  readily  open  to  attack  by  sea,  and  the  Persian  fleet 
ivould  have  found  it  easier  here  than  at  either  of  the  other 
lines  of  defense  to  land  troops  in  the  Greek  rear,  ivithout  losing 
ijouch  with  its  otvn  army.     Such  a  surrender  of  two  thirds  of 
Greece,  too,  would  have  meant  a  tremendous  reinforcement  of 
'■i  enemy  by  excellent  Greek  soldiery.     Accordingly,  it  was 
■Mly  decided  to  resist  the  entrance  of  the  Persians  into  Greece 
y  meeting  them  at  the  Vale  of  Tempe, 

175.  The  Loss  of  Thessaly. —  Sparta,  however,  had  no  gift 
going  to  meet  an  attack,  but  must  always  await  it  on  the 

emy's  terms.  A  hundred  thousand  men  should  have  held 
iC  Vale  of  Tempe  ;  but  only  a  feeble  garrison  was  sent  there, 
.  nd  it  retreated  before  the  Persians  appeared.  Through 
Sparta's  incapacity  for  leadership,  Xerxes  entered  Greece 
without  a  blow.  Then  the  Thessalian  cities,  deserted  by  their 
allies,  joined  the  invaders  with  their  powerful  cavalry. 

176.  Thermopylae:  Loss  of  Central  Greece.  —  This  loss  of 
Thessaly  made  it  evident,  even  to  Spartan  statesmen,  that  to 
abandon  central  Greece  would  strengthen  Xerxes  further ;  and 
it  was  decided  in  a  half-hearted  way  to  make  a  stand  at  Ther- 
mopylae. The  pass  was  only  some  twenty  feet  wide  between 
the  cliff  and  the  sea,  and  the  only  other  path  was  one  over  the 
mountain,  equally  easy  to  defend.  Moreover,  the  long  island 
of  Euboea  approached  the  mainland  just  opposite  the  pass,  so 
that  the  Greek  fleet  in  the  narrow  strait  could  guard  the  land 
army  against  having  troops  landed  in  the  rear. 

The  Greek  fleet  at  this  place  numbered  270  ships.  Of  these 
the  Athenians  furnished  half.  The  admiral  was  a  Spartan, 
though  his  city  sent  only  sixteen  ships.  The  land  defense  had 
been  left  to  the  Peloponnesian  league.  This  was  the  supremely 
important  duty  ;  but  the  force,  which  Sparta  had  sent  to  attend 
to  it,  was  shamefully  small.  The  Spartan  king,  Lemidas,  held 
the  pass  with   three   hundred  Spartans  and  a  few  thousand 


178  THE  GREEKS  — PERSIAN  WARS  (§176 

allies.     The  main  force  of  Spartans  was  again  left  at  home,  on 
the  ground  of  a  religious  festival. 

The  Persians  reached  Thermopylae  without  a  check.  Battle 
was  joined  at  once  on  land  and  sea,  and  raged  for  three  days. 
Four  hundred  Persian  ships  were  wrecked  in  a  storm,  and  the 
rest  were  checked  by  the  Greek  fleet  in  a  sternly  contested  con- 


iVM'^'ti^pfe^**^"  "'*■" 


Thermopylae. 
From  a  photograph :  to  show  the  steepness  of  the  mountain  side. 

flict  at  Artemisimn.  On  land,  Xerxes  flung  column  after  col- 
umn of  chosen  troops  into  the  pass,  to  be  beaten  back  each  time 
in  rout.  But  on  the  third  night,  Ephialtes,  "the  Judas  of 
Greece,"  guided  a  force  of  Persians  over  the  mountain  path, 
which  the  Spartans  had  left  only  slightly  guarded.  Leonidas 
knew  that  he  could  no  longer  hold  his  position.  He  sent 
home  his  allies;  but  he  and  his  three  hundred  Spartans  re- 
mained to  die  in  the  pass  which  their  country  had  given  them 


§  177]  THERMOPYLAE  179 

to  defend.     They  charged  joyously  upon  the  Persian  spears, 
and  fell  fighting,  to  a  man.^ 

Sparta  had  shown  no  capacity  to  command  in  this  great 
crisis.  Twice  her  shortsightedness  had  caused  the  loss  of 
vital  positions.  But  at  Thermopylae  her  citizens  had  set 
Greece  an  example  of  calm  heroism  that  has  stirred  the  world 
ever  since.  In  later  times  the  burial  place  of  the  Three  Hundred 
was  marked  by  this  inscription,  "  Stranger,  go  tell  at  Sparta 
that  we  lie  here  in  obedience  to  her  command." 
,f  177.  Destruction  of  Athens.  —  Xerxes  advanced  on  Athens 
and  was  joined  by  most  of  central  Greece.  The  Theban  oli- 
garchs, in  particular,  welcomed  him  with  genuine  joy.  The 
Peloponnesians  would  risk  no  further  battle  outside  their  own 
peninsula.  They  withdrew  the  army,  and  fell  back  upon  their 
first  plan  of  building  a  wall  across  the  isthmus.  Athens  was 
left  open  to  Persian  vengeance. 

The  news  threw  that  city  into  uproar  and  despair.  The 
Delphic  oracle  was  appealed  to,  but  it  prophesied  utter  destruc- 
tion. Themistocles  (perhaps  by  bribery)  finally  secured  from 
the  priestess  an  additional  prophecy,  that  when,  all  else  was 
destroyed,  "  wooden  walls  "  would  still  defend  the  Athenians. 
Many  citizens  then  wished  to  retire  within  the  wooden  palisade 
of  the  Acropolis;  but  Themistocles,  the  guiding  genius  of  the 
stormy  day,  persuaded  them  that  the  oracle  meant  the  "  wooden 
walls  "  of  their  ships. 

The  Greek  fleet  had  withdrawn  from  Artemisium,  after  the 
Persians  won  the  land  pass  ;  and  the  Spartan  admiral  was 
bent  upon  retiring  at  once  to  the  position  of  the  Peloponnesian 
army,  at  the  isthmus.  By  vehement  entreaties,  Themistocles 
persuaded  him  to  hold  the  whole  fleet  for  a  day  or  two  at 
Athens,  to  help  remove  the  women  and  children  and  old  men 
to   Salamis  and  other  near-by  islands.     More   than  200,000 

iQne  Spartan,  who  had  been  left  for  dead  by  the  Persians,  afterward  re- 
covered and  returned  home.  But  his  fellow-citizens  treated  him  with  pitying 
contempt  ;  and  at  the  next  great  battle,  he  sought  and  found  death,  fighting 
in  the  front  rank. 


180 


THE   GREEKS  — PERSIAN  WARS 


[§178 


people  had  to  be  moved  from  their  homes.  There  was  no  time 
to  save  property.  The  Persians  marched  triumphantly  through 
Attica,  burning  villages  and  farmsteads,  and  laid  Athens  and 
its  temples  in  ashes. 


(?,  the  Greek  fleet  at  Salamis.     PPP,  the  Persian  fleet.     X,  the  Throne 
of  Xerxes.     (The  "  Long  Walls  "  were  not  built  until  later ;  §  200.) 

178.  Strategy  of  Themistocles.  —  But .  Themistocles,  in  delay- 
ing the  retreat  of  the  fleet,  planned  for  more  than  escape.  He 
was  determined  that  the  decisive  battle  should  be  a  sea  battle,  and 
that  it  should  be  fought  where  the  fleet  then  lay.  No  other  spot 
so  favorable  could  be  found.'  The  narrovsr  strait  between  the 
Athenian  shore  and  Salamis  would  embarrass  the  Persian  num- 
bers, and  help  to  make  up  for  the  small  numbers  of  the  Greek 
ships.      Themistocles    saw,    too,    that    if  they    withdrew    to 


§  178]  THEMISTOCLES  181 

Corinth,  as  the  Peloponnesians  insisted,  all  chance  of  united 
action  would  be  lost.  The  fleet  would  break  up.  Some  ships 
would  sail  home  to  defend  their  own  island  cities ;  and  others, 
like  those  of  Megara  and  Aegina,  feeling  that  their  cities  were 
deserted,  might  join  the  Persians. 

The  fleet  had  grown  now  to  378  ships.  The  Athenians 
furnished  200  of  these.  With  wise  and  generous  patriotism, 
they  had  yielded  the  chief  command  to  Sparta,  but  of  course 
Themistocles  carried  weight  in  the  council  of  captains.     It  was 


The  Bay  of  Salamis.  —  From  a  photograph. 

he  who,  by  persuasion,  entreaties,  and  bribes,  had  kept  the  navy 
from  abandoning  the  land  forces  at  Thermopylae,  before  the 
sea  fight  off  Artemisium.  A  similar  but  greater  task  now  fell 
to  him.  Debate  waxed  fierce  in  the  all-night  council  of  the 
captains.  Arguments  were  exhausted,  and  Themistocles  had 
recourse  to  threats.  The  Corinthian  admiral  sneered  that  the 
allies  need  not  regard  a  man  who  no  longer  represented  a 
Greek  city.  The  Athenian  retorted  that  he  represented  two 
hundred  ships,  and  could  make  a  city,  or  take  one,  where  he 
^hose ;  and,  by  a  threat  to  sail  away  to  found  a  new  Athens  in 
Italy,  he  forced  the  allies  to  remain.  Even  then  the  decision 
would  have  been  reconsidered,  had  not  the  wily  Themistocles 
made  use  of  a  strange  stratagem.     With  pretended  friendship, 


182  -    THE   GREEKS  — PERSIAN  WARS  [§179 

he  sent  a  secret  message  to  Xerxes,  notifying  him  of  the  weak- 
.     ness  and  dissensions  of  the  Greeks,  and  advisiyig  him  to  block  up 
the  straits  to  prevent  their  escape. 

Xerxes  took  this  treacherous  advice.  Aristides,  whose  os- 
tracism had  been  revoked  in  the  hour  of  danger,  and  who  now 
slipped  through  the  hostile  fleet  in  his  single  ship  to  join  his 
countrymen,  brought  the  news  that  they  were  surrounded. 
There  was  now  no  choice  but  to  fight. 
\j\).  179.  The  Battle  of  Salamis.  —  The  Persian  fleet  was  twice 
the  size  of  the  Greek,  and  was  itself  largely  made  up  of  Asiatic 
Greeks,  while  the  Phoenicians  and  Egyptians,  who  composed 
the  remainder,  were  famous  sailors.  The  conflict  the  next 
day  lasted  from  dawn  to  night,  but  the  Greek  victory  was 
complete. 

*'  A  king  sat  on  the  rocky  brow  i 

Which  looks  o'er  sea-born  Salamis ; 

And  ships  by  thousands  lay  below, 

And  men  in  nations,  —  all  were  his. 

He  counted  them  at  break  of  day, 

And  when  the  sun  set,  where  were  they  ?  ' ' 

Aeschylus,  an  Athenian  poet  who  was  present  in  the  battle, 
gives  a  noble  picture  of  it  in  his  drama.  The  Persians.  The 
speaker  is  a  Persian,  telling  the  story  to  the  Persian  queen- 
mother  :  — 

"Not  in  flight 
The  Hellenes  then  their  solemn  paeans  sang, 
But  with  brave  spirits  hastening  on  to  battle. 
With  martial  sound  the  trumpet  fired  those  ranks  : 
And  straight  with  sweep  of  oars  that  flew  thro'  foam, 
They  smote  the  loud  waves  at  the  boatswain's  call  .  .  . 
And  all  at  once  we  heard  a  mighty  shout  — 
'O  sons  of  Hellenes,  forward,  free  your  country  ; 
Free,  too,  your  wives,  your  children,  and  the  shrines 
Built  to  your  fathers''  Gods,  and  holy  tombs 
Your  ancestors  now  rest  in.     The  fight 
Is  for  our  alV  .  .  . 

1  A  golden  throne  had  been  set  up  for  Xerxes,  that  he  might  better  view 
the  battle.    These  lines  are  from  Byron. 


§  1811  SALAMIS  183 

.  .  .  And  the  hulls  of  ships 
Floated  capsized,  nor  could  the  sea  be  seen, 
Filled  as  it  was  with  wrecks  and  carcasses  ; 
And  all  the  shores  and  rocks  were  full  of  corpses, 
And  every  ship  was  wildly  rowed  in  flight, 
All  that  composed  the  Persian  armament. 
And  they  [Greeks] ,  as  men  spear  tunnies,  or  a  haul 
Of  other  fishes,  with  the  shafts  of  oars. 
Or  spars  of  wrecks,  went  smiting,  cleaving  down  ; 
And  bitter  groans  and  wailings  overspread 
The  wide  sea  waves,  till  eye  of  swarthy  night 
Bade  it  all  cease  ...  Be  assured 
That  never  yet  so  great  a  multitude 
Died  in  a  single  day  as  died  in  this." 

180.  Two  incidents  in  the  celebration  of  the  victory  throw  light  upon 
Greek  character. 

The  commanders  of  the  various  city  contingents  in  the  Greek  fleet 
voted  a  prize  of  merit  to  the  city  that  deserved  best  in  the  action.  The 
Athenians  had  furnished  more  than  half  the  whole  fleet ;  they  were  the 
first  to  engage,  and  they  had  especially  distinguished  themselves ;  they 
had  seen  their  city  laid  in  ashes,  and  only  their  steady  patriotism  had 
made  a  victory  possible.  Peloponnesian  jealousy^  however,  passed  them 
hy  for  their  rival,  Aegina,  which  had  joined  the  Spartan  league. 

A  vote  was  taken,  also,  to  award  prizes  to  the  two  most  meritorious 
commanders.  Each  captain  voted  for  himself  for  the  first  place,  while 
all  voted  for  Themistocles  for  the  second. 

•181.  The  Temptation  of  Athens.  —  On  the  day  of  Salamis  the 
Sicilian  Greeks  won  a  decisive  victory  over  the  Carthaginians 
at  Himera.  Eor  a  while,  that  battle  closed  the  struggle  in 
the  West.  In  Greece  the  Persian  chances  were  still  good. 
Xerxes,  it  is  true,  fled  at  once  to  Asia  with  his  shattered  fleet ; 
but  he  left  his  general,  the  experienced  Mardonius,  with  three 
hundred  thousand  chosen  troops.  Mardonius  withdrew  from 
central  Greece  for  the  time,  to  winter  in  the  plains  of  Thessaly ; 
but  he  would  be  ready  to  renew  the  struggle  in  the  spring. 

The  Athenians  began  courageously  to  rebuild  their  city. 
Mardonius  looked  upon  them  as  the  soul  of  the  Greek  resist- 
ance, and  in  the  early  spring,  he  offered  them  an  alliance,  with 
many  favors  and  with  the  complete  restoration  of  their  city  at 


184  THE   GREEKS  — PERSIAN  WARS  [§182 

Persian  expense.  Sparta  was  terrified  lest  the  Athenians 
should  accept  so  tempting  an  offer,  and  sent  in  haste,  with 
many  promises,  to  beg  them  not  to  desert  the  cause  of  Hellas. 
There  was  no  need  of  such  anxiety.  The  Athenians  had 
already  sent  back  the  Persian  messenger:  "Tell  Mardonius 
that  so  long  as  the  sun  holds  on  his  way  in  heaven,  the 
Athenians  will  come  to  no  terms  with  Xerxes."  They  then 
-courteously  declined  the  Spartan  offer  of  aid  in  rebuilding 
their  city,  and  asked  only  that  Sparta  take  the  field  early  enough 
so  that  Athens  need  not  be  again  abandoned  without  a  battle. 

Sparta  made  the  promise,  but  did  not  keep  it.  Mardonius 
approached  rapidly.  The  Spartans  found  another  sacred  fes- 
tival before  which  it  would  not  do  to  leave  their  bomes ;  and 
the  Athenians,  in  bitter  disappointment,  a  second  time  took 
refuge  at  Salamis.  With  their  city  in  his  hands,  Mardonius 
offered  them  again  the  same  favorable  terms  of  alliance.  Only 
one  of  the  Athenian  Council  favored  even  submitting  the 
matter  to  the  people,  —  and  lie  was  instantly  stoned  by  the 
enraged  populace,  while  the  women  inflicted  a  like  cruel  fate 
upon  his  wife  and  children.  Even  such  violence  does  not 
obscure  the  heroic  self-sacrifice  of  the  Athenians.  Mardonius 
burned  Athens  a  second  time,  laid  waste  the  farms  over 
Attica,  cut  down  the  olive  groves  (the  slojv^rQwtli  of  TTiRTiy 
years),  and  then  retired  to  the  level  plains  of  Boeotia. 

182.  Battle  of  Plataea,  479  b.c.  — Athenian  envoys  had  been 
at  Sparta  for  weeks  begging  for  instant  action,  but  they  had 
been  put  off  with  meaningless  delays.  The  fact  was,  Sparta 
still  clung  to  the  stupid  plan  of  defending  only  the  isthmus, 
—  which  was  all  that  she  had  made  real  preparations  for. 
Some  of  her  keener  allies,  however,  at  last  made  the  Ephors 
see  the  uselessness  of  the  wall  at  Corinth  if  the  Athenians 
should  be  forced  to  join  Persia  with  their  fleet,  as  in  that 
case,  the  Persians  could  land  an  army  anywhere  they  chose 
in  the  rear  of  the  wall.  So  Sparta  decided  to  act;  and  she 
gave  a  striking  proof  of  her  resources.  One  morning  the 
Athenian  envoys,  who  had  given  up  hope,  announced  indig- 


§  183]  PLATAEA  185 

nantly  to  the  Spartan  government  that  they  would  at  once 
return  home.  To  their  amazement,  they  were  told  that  during 
the  night  50,000  Peloponnesian  troops  had  set  out  for  central 
Greece. 

The  Athenian  forces  and  other  reinforcements  raised  the  total 
of  the  Greek  army  to  about  100,000,  and  the  final  contest  with 
Mardonius  was  fought  near  the  little  town  of  Plataea.  Spartan 
generalship  blundered  sadly,  and  many  of  the  allies  were  not 
brought  into  the  fight ;  but  the  stubborn  Spartan  valor  and  the 
Athenian  skill  and  dash  won  a  victory  which  became  a  massacre 
It  is  said  that  of  the  260,000  Persians  engaged,  only  3000 
escaped  to  Asia.     The  Greeks  lost  154  men. 

183.  The  Meaning  of  the  Greek  Victory.  —  The  victory  of 
Plataea  closed  the  first  great  period  of  the  Persian  Wars.  A 
second  period  was  to  begin  at  once,  but  it  had  to  do  with  freeing 
the  Asiatic  Greeks.  That  is,  Europe  took  the  offensive.  No 
hostile  Persian  ever  again  set  foot  in  European  Greece. 

A  Persian  victory  would  have  meant  the  extinction  of  the 
world's  best  hope.  The  Persian  civilization  was  Oriental 
(§§  80,  81).  Marathon  and  Salamis  decided  that  the  des- 
potism of  the  East  should  not  crush  the  rising  freedom  of 
the  West  in  its  first  home. 

To  the  Greeks  themselves  their  victory  opened  a  new  epoch. 
They  were  victors  over  the  greatest  of  world-empires.  It  was 
a  victory  of  intellect  and  spirit  over  matter.  Unlimited  confi- 
dence gave  them  still  greater  power.  New  energies  stirred  in 
their  veins  and  found  expression  in  manifold  forms.  The 
matchless  bjoom  of  Greek  art  and  thought,  in  the  next  two 
generations,  liad  its  roots  in  the  soil  of  Marathon  and  Plataea. 

Moreover,  slow  as  the  Greeks  had  been  to  see  Sparta's  poor 
management,  most  of  them  could  no  longer  shut  their  eyes 
to  it.  Success  had  been  due  mainly  to  the  heroic  self-sacri- 
fice and  the  splendid  energy  and  wise  patriotism  of  Athens. 
And  that  city  —  truest  representative  of  Greek  mlture  — was 
soon  to  take  her  proper  place  in  the  political  leadership  of 
Greece. 


186  THE  GREEKS  — PERSIAN  WARS  [§  183 

Exercises.  —  1.  Summarize  the  causes  of  the  Persian  Wars.  2.  Devise 
and  memorize  a  series  of  catch-words  for  rapid  statement,  that  shall  sug. 
gest  the  outline  of  the  story  quickly.    Thus  :  — 

Persian  conquest  of  Lydia  and  so  of  Asiatic  Greeks ;  revolt  of  Ionia, 
500  B.C.  ;  Athenian  aid  ;  reconquest  of  Ionia.  First  expedition  against 
European  Greece^  492  b.c,  through  Thrace  :  Mount  Athos.  Second  expe- 
dition, across  the  Aegean,  two  years  later :  capture  of  Eretria ;  landing 
at  Marathon  ;  excuses  of  Sparta ;  arrival  of  Plataeans ;  Miltiades  and 
battle  of  Marathon,  490  B.C. 

(Let  the  student  continue  the  series.  In  this  way,  the  whole  story  may 
be  reviewed  in  two  minutes,  with  reference  to  every  important  event.) 

VJ. 

For  Further  Reading.  —  Specially  suggested:  Davis'  Headings 
gives  the  whole  story  of  Xerxes'  invasion  as  the  Greeks  themselves  told 
it,  in  Vol.  I,  Nos.  62-73,  —  about  47  pages.  Nowhere  else  can  it  be  read 
so  well;  and  the  high  school  student  who  does 'read  that  account  can 
afford  to  omit  modern  authorities.  If  he  reads  further,  it  may  well  be 
in  one  di  the  volumes  mentioned  below,  mainly  to  see  how  the  modern 
authority  has  used  or  criticised  the  account  by  Herodotus. 

Additional:  Cox's  Greeks  and  Persians  is  an  admirable  little  book: 
chs.  v-viii  may  be  read  for  this  story.  Bury  is  rather  critical ;  but  the 
student  may  profitably  explore  his  pages  for  parts  of  the  story  (pp.  265- 
295).  Many  anecdotes  are  given  in  Plutarch's  ii?76s  ("  Themistocles  " 
and  "  Aristides"). 


CHAPTER   XIII 

ATHENIAN  LEADERSHIP,   478-431  B.C. 

(From  the  Persian  War  to  the  Peloponnesian  War) 

The  history  of  Athens  is  for  us  the  history  of  Greece.  —  Holm. 

GROWTH   OF  THE   ATHENIAN   EMPIRE 

184.  Athens  Fortified.  — Immediately  after  Plataea,  the 
Athenians  began  once  more  to  rebuild  their  temples  and  homes. 
Themistocles,  however,  persuaded  them  to  leave  even  these  in 
ashes  and  first  surround  the  city  with  walls.  Some  Greek  cities 
at  once  showed  themselves  basely  eager  to  keep  Athens  help- 
less. Corinth,  especially,  urged  Sparta  to  interfere ;  and,  to  her 
shame,  Sparta  did  call  upon  the  Athenians  to  give  up  the  plan. 
Such  walls,  she  said,  might  prove  an  advantage  to  the  Persians 
if  they  should  again  occupy  Athens.  Attica,  which  had  been 
ravaged  so  recently  by  the  Persians,  was  in  no  condition  to 
resist  a  Peloponnesian  army.  So,  neglecting  all  private  mat- 
ters, the  Athenians  toiled  with  desperate  haste  — men,  women, 
children,  and  slaves.  The  irregular  nature  of  the  walls  told 
the  story  \o  later  generations.  No  material  was  too  precious. 
Inscribed  tablets  and  fragments  of  sacred  temples  and  even 
monuments  from  the  burial  grounds  were  seized  for  the  work. 
To  gain  the  necessary  time,  Themistocles  had  recourse  to  wiles. 
As  Thucydides  (§  224)  tells  the  story :  — 

"  The  Athenians,  by  the  advice  of  Themistocles,  replied  that  they 
would  send  an  embassy  to  discuss  the  matter,  and  so  got  rid  of  the  Spar- 
tan envoys.  Themistocles  then  proposed  that  he  should  himself  start  at 
once  for  Sparta,  and  that  they  should  give  him  colleagues  who  were  not 
to  go  immediately,  but  were  to  wait  until  the  wall  had  reached  a  height 
which  could  be  defended.  ...  On  his  arrival,  he  did  not  at  once  pre- 
sent himself  officially  to  the  magistrates,  but  delayed  and  made  excuses, 

187 


188        THE  GREEKS  — ATHENIAN  LEADERSHIP      [§185 

and  when  any  of  them  asked  him  why  he  did  not  appear  before  the 
Assembly,  he  said  that  he  was  waiting  for  his  colleagues  who  had  been 
detained.  .  .  .  The  friendship  of  the  magistrates  for  Themistocles  in- 
duced them  to  believe  him,  but  when  everybody  who  came  from  Athens 
declared  positively  that  the  wall  was  building,  and  had  already  reached  a 
considerable  height,  they  knew  not  what  to  think.  Aware  of  their 
suspicions,  Themistocles  asked  them  not  to  be  misled  by  reports,  but  to 
send  to  Athens  men  of  their  own  wlK)m  they  could  trust,  to  see  for  them- 
selves. 

"The  Spartans  agreed  ;  and  Themistocles,  at  the  same  time,  privately 
instructed  the  Athenians  to  detain  the  Spartan  envoys  as  quietly  as  pos- 
sible, and  not  let  them  go  till  he  and  his  colleagues  had  got  safely  home. 
For  by  this  time,  those  who  were  joined  with  him  in  the  embassy  had 
arrived,  bringing  the  news  that  the  wall  was  of  sufficient  height,  and  he 
was  afraid  that  the  Lacedaemonians, i  when  they  heard  the  truth,  might 
not  allow  him  to  return.  So  the  Athenians  detained  the  envoys,  and 
Themistocles,  coming  before  the  Lacedaemonians,  at  length  declared,  in 
so  many  words,  that  Athens  was  now  provided  with  walls  and  would  pro- 
tect her  citizens :  henceforward,  if  the  Lacedaemonians  wished  at  any 
time  to  negotiate,  they  must  deal  with  the  Athenians  as  with  men  who 
knew  quite  well  what  was  best  for  their  own  and  the  common  good." 

185.  The  Piraeus.  —  Themistocles  was  not  yet  content. 
Athens  lay  some  three  miles  from  the  shore.  Until  a 
few  years  before,  her  only  port  had  been  an  open  road- 
stead, —  the  Phalerum ;  but  during  his  archonship  in  493, 
as  part  of  his  plan  for  naval  greatness,  Themistocles  had 
given  the  city  a  magnificent  harbor,  by  improving  the  bay  of 
the  Piraeus,  at  great  expense.  Now  he  persuaded  the  people 
to  fortify  this  new  port.  Accordingly,  the  Piraeus,  on  the 
land  side,  was  surrounded  with  a  massive  wall  of  solid  masonry, 
clamped  with  iron,  sixteen  feet  broad  and  thirty  feet  high,  so 
that  old  men  and  boys  might  easily  defend  it  against  any 
enemy.  Tlie  Athenians  now  had  two  tcalled  cities,  each  four  or 
five  miles  in  circuit,  and  only  four  miles  apart. 

186.  Commerce  and  Sea  Power.  —  The  alien  merchants,  who 
dwelt  at  the  Athenian  ports,  had  fled  at  the  Persian  invasion ; 

1  Lacedaemonia  is  the  name  given  to  the  whole  Spartan  territory.  See 
map,  page  98. 


§187] 


ATHENIAN   COMMERCE 


189 


but  this  new  security  brought  them  back  in  throngs,  to  con- 
tribute to  the  power  and  wealth  of  Athens.  Themistocles  took 
care,  too,  that  Athens  should  not  lose  her  supremacy  on  the  sea. 
Even  while  the  walls  of  the  Piraeus  were  building,  he  secured 
a  vote  of  the  Assembly  ordering  that  twenty  new  ships  should 
be  added  each  year  to  the  fleet. 


F-Port  of  Piraeus 

Porticoes  and 
Corn-market 

jj_Tomb  of 

Thenaistocles 


S  A   B    O  N  I  C        GULF 


^Ss 


aaa  -Walls  of  Themistocles. 
666 -Old  City  Limits. 

A  —Acropolis. 

B  -Areopagus. 

C-Pnyx. 

D  -Museum. 

E  —Agora. 


Plan  of  Athens  and  its  Ports. i 

187.  Attempt  at  One  League  of  All  Hellas.  —  While  the  Greek  army 
was  still  encamped  on  the  field  of  victory  at  Plataea,  it  was  agreed  to 
hold  there  each  year  a  Congress  of  all  Greek  cities.  For  a  little  time 
back,  danger  had  ferced  a  make-shift  union  upon  the  Greeks.  The  plan 
at  Plataea  was  a  wise  attempt  to  make  this  union  into  a  permanent  con- 
federacy of  all  Hellas.  The  proposal  came  from  the  Athenians,  with 
the  generous  understanding  that  Sparta  should  keep  the  headship.  The 
plan  failed.  Indeed,  the  jealous  hostility  of  Sparta  regarding  the  fortifi- 
cation of  Athens  showed  that  a  true  union  would  be  difficult.  Instead  of 
one  confederacy,  Greece  fell  apart  into  two  rival  leagues. 


1  The  "Long  Walls"  were  not  built  until  several  years  after  the  events 
mentioned  in  this  section.     See  §  200. 


190        THE   GREEKS  — ATHENIAN  LEADERSHIP      [§  188 

188.  Sparta  and  Athens.  — Though  Sparta  had  held  command 
in  the  war,  still  the  repulse  of  Persia  had  counted  most  for  the 
glory  of  Athens.  Athens  had  made  greater  sacrifices  than  any 
other  state.  She  had  shown  herself  free  from  petty  vanity, 
and  had  acted  with  a  broad  patriotism.  She  had  furnished 
the  best  ideas  and  ablest  leaders ;  and,  even  in  the  field,  Athe- 
nian enterprise  and  vigor  had  accomplished  as  much  as  Spartan 
discipline  and  valor. 

Sparta  had  been  necessary  at  the  beginning.  Had  it  not 
been  for  her  great  reputation,  the  Greeks  would  not  have 
known  where  to  turn  for  a  leader,  and  so,  probably,  could  not 
have  come  to  any  united  action.  But  she  had  shown  miserable 
judgment ;  her  leaders,  however  brave,  had  proved  incapable  ^ ; 
and,  now  that  war  against  Persia  was  to  be  carried  on  at  a 
distance,  her  lack  of  enterprise  became  even  more  evident. 
Meantime,  events  were  happening  in  Asia  Minor  which  were 
to  force  Athens  into  leadership.  The  European  Greeks  had 
been  unwilling  to  follow  any  but  Spartan  generals  on  sea  or 
land ;  but  the  scene  of  the  war  was  now  transferred  to  the 
Ionian  coast,  and  there  Athens  was  the  more  popular  city. 
Many  cities  there,  like  Miletus,  looked  upon  Athens  as  their 
mother  city  (§  121). 

189.  Mycale.  —  In  the  early  spring  of  479,  a  fleet  had  crossed 
the  Aegean  to  assist  Samos  in  revolt  against  Persia.  A  Spartan 
commanded  the  expedition,  but  three  fifths  of  the  ships  were 
Athenian.  On  the  very  day  of  Plataea  (so  the  Greeks  told 
the  story),  these  forces  won  a  double  victory  at  Mycale,  on  the 
coast  of  Asia  Minor.  They  defeated  a  great  Persian  army, 
and  seized  and  burned  the  three  hundred  Persian  ships.  No 
Persian  fleet  showed  itself  again  in  the  Aegean  for  nearly  a  hun- 
dred years.  Persian  garrisons  remained  in  many  of  the  islands, 
for  a  time ;  but  Persia  made  no  attempt  to  reinforce  them. 

1  Two  of  her  kings  were  soon  to  play  traitorous  parts  to  Sparta  and  Hellas. 
Special  report :  King  Leotychides  in  Thessaly.  See  also  Pausanias  at  Byzan- 
tium, §  190.  The  boasted  Spartan  training  did  not  fit  her  men  for  the  duties 
of  the  wider  life  now  open  to  them. 


§191]  THE   CONFEDERACY  OF  DELOS  191 

190.    The  Ionian  Greeks  throw  off  Spartan  Leadership.  —  The 

victory  of  Mycale  was  a  signal  for  the  cities  of  Ionia  to  revolt 
again  against  Persia.  The  Spartans,  however,  shrank  from  the 
task  of  defending  Hellenes  so  far  away,  and  proposed  instead 
to  remove  the  lonians  to  European  Greece.  The  lonians  refused 
to  leave  their  homes,  and  the  Athenians  in  the  fleet  declared 
that  Sparta  should  not  so  destroy  "  Athenian  colonies."  TJie 
Spartans  seized  the  excuse  to  sail  home,  leaving  the  Athenians  to 
protect  the  lonians  as  best  they  could.  The  Athenians  gal- 
lantly undertook  the  task,  and  began  at  once  to  expel  the 
Persian  garrisons  from  the  islands  of  the  Aegean. 

The  next  spring  (478)  Sparta  thought  better  of  the  matter, 
and  sent  Pausanias  to  take  command  of  the  allied  fleet.  Pau- 
sanias  had  been  the  general  of  the  Greeks  at  the  battle  of  the 
Plataea ;  but  that  victory  had  turned  his  head.  He  treated  the 
allies  with  contempt  and  neglect.  At  last  they  found  his  inso- 
lence unbearable,  and  asked  the  Athenians  to  take  the  leader- 
ship. Just  then  it  was  discovered  that  Pausanias  had  been 
negotiating  treasonably  with  Persia,  offering  to  betray  Hellas. 
Sparta  recalled  him,  to  stand  trial,^  and  sent  another  general  to 
the  fleet.  The  allies,  however,  refused  to  receive  another 
Spartan  commander.  Then  Sparta  and  the  Peloponnesian  league, 
withdrew  wholly  from  the  war. 
j^'  191.  The  Confederacy  of  Delos.  —  After  getting  rid  of  Sparta, 
the  first  step  of  the  allies  was  to  organize  a  confederacy.  The 
chief  part  in  this  great  work  fell  to  Aristides,  the  commander 
of  the  Athenian  ships  in  the  allied  fleet.  Aristides  proposed 
a  plan  of  union,  and  appointed  the  number  of  ships  and  the 
amount  of  money  that  each  of  the  allies  should  furnish  each 
year.  The  courtesy  and  tact  of  the  Athenian,  and  his  known 
honesty,  made  all  the  states  content  with  his  proposals,  and 
his  arrangements  were  readily  accepted.^ 

The  union  was  called  the  Confederacy  of  Delos,  because  its 

1  Special  report:  the  story  of  the  punishment  of  Pausanias. 

2  Exercise. — 1.  Could  Themistocles  have  served  Athens  at  this  time  as 
well  as  Aristides  did  ?    2.  Report  upon  the  later  life  of  Themistocles. 


192        THE   GREEKS  — ATHENIAN  LEADERSHIP      [§192 


seat  of  government  and  its  treasury  were  to  be  at  the  island  o 
Delos  (the  center  of  an  ancient  Ionian  amphictyony).  Here 
an  annual  congress  of  deputies  from  the  different  cities  of  the 
league  was  to  meet.  Each  city  had  one  vote.^  Athens  was 
the  "  president "  of  the  league.  Her  generals  commanded  the 
fleet,  and  her  delegates  presided  at  the  Congress.  In  return, 
Athens  bore  nearly  half  the  total  burdens,  in  furnishing  ships 
and.  men,  —  far  more  than  her  proper  share. 

The  purpose  of  the  league  was  to  free  the  Aegean  completely 
from  the  Persians,  and  to  keep  them  from  ever  coming  back. 
The  allies  meant  to  make  the  union  perpetual.  Lumps  of  iron 
were  thrown  into  the  sea  when  the  oath  of  union  was  taken,  as 
a  symbol  that  it  should  be  binding  until  the  iron  should  float. 
Tlie  league  was  composed  mainly  of  Ionian  cities,  interested  in 
commerce.  It  was  a  natural  rival  of  Sparta's  Dorian  inland 
league. 

192.  The  League  did  its  work  well.  Its  chief  military  hero 
was  the  Athenian  Cimon,  son  of  Miltiades.^  Year  after  year, 
under  his  command,  the  allied  fleet  reduced  one  Persian  gar- 
rison after  another,  until  the  whole  region  of  the  Aegean  — 
all  its  coasts  and  islands  —  was  free.  Then,  in  466,  Cimon 
carried  the  war  beyond  the  Aegean  and  won  his  most  famous 
victory  at  the  mouth  of  the  Em^yTnj^'don,  in  Pamphylia  (map 
following  page  132),  where  in  one-tiijr  he  destroyea^a  Persian 
land  host  and  captured  a  fleet  of  250  vessels. 

193.  Naturally,  the  League  grew  in  size.  It  came  to  include 
nearly  all  the  islands  of  the  Aegean  and  the  cities  of  the 
northern  and  eastern  coasts.  The  cities  on  the  straits  and 
shores  of  the  Black  Sea,  too,  were  added,  and  the  rich  trade  of 
that  region  streamed  through  the  Hellespont  to  the  Piraeus. 
After  the  victory  of  the  Eurymedon,  many  of  the  cities  of  the 
Carian  and  Lycian  coasts  joined  the  confederacy.  Indeed,  the 
cities  of  the  league  felt  that  all  other  Greeks  of  the  Aegean 

1  Like  our  states  in  Congress  under  the  old  Articles  of  Confederation. 

2  There  is  an  interesting  account  of  Cimon  (three  pages)  in  Davis'  Read- 
ings, Vol.  I,  No.  74,  from  Plutarch's  Life. 


§  195]  THE  ATHENIAN  EMPIRE  193 

and  of  neighboring  waters  were  under  obligation  to  join,  since 
they  all  had  part  in  the  blessings  of  the  union.  Aristophanes 
speaks  of  a  "  thousand  cities  "  in  the  league,  but  only  two  hun- 
dred and  eighty  are  known  by  name. 

194.  Some  members  of  the  League  soon  began  to  shirk.  As 
soon  as  the  pressing  danger  and  the  first  enthusiam  were  over, 
many  cities  chose  to  pay  more  money,  instead  of  furnishing  ships 
and  men.  They  became  indifferent,  too,  about  the  congress, 
and  left  the  management  of  all  matters  to  Athens.  Athens, 
on  the  other  hand,  was  ambitious,  and  eagerly  accepted  both 
burdens  and  responsibilities.  The  fleet  became  almost  wholly 
Athenian.  Then  it  was  no  longer  necessary  for  Athens  to 
consult  the  allies  as  to  the  management  of  the  war,  and  the 
congress  became  of  little  consequence. 

Another  change  was  still  more  important.  Here  and  there, 
cities  began  to  refuse  even  the  payment  of  money.  This,  of 
course,  was  secession.  Such  cities  said  that  Persia  was  no 
longer  dangerous,  and  that  the  need  of  the  league  was  over. 
But  the  Athenian  fleet,  patrolling  the  Aegean,  was  all  that 
kept  the  Persians  from  reappearing;  and  Athens,  with  good 
reason,  held  the  allies  by  force  to  their  promises. 

The  first  attempt  at  secession  came  in  467,  when  the  union 
was  only  ten  years  old.  Naxos,  one  of  the  most  powerful 
islands,  refused  to  pay  its  contributions.  Athens  at  once 
attacked  Naxos,  and,  after  a  stern  struggle,  brought  it  to  sub- 
mission. But  the  conquered  state  was  not  allowed  to  return  into 
the  union.  It  lost  its  vote  in  the  congress,  and  became  a  mere 
subject  of  Athens. 

195.  The  "Athenian  Empire."  —  From  time  to  time,  other 
members  of  the  league  attempted  secession,  and  met  a  fate 
like  that  of  Naxos.  Athens  took  away  their  fleets,  leveled 
their  walls,  made  them  pay  a  small  tribute.  Sometimes  such 
a  city  had  to  turn  over  its  citadel  to  an  Athenian  garrison. 
Usually  a  subject  city  was  left  to  manage  its  internal  govern- 
ment in  its  own  way ;  but  it  could  no  longer  have  political 
alliances  with  other  cities. 


194        THE   GREEKS  — ATHENIAN  LEADERSHIP      [§196 

Just  how  many  such  rebellions  there  were  we  do  not  know ; 
but  before  long  the  loyal  cities  found  themselves  treated 
much  like  those  that  had  rebelled.  The  confederacy  of  equal 
states  became  an  empire,  tvith  Athens  for  its  "tyrant  city.''  The 
meetings  of  the  congress  ceased  altogether.  The  treasury  was 
removed  from  Delos  to  Athens,  and  the  funds  and  resources 
of  the  union  were  used  for  the  glory  of  Athens. 

Athens f  hoioever,  did  continue  to  perform  faithfully  the  work 
for  which  the  union  had  been  created;  and  on  the  whole,  despite 
the  strong  tendency  to  city  independence,  the  subject  cities 
seem  to  have  been  well  content.  Even  hostile  critics  con- 
fessed that  the  bulk  of  the  people  looked  gratefully  to  Athens 
for  protection  against  the  oligarchs.  Athens  was  the  true 
mother  of  Ionian  democracy.  As  an  Athenian  orator  said, 
"  Athens  was  the  champion  of  the  masses,  denying  the  right  of 
the  many  to  be  at  the  mercy  of  the  few."  In  nearly  every  city 
of  the  empire  the  ruling  power  became  an  Assembly  like  that 
at  Athens. 

By  450  B.C.  Lesbos,  Chios,  and  Samos  were  the  only  states  of  the 
league  which  had  not  become  "subject  states"  ;  and  even  they  had  no 
voice  in  the  government  of  the  empire.  Athens,  however,  had  other 
independent  allies  that  had  never  belonged  to  the  Delian  Confederacy 
—  like  Plataea,  Corcyra,  Naupactus,  and  Acarnania  in  Greece  ;  Rhegium 
in  Italy  ;  and  Segesta  and  other  Ionian  cities  in  Sicily. 

For  Further  Reading.  —  Specially  suggested :  The  only  passage  in 
Davis'  Headings  for  this  period  is  Vol.  I,  No.  74,  on  Cimon.  Bury,  228- 
242,  covers  the  period.  Instead  of  Bury,  the  student  may  well  read 
Chapter  1  in  Cox's  Athenian  Empire.  Plutarch's  Themistocles  and 
Aristides  continue  to  be  valuable  for  additional  reading. 

^*        FIRST    PERIOD    OF   STRIFE    WITH   SPARTA,    461-445   b.c. 

196.  Jealousy  between  Athens  and  Sparta.  —  Greece  had  di- 
vided into  two  great  leagues,  under  the  lead  of  Athens  and 
Sparta.  These  two  powers  now  quarreled,  and  their  strife 
made  the  history  of  Hellas  for  many  years.  The  first  hostile 
step  came  from    Sparta.     In  465,  Thasos,  a  member   of  the 


§  199]  FIRST  STRIFE  WITH  SPARTA  195 

Confederacy  of  Delos,  revolted;  and  Athens  was  employed 
for  two  years  in  conquering  her.  During  the  struggle,  Thasos 
asked  Sparta  for  aid.  Sparta  and  Athens  were  still  nominally 
in  alliance,  under  the  league  of  Plataea  (§  186) ;  but  Sparta 
grasped  at  the  opportunity  and  secretly  began  preparations  to 
invade  Attica. 

197.  Athenian  Aid  for  Sparta.  —  This  treacherous  attack  was 
prevented  by  a  terrible  earthquake  which  destroyed  part  of 
Sparta  and  threw  the  whole  state  into  confusion.  The  Helots 
revolted,  and  Messenia  (§  127)  made  a  desperate  attempt  to  re- 
gain her  independence.  Instead  of  attacking  Athens,  Spafta, 
in  dire  need,  called  upon  her  for  aid. 

At  Athens  this  request  led  to  a  sharp  dispute.  The  demo- 
cratic party,  led  by  Ephialtes^  and  Pericles,  was  opposed  to 
sending  help;  but  Cimon  (§  192),  leader  of  the  aristocratic 
party,  urged  that  the  true  policy  was  for  Sparta  and  Athens 
to  aid  each  other  in  keeping  a  joint  leadership  of  Hellas. 
Athens,  he  said,  ought  not  to  let  her  yoke-fellow  be  destroyed 
and  Greece  be  lamed.  This  generous  advice  prevailed;  and 
Cimon  led  an  Athenian  army  to  Sparta's  aid. 

198.  An  Open  Quarrel.  —  A  little  later,  however,  the  Spartans 
began  to  suspect  the  Athenians,  groundlessly,  of  the  same  bad 
faith  of  which  they  knew  themselves  guilty,  and  sent  back  the 
army  with  insult.  Indignation  then  ran  high  at  Athens ;  and 
the  anti-Spartan  party  was  greatly  strengthened.  Cimon  was 
ostracized  (461  b.c),  and  the  aristocratic  faction  was  left 
leaderless  and  helpless  for  many  years. 

At  almost  the  same  time  Ephialtes  was  murdered  by  aristo- 
crat conspirators.  Thus,  leadership  fell  to  Pericles.  Under 
his  influence  Athens  formally  renounced  her  alliance  with 
Sparta.  Then  the  two  great  powers  of  Greece  stood  in  open 
opposition,  ready  for  war. 

199.  A  Land  Empire  for  Athens.  —  Thus  far  the  Athenian 
empire  had  been  mainly  a  sea  power.      Pericles  planned  to 

■ ■ -v 

1  This,  of  course,  was  uot  the  Ephialtes  of  Thermopylae. 


196        THE   GREEKS  — ATHENIAN  LEADERSHIP      [§200 


extend  it  likewise  over  inland  Greece,  and  so  to  supplant 
Sparta.  He  easily  secured  an  alliance  with  Argos,  Sparta's 
sleepless  foe.  He  established  Athenian  influence  also  in  Thes- 
saly,  by  treaties  with  the  great  chiefs  there,  and  thus  secured 
the  aid  of  the  famous  Thessalian  cavalry.     Then  Megara,  on 

the  Isthmus  of  Corinth, 
sought  Athenian  alliance, 
in  order  to  protect  itself 
against  Corinth,  its  power- 
ful neighbor.  This  in- 
volved war  with  Corinth, 
but  Pericles  gladly  wel- 
comed Megara  because  of 
its  ports  on  the  Corinthian 
Gulf.  He  then  built  long 
walls  running  the  whole 
width  of  the  narrow  isth- 
mus from  seato  sea,  joining 
Megara  and  these  ports. 
In  control  of  these  walls, 
Athens  could  prevent  in- 
vasion by  land  from  the 
Peloponnesus. 

200.    Activity  of  Athens. 
—  A  rush   of    startling 

events  followed.     Corinth 
A  portrait  bust,  now  in  the  Vatican  at  Rome.  -.a       •        i.-i..     i 

and  Aegma,  bitterly  angry 

because  their  old  commerce  had  now  been  drawn  to  the  Piraeus, 

declared  war  on  Athens.     Athens  promptly  captured  Aegina, 

and  struck  Corinth  blow  after  blow  even  in  the  Corinthian 

Gulf.    At  the  same  time,  without  lessening  her  usual  fleet  in  the 

Aegean,  she  sent  a  mighty  armament  of  250  ships  to  carry  on 

the  war  against  Persia,  by  assisting  Egypt  in  a  revolt.     Such 

a  fleet  called  for  from  2500  to  5000  soldiers  and  50,000  sailors.* 


1  A  Greek  warship  of  this  period  was  called  a  "three-banker"  (trireme), 
because  she  was  rowed  by  oarsmen  arranged  on  three  benches,  one  above 


200] 


ATHENIAN  ACTIVITY 


197 


The  sailors  came  largely  from  the  poorer  citizens,  and  even 
from  the  non-citizen  class. 

Pericles  turned  next  to  Boeotia,  and  set  up  friendly  democ- 
"racies  in  many  of  the  cities  there  to  lessen  the  control  of  oli- 
garchic and  hostile  Thebes.      The  quarrel  with  Sparta  had 


SiDK  OF  Part  of  a  Trireme.  —  From  a  relief  at  Athens.  In  this  trireme 
the  highest  *'  bank  "  of  rowers  rested  their  oars  on  the  gunwale.  Only  the 
oars  of  the  other  two  banks  are  visible. 

become  open  war ;  and  an  Athenian  fleet  burned  the  Laconian 
dock-yards.     A  Spartan  army  crossed  the  Corinthian  Gulf  and 


another.  The  wars  which  the  Greeks  waged  in  these  three-bankers  were  hardly 
more  fierce  than  those  that  modern  scholars  have  waged  —  in  ink  — about 
them.  Some  have  held  that  each  group  of  three  oarsmen  held  only  one  oar. 
This  view  is  now  abandoned  —  because  of  the  evidence  of  the  "reliefs"  on 
Greek  monuments.  Plainly  each  group  of  three  had  three  separate  oars,  of 
different  lengths ;  but  we  do  not  know  yet  how  they  could  have  worked  them 
successfully.  The  oars  projected  through  port-holes,  and  the  174  oarsmen 
were  protected  from  arrows  by  the  wooden  sides  of  the  vessel.  Sometimes  —  as 
in  the  illustration  above  —  the  upper  bank  of  rowers  had  no  protection.  There 
were  about  20  other  sailors  to  each  ship,  for  helmsman,  lookouts,  overseers 
of  the  oarsmen,  and  so  on.  And  a  warship  never  carried  less  than  ten  fully 
armed  soldiers.    The  Athenians  usually  sent  from  20  to  25  in  each  ship. 

The  ships  were  about  120  feet  long,  and  less  than  20  feet  wide.  The  two 
masts  were  always  lowered  for  battle.  Two  methods  of  attack  were  in  use.  If 
possible,  a  ship  crushed  in  the  side  of  an  opponent  by  ramming  with  its  sharp 
bronze  prow.  This  would  sink  the  enemy's  ship  at  once.  Almost  as  good  a 
thing  was  to  run  close  along  her  side  (shipping  one's  own  oars  on  that  side 
just  in  time),  shivering  her  long  oars  and  hurling  her  rowers  from  the  benches. 
This  left  a  ship  as  helpless  as  a  bird  with  a  broken  wing. 


198        THE   GREEKS  — ATHENIAN   LEADERSHIP      [§201 

appeared  in  Boeotia,  to  check  Athenian  progress  there.  It  won 
a  partial  victory  at  Tanagra  (map  after  page  98), — the  first 
real  battle  between  the  two  states, — but  immediately  retreated 
into  the  Peloponnesus.  The  Athenians  at  once  reappeared  in 
the  field,  crushed  the  Thebans  in  a  great  battle  at  Oenophyta, 
and  became  masters  of  all  Boeotia.  At  the  same  time  Phocis 
\  and  Locris  allied  themselves  to  Athens,  so  that  she  seemed  in 
'  a  fair  way  to  extend  her  land  empire  over  all  central  Greece,  — 
to  which  she  now  held  the  two  gates,  Thermopylae  and  the 
passes  of  the  isthmus.  A  little  later  Achaea,  in  the  Pelo- 
ponnesus itself,  was  added  to  the  Athenian  league. 

The  activity  of  Athens  at  this  period  is  marvelous.  It 
is  impossible  even  to  mention  the  many  instances  of  her 
matchless  energy  and  splendid  daring  for  the  few  years  after 
460,  while  the  empire  was  at  its  height.  For  one  instance  : 
just  when  Athens'  hands  were  fullest  in  Egypt  and  in  the 
siege  of  Aegina,  Corinth  tried  a  diversion  by  invading  the 
territory  of  Megara.  Athens  did  not  recall  a  man.  She  armed 
the  youths  and  the  old  men  past  age  of  service,  and  repelled 
the  invaders.  The  Corinthians,  stung  by  shame,  made  a  sec- 
ond, more  determined  attempt,  and  were  again  repulsed  with 
great  slaughter.  It  was  at  this  time,  too,  that  the  city  com- 
pleted her  fortifications,  by  building  the  Long  Walls  from 
Athens  to  her  ports  (maps,  pages  180  and  189).  These  walls 
were  30  feet  high  and  12  feet  thick.  They  made  Athens  abso- 
lutely safe  from  a  siege,  so  long  as  she  kept  her  supremacy  on 
the  sea ;  and  they  added  to  the  city  a  large  open  space  where 
the  country  people  might  take  refuge  in  case  of  invasion. 
A^-  201.  Loss  of  the  Land  Empire. — How  one  city  could  carry 
^  on  all  these  activities  is  almost  beyond  comprehension.  But 
the  resources  of  Athens  were  severely  strained,  and  a  sudden 
series  of  stufining  blows  well-nigh  exhausted  her.  The  expedi- 
tion to  Egypt  had  at  first  been  brilliantly  successful,^  but  un- 
foreseen disaster  followed,  and  the  250  ships  and  the  whole 

1  Athenian  success  here  would  have  shut  Persia  off  completely  from  the 
Mediterranean,  and  so  from  all  possible  contact  with  Europe.  [ 


>>^    ' 


203]  THE  POWER  OF  ATHENS  199 

army  iu  Egypt  were  lost.^  This  stroke  would  have  annihilated 
any  other  Greek  state,  and  it  was  followed  by  others.  Megara, 
which  had  itself  invited  an  Athenian  garrison,  now  treacher- 
ously massacred  it  and  joined  the  Peloponnesian  league.  A 
Spartan  army  then  entered  Attica  through  Megara;  and,  at 
the  same  moment,  Euboea  burst  into  revolt.  All  Boeotia,  too, 
except  Plataea,  fell  away.  The  oligarchs  won  the  upper  hand 
in  its  various  cities,  and  joined  themselves  to  Sparta. 

202.  The  Thirty  Years*  Truce.  —  The  activity  and  skill  of 
Pericles  saved  Attica  and  Euboea ;  but  the  inland  possessions 
and  alliances  were  for  the  most  part  lost,  and  in  445  b.c.  a 
Thirty  Tears^  Truce  was  concluded  with  Sparta.  A  little  be- 
fore this,  the  long  war  with  Persia  had  closed. 

For  fifteen  years  Athens  had  almost  unbroken  peace.  Then 
the  truce  between  Sparta  and  Athens  was  broken,  and  the 
great  Peloponnesian  War  began  (§§  241  ff.).  That  struggle 
ruined  the  power  of  Athens  and  the  promise  of  Grreece.  There- 
fore, before  entering  upon  its  story,  we  will  stop  here  for  a 
survey  of  Greek  civilization  at  this  period  of  its  highest  glory, 
in  Athens,  its  chief  center. 

For  Further  Reading.  —  Specially  suggested :  Davis'  Beadings^ 
Vol.  I,  Nos.  73-75  (4  pages) ;  Bury,  352-363.  Additional :  Cox's  Athe- 
nian Empire^  and  the  opening  chapters  of  Grant's  Greece  in  the  Age  of 
Pericles  and  of  Abbott's  Pericles. 

THE   EMPIRE   AND  THE   IMPERIAL   CITY  IN  PEACE 

203.  Three  Forms  of  Greatness.  —  Athens  had  great  material  power 
and  a  high  political  development  and  wonderful  intellectual  greatness.  The 
last  is  what  she  especially  stands  for  in  history.  But  the  first  two  topics 
have  already  been  partly  discussed,  and  may  be  best  disposed  of  here 
before  the  most  important  one  is  taken  up. 

A.   Military  Strength 

The  Athens  of  the  fifth  century  was  a  great  state  in  a  higher  sense 
than  most  of  the  kingdoms  of  the  Middle  Ages.   .  .   .     For  the  space  of  a 

1  Special  report. 


200        THE   GREEKS  — ATHENIAN  LEADERSHIP      [§204 

half  century  her  power  was  quite  on  a  par  with  that  of  Persia,  .  .  .  and 
the  Athenian  Empire  is  the  true  precursor  of  those  of  Macedonia  and 
Rome.  —  Holm,  II,  259. 

204.  Material  Power.  —  The  last  real  chance  for  a  united 
Hellas  passed  away  when  Athens  lost  control  of  central  Greece. 
But  at  the  moment  the  loss  of  land  empire  did  not  seem  to 
lessen  Athens'  strength.  She  had  saved  her  sea  empire,  and 
consolidated  it  more  firmly  than  ever.  And,  for  a  genera- 
tion more,  the  Greeks  of  that  empire  were  the  leaders  of  the  world 
in  power,  as  in  culture.  They  had  proved  themselves  more  than 
a  match  for  Persia.  The  mere  magic  of  the  Athenian  name 
sufficed  to  keep  Carthage  from  renewing  her  attack  upon  the 
Sicilian  Greeks.  The  Athenian  colonies  in  Thrace  easily  held 
in  check  the  rising  Macedonian  kingdom.  Rome,  which  three 
centuries  later  was  to  absorb  Hellas  into  her  world-empire,  was 
still  a  barbarous  village  on  the  Tiber  bank.  In  the  middle  of 
the  fifth  century  b.c.  the  center  of  power  in  the  world  was  impe- 
rial Athens. 

205.  Population.  —  The  cities  of  the  empire  counted  some 
three  millions  of  people.  The  number  seems  small  to  us  ;  but 
it  must  be  kept  in  mind  that  the  population  of  the  world  was 
miich  smaller  then  than  now,  and  that  the  Athenian  empire  was 
made  up  of  cultured,  wealthy,  progressive  communities. 

To  be  sure,  slaves  made  a  large  fraction  of  this  population. 
Attica  itself  contained  about  one  tenth  of  the  inhabitants  of  the 
whole  empire,  perhaps  300,000  people  (about  as  many  as  live 
IT).  Minneapolis).  Of  these,  one  fourth  were  slaves,  and  a 
sixth  were  aliens.  This  left  some  175,000  citizens,  of  whom 
perhaps  35,000  were  men  fit  for  soldiers.  Outside  Attica, 
there  were  75,000  more  citizens, — the  cleruchs  (§  148),  whom 
Pericles  had  sent  to  garrison  outlying  parts  of  the  empire. 

206.  Colonies.  —  The  cleruchs,  unlike  other  Greek  colonists, 
kept  all  the  rights  of  citizenship.  They  had  their  own  local 
Assemblies,  to  manage  the  alfairs  of  each  colony.  But  they  kept 
also  their  enrollment  in  the  Attic  demes  and  could  vote  upon 
the  affairs  of  Athens  and   of  the  empire  —  though  not  unless 


§  208]  THE  POWER  OF  ATHENS  201 

they  came  to  Athens  in  person.  They  were  mostly  from  the 
poorer  classes,  and  were  induced  to  go  out  to  the  new  settlements 
by  the  gift  of  lands  sufficient  to  raise  them  at  least  to  the 
class  of  hoplites  (§  137).  Rome  copied  this  plan  a  century 
later.  Otherwise,  the  world  was  not  to  see  again  so  liberal  a  form 
of  colonization  until  the  United  States  of  America  began  to 
organize  "  Territories.^^ 

207.  Revenue.  —  The  empire  was  rich,  and  the  revenues  of 
the  government  were  large,  for  those  days.  Athens  drew  a 
yearly  income  of  about  four  hundred  talents  ($400,000  in  our 
values)  from  her  Thracian  mines  and  from  the  port  dues  and 
the  taxes  on  alien  merchants.  The  tribute  from  the  subject 
cities  amounted  to  $600,000.  This  tribute  was  fairly  assessed, 
and  it  bore  lightly  upon  the  prosperous  Greek  communities. 
The  Asiatic  Greeks  paid  only  one  sixth  as  much  as  they  had 

forynerly  paid  Persia;  and  the  tax  was  much  less  than  it  would 
have  cost  the  cities  merely  to  defend  themselves  against 
pirates,  had  Athenian  protection  been  removed. 

Indeed,  the  whole  amount  drawn .  from  the  subject  cities 
would  not  keep  one  hundred  ships  manned  and  equipped  for  a 
year,  to  say  nothing  of  building  them.  When  we  remember 
the  standing  navy  in  the  Aegean  and  the  great  armaments  that 
Athiens  sent  repeatedly  against  Persia,  it  is  plain  that  she  con- 
tinued to  bear  her  full  share  of  the  imperial  burden.  She  kept 
her  empire  because  she  did  not  rob  her  dependencies  —  as 
most  empires  had  done,  and  were  to  do  for  two  thousand 
years  longer. 

f>***'  B.    Government 

208.  Steps  in  Development.  —  Seventy  years  had  passed  be- 
tween the  reforms  of  Clisthenes  and  the  truce  with  Sparta. 
The  main  steps  of  progress  in  government  were  five. 

The  office  of  General  had  grown  greatly  in  importance. 
The  Assembly  had  extended  its  authority  to  all  maitters  of 
government,  in  practice  as  well  as  in  theory. 
Jury  courts  (§  211,  below)  had  gained  importance. 

/ 


202        THE   GREEKS  — ATHENIAN  LEADERSHIP      [§208 

The  poorest  citizens   (§  152)    had    been    made    eligible  to 
office. 

Tlie  state  had  begun  to  pay  its  citizens  for  public  services. 


Map  of  Athens,  with  some  structures  of  the  Roman  period.  —  The  term 
"Stoa,"  which  appears  so  often  in  this  map,  means  "porch"  or  portico. 
These  porticoes  were  inclosed  by  columns,  and  their  fronts  along  the 
Agora  formed  a  succession  of  colonnades.  Only  a  few  of  the  famous  build- 
ings can  be  shown  in  a  map  like  this.  The  "  Agora  "  was  the  great  public 
square,  or  open  market  place,  surrounded  by  shops  and  porticoes.  It  was 
the  busiest  spot  in  Athens,  the  center  of  the  commercial  and  social  life  of 
the  city,  where  men  met  their  friends  for  business  or  for  pleasure. 

The  constitution  was  not  made  over  new  at  any  one  moment 
within  this  period,  as  it  had  been  earlier,  at  the  time  of  Solon 
and  of  Clisthenes.  Indeed,  the  change  was  more  in  the  spirit 
of  the  people  than  in  the  written  law.  The  first  three  steps 
mentioned  (the  increased  power  of  the  Generals  and  of  the  As- 


§  210]    GOVERNMENT  OF  ATHENS,   HER  EMPIRE       203 

sembly  and  jury  courts)  came  altogether  from  a  gradual  change 
in  practice.  The  other  two  steps  had  been  brought  about  by 
piecemeal  legislation.  The  guiding  spirit  in  most  of  this  de- 
velopment was  Pericles. 

209.  " Generals  "  and  "Leaders  of  the  People." — When  Themis- 
tocles  put  through  important  measures,  like  the  improve- 
ment of  the  Piraeus  (§  185),  he  held  the  office  of  Archon  ; 
but  when  Oimon  or  Pericles  guided  the  policy  of  Athens, 
they  held  the  office  of  General.  The  Gerierals  had  become 
the  administrators  of  the  government.  It  was  usually  they  who 
proposedTlo  the  Assembly  the  levy  of  troops,  the  building  of 
ships,  the  raising  of  money,  the  making  of  peace  or  war. 
Then,  when  the  Assembly  decided  to  do  any  of  these 
things,  the  Generals  saw  to  the  execution  of  them.  They  were 
subject  absolutely  to  the  control  of  the  Assembly,  but  they  had 
great  opportunities  to  influence  it :  they  could  call  special 
meetings  at  will,  and  they  had  the  right  to  speak  whenever 
they  wished. 

But  any  man  had  full  right  to  try  to  persuade  the  Assembly, 
whether  he  held  office  or  not ;  and  the  more  prominent  speakers 
and  leaders  were  known  as  "leaders  of  the  people"  (dema- 
gogues). Even  though  he  held  no  office,  a  "leader  of  the 
people,"  trusted  by  the  popular  party,  exercised  a  greater 
authority  than  any  General  could  without  that  trust.  To 
make  things  work  smoothly,  therefore,  it  was  desirable  that 
the  Board  of  Generals  should  contain  the  "leader  of  the 
people  "  for  the  time  being.  Pericles  was  recognized  "  dema- 
gogue "  for  many  years,  and  was  usually  elected  each  year 
president  of  the  Board  of  Generals. 

210.  The  Assembly  ^  met  on  the  Pnyx,^  a  sloping  hill  whose 
side  formed  a  kind  of  natural  theater.  There  were  forty 
regular  meetings  each  year,  and  many  special  meetings.  Thus 
a  patriotic  citizen  was  called  upon  to  give  at  least  one  day  a 
week  to  the  state  in  this  matter  of  political  meetings  alone. 

lOn  the  Assembly,  there  is  an  admirable  treatment  in  Grant's  Age  of 
Pericles,  141-149.  2  gee  plan  of  Athens,  page  202. 


y 


204        THE   GREEKS  — ATHENIAN  LEADERSHIP      [§211 

The  Assembly  had  become  thoroughly  democratic  and  had 
made  great  gains  in  power  since  Clisthenes'  time.  All  public 
officials  had  become  its  obedient  servants.  The  Council  of  Five 
Hundred  (§  152)  existed  not  to  guide  it,  but  to  do  its  bidding. 
The  Generals  were  its  creatures,  and  might  he  deposed  by  it  any 
day.  No  act  of  government  was  too  small  or  too  great  for  it  to 
deal  with.  The  Assembly  of  Athens  was  to  the  greatest  empire  of  the 
world  in  that  day  all,  and  more  than  all,  that  a  Neio  England  town 
meeting  ever  was  to  its  little  town.  It  was  as  if  the  citizens  of  Boston 
or  Chicago  were  to  meet  day  by  day  to  govern  the  United  States, 
and,  at  the  same  time,  to  attend  to  all  their  own  local  affairs. 

211.  "Juries"  of  citizens  were  introduced  by  Solon,  and 
their  importance  became  fully  developed  under  Pericles.  Six 
thousand  citizens  were  chosen  by  lot  each  year  for  this  duty, 
from  those  who  offered  themselves  for  the  service  —  mostly 
the  older  men  past  the  age  for  active  work.  One  thousand 
of  these  were  held  in  reserve.  The  others  were  divided  into 
ten  jury  courts  of  five  hundred  men  each. 

The  Assembly  turned  over  the  trial  of  officials  to  the 
juries.  With  a  view  to  this  duty,  each  juror  took  an  oath 
"  above  all  things  to  favor  neither  tyranny  nor  oligarchy,  nor 
in  any  way  to  prejudice  [injure]  the  sovereignty  of  the  people." 
The  juries  also  settled  all  disputes  between  separate  cities 
of  the  empire ;  they  were  courts  of  appeal  for  important 
cases  between  citizens  in  a  subject  city;  and  they  were  the 
ordinary  law  courts  for  Athenians.  An  Athenian  jury 
was  "both  judge  and  jury":  it  decided  each  case  by  a  ma- 
jority vote,  and  there  was  no  appeal  from  its  verdict. 

Thus  these  large  bodies  had  not  even  the  check  that  our  small  juries 
have  in  trained  judges  to  guide  them.  No  doubt  they  gave  many  wrong 
verdicts.  Passion  and  pity  and  bribery  all  interfered,  at  times,  with  even- 
handed  justice  ;  but,  on  the  whole,  the  system  worked  astonishingly  well. 
In  particular,  any  citizen  of  a  subject  city  was  sure  to  get  redress  from 
these  courts,  if  he  had  been  wronged  by  an  Athenian  officer.  And  rich 
criminals  found  it  quite  as  hard  to  bribe  a  majority  of  500  jurors  as  such 
offenders  find  it  among  us  to  "  influence  "  some  judge  to  shield  them  with 
legal  technicalities. 


§  213]  POLITICAL  ABILITY  205 

212.  State  Pay.  —  Since  these  courts  had  so  great  weight, 
and  since  they  tried  political  offenders,  it  was  essential  that 
they  should  not  fall  wholly  into  the  hands  of  the  rich.  To 
prevent  this,  Pericles  introduced  a  small  payment  for  jury 
duty.  The  amount,  three  obols  a  day  (about  nine  cents),  would 
furnish  a  day's  food  for  one  person  in  Athens,  but  it  would  not 
support  a  family. 

Afterward,  Pericles  extended  public  payment  to  other  po- 
litical services.  Aristotle  (a  Greek  writer  a  century  or  so 
later)  says  that  some  20,000  men  —  over  half  the  whole  body 
of  citizens  —  were  constantly  in  the  pay  of  the  state.  Half 
of  this  number  were  soldiers,  in  garrisons  or  in  the  field.  But, 
besides  the  6000  jurymen,  there  were  the  500  Councilmen, 
700  city  officials,^  700  more  officials  representing  Athens 
throughout  the  empire,  and  many  inferior  state  servants ;  so 
tJiat  always  from  a  thii'd  to  a  Jmirth  of  the  citizeyis  were  in  the 
civil  service.^ 

Pericles  has  been  accused  sometimes  of  "  corrupting  "  the  Athenians 
by  the  introduction  of  payment.  But  there  is  no  proof  that  the  Atheni- 
ans were  corrupted ;  and,  further,  such  a  system  was  inevitable  when 
the  democracy  of  a  little  city  became  the  master  of  an  empire.  It  was 
quite  as  natiural  and  proper  as  is  the  payment  of  congressmen  and  judges 
with  us. 

^^21 3.  Athenian  Political  Ability. —  Many  of  the  offices  in 
Athens  could  be  held  only  once  by  the  same  man,  so  that  each 
Athenian  citizen  could  count  upon  serving  Jus  city  at  some  time 
in  almost  every  office.  Politics  was  his  occupation;  office- 
holding,  his  regular  business. 

Such  a  system  could  not  have  worked  without  a  high 
average  of  intelligence  in  the  people.  It  did  work  well. 
With  all  its  faults,  the  rule  of  Athens  in  Greece  was 
vastly  superior  to  the  rude   despotism   that   followed   under 

1  Overseers  of  weights  and  measures,  harbor  inspectors,  and  so  on. 

2  Civil  service  is  a  term  used  in  contrast  to  military  service.  Our  post- 
masters are  among  the  civil  servants  of  the  United  States,  as  a  city  engineer 
or  a  fireman  is  in  the  city  civil  service. 


206        THE   GREEKS  — ATHENIAN  LEADERSHIP      [§214 

Sparta,  or  the  anarchy  under  Thebes  (§§  253,  267).  It  gave 
to  a  large  part  of  the  Hellenic  world  a  peace  and  security 
never  enjoyed  before,  or  after,  until  the  rise  of  Roman  power. 
Athens  itself,  moreover,  was  governed  better  and  more  gently 
than  oligarchic  cities  like  Corinth. 

"  The  Athenian  democracy  made  a  greater  number  of  citizens  fit  to 
use  power  than  could  be  made  fit  by  any  other  system.  .  .  .  The 
Assembly  was  an  assembly  of  citizens  —  of  average  citizens  without 
sifting  or  selection ;  but  it  was  an  assembly  of  citizens  among  whom  the 
political  average  stood  higher  than  it  ever  did  in  any  other  state.  .  .  . 
The  Athenian,  by  constantly  hearing  questions  of  foreign  policy  and 
domestic  administration  argued  by  the  greatest  orators  the  world  ever 
saw,  received  a  political  training  which  nothing  else  in  the  history  of 
mankind  has  been  found  to  equal."  i 

214.  The  Final  Verdict  upon  the  Empire.  —  It  is  easy  to  see 
that  the  Athenian  system  was  imperfect,  tried  by  our  standard 
of  government ;  but  it  is  more  to  the  point  to  see  that  it  was 
an  advance  over  anything  ever  before  attempted. 

It  is  'to  be  regretted  that  Athens  did  not  continue  to  admit 
aliens  to  citizenship,  as  in  Clisthenes'  day.  It  is  to  be 
regretted  that  she  did  not  extend  to  the  men  of  her  subject 
cities  that  sort  of  citizenship  which  she  did  leave  to  her 
cleruchs.  But  the  important  thing  is,  that  she  had  moved 
farther  than  had  any  other  state  up  to  this  time.  The  admis- 
sion of  aliens  by  Clisthenes  and  the  cleruch  citizenship  (§  206) 
were  notable  advances.  The  broadest  policy  of  an  age  ought  not 
to  he  condemned  as  narrow. 

215.  Parties:  A  Summary.  —  A  few  words  will  review  party  his- 
tory up  to  the  leadership  of  Pericles.  All  factions  in  Athens  had  united 
patriotically  against  Persia,  and  afterward  in  fortifying  the  city  ;  but  the 
brief  era  of  good  feeling  was  followed  by  a  renewal  of  party  strife.  The 
Aristocrats  rallied  around  Cimon,  while  the  two  wings  of  the  democrats 
were  led  at  first,  as  before  the  invasion,  by  Aristides  and  Themistocles. 

1  Freeman's  Federal  Government.  Read  a  spicy  paragraph  iu  Wheeler's 
Alexander  the  Great,  116,  117. 


/ 


§  216]  PERICLES  /  207 

Themistocles  was  ostracized,  and  his  friend  Ephialtes  became  the  leader 
of  the  extreme  democrats.  When  Ephialtes  was  assassinated  (§  196), 
Pericles  stepped  into  his  place. 

216.  Pericles.  —  The  aristocratic  party  had  been  ruined  by 
its  pro-Spartan  policy  (§§  197,  198).  The  two  divisions  of  the 
democrats  reunited,  and  for  a  quarter  of  a  century  Pericles 
was  in  practice  as  absolute  as  a  dictator.  Thucydides  calls 
Athens  during  this  pili^^yi^  democracy  in  name,  ruled  in 
reality  by  its  ablest  citizen." 

Pericles  belonged  to  the  ancient  nobility  of  Athens,  but 
to  families  that  had  always  taken  the  side  of  the  people.  His 
mother  was  the  niece  of  Clisthenes  the  reformer,  and  his 
father  had  impeached  Miltiades  (§  169),  so  that  the  enmity 
between  Cimon  and  Pericles  was  hereditary.  The  supremacy 
of  Pericles  rested  in  no  way  upon  the  flattering  arts  of  later 
popular  leaders.  His  proud  reserve  verged  on  haughtiness, 
and  he  was  rarely  seen  in  public.  He  scorned  to  show  emotion. 
His  stately  gravity  and  unruffled  calm  were  styled  Olympian 
by  his  admirers  —  who  added  that,  like  Zeus,  he  could  on 
occasion  overbear  opposition  by  the  majestic  thunder  of  his 
oratory. 

The  great  authority  of  Pericles  came  from  no  public  office. 
He  was  elected  General,  it  is  true,  fifteen  times,  and  in  the 
board  of  ten  generals,  he  had  far  more  weight  than  any  other 
had ;  but  this  was  because  of  his  unofficial  position  as  "  leader 
of  the  people  "  (§  209).  General  or  not,  he  was  master  only  so" 
long  as  he  could  carry  the  Assembly  with  him  ;  and  he  was  com- 
pelled to  defend  each  of  his  measures  against  all  who  chose  to 
attack  it.  The  long  and  steady  confidence  given  him  honors 
the  people  of  Athens  no  less  than  it  honors  Pericles  himself. 
His  noblest  praise  is  that  which  he  claimed  for  himself 
upon  his  deathbed,  —  that,  with  all  his  authority,  and  despite 
the  bitterness  of  party  strife,  "no  Athenian  has  had  to  put  on 
mourning  because  of  me." 

Pericles  stated  his  own  policy  clearly.  As  to  the  empire, 
he  sought  to  make  Athens  at  once  the  ruler  and  the  teacher  of 


208        INTELLECTUAL  AND  ARTISTIC  ATHENS      [§  217 

Hellas,  —  the  political  and  intellectual  center.  Within  the 
city  itself,  he  wished  the  people  to  rule,  not  merely  in  theory 
but  in  fact,  as  the  best  means  of  training  them  for  high 
responsibilities.,^^^^  • 

C.   jNTEij^^eutTAji  AND  Artistic  Athens 

217.  The  True  Significance  of  Athens.  —  After  all,  in  politics  and 
war,  Hellas  has  had  superiors.  Her  true  service  to  mankind  and  her 
imperishable  glory  lie  in  her  literature,  her  philosophy,  and  her  art.  It 
was  in  the  Athens  of  Pericles  that  these  forms  of  Greek  life  developed  most 
fvUyj  and  this  fact  makes  the  real  meaning  of  that  city  in  history. 

218.  Architecture  and  Sculpture.  —  Part  of  the  policy  of  Peri- 
cles was  to  adorn  Athens  from  the  surplus  revenues  of  the 
empire.  The  injustice  of  this  is  plain;  but  the  result  was  to 
make  the  city  the  most  beautiful  in  the  world,  so  that,  ever 
since,  her  mere  ruins  have  enthralled  the  admiration  of  men. 
Greek  art  was  just  reaching  its  perfection;  and  everywhere  in 
Athens,  under  the  charge  of  the  greatest  artists  of  this  great- 
est artistic  age,  arose  temples,  colonnades,  porticoes, — inimi- 
table to  this  day. 

"  No  description  can  give  anything  but  a  very  inadequate  idea  of  the 
splendor,  the  strength,  the  beauty,  which  met  the  eye  of  the  Athenian, 
whether  he  walked  round  the  fortifications,  or  through  the  broad  streets 
of  the  Piraeus,  or  along  the  Long  Walls,  or  in  the  shades  of  the  Acad- 
emy, or  amidst  the  tombs  of  the  Ceramicus  ;  whether  he  chaffered  in  the 
market  place,  or  attended  assemblies  in  the  Pnyx,  or  loitered  in  one  of 
the  numerous  porticoes,  or  watched  the  exercises  in  the  Gymnasia,  or  lis- 
tened to  music  in  the  Odeum  or  plays  in  the  theaters,  or  joined  the  throng 
of  worshipers  ascending  to  the  great  gateway  of  the  Acropolis.  And  this 
magnificence  was  not  the  result  of  centuries  of  toil ;  it  was  the  work  of 
fifty  years.  .  .  .  Athens  became  a  vast  workshop,  in  which  artisans  of 
ev#y  kind  found  employment,  all,  in  their  various  degrees,  contributing 
tro  the  execution  of  the  plans  of  the  master  minds,  Phidias,  Ictinus,  Calli- 
crates,  Mnesicles,  and  others,"  —  Abbott,  Pericles,  303-308. 

The  center  of  this  architectural  splendor  was  the  ancient 
citadel  of  the  Acropolis.      That  massive  rock  now  became  the 


§218] 


ARCHITECTURE  AND  SCULPTURE 


209 


210         INTELLECTUAL  AND   ARTISTIC  ATHENS      [§219 

"  holy  hill."  No  longer  needed  as  a  fortification,  it  was  crowned 
with  white  marble,  and  devoted  to  religion  and  art.  It  was 
inaccessible  except  on  the  west.  Here  was  built  a  stately- 
stairway  of  sixty  marble  steps,  leading  to  a  series  of  noble 
colonnades  and  porticoes  (the  Propylaed)  of  surpassing  beauty/ 
From  these  the  visitor  emerged  upon  the  leveled  top  of  the 
Acropolis,  to  find  himself  surrounded  by  temples  and  statues, 
any  one  of  which  alone  might  make  the  fame  of  the  proudest 


The  Acropolis  To-day. 

modern  city.  Just  in  front  of  the  entrance  stood  the  colossal 
bronze  statue  of  Athene  the  Champiorij  whose  broad  spear  point, 
glittering  in  the  sun,  was  the  first  sign  of  the  city  to  the  mar- 
iner far  out  at  sea.  On  the  right  of  the  entrance,  and  a  little 
to  the  rear,  was  the  temple  of  the  Wingless  Victory^;  and  near 
the  center  of  the  open  space  rose  the  larger  structures  of  the 
Erechtheum  ^  and  the  Parthenon. 

219.  The  Parthenon  ("  maiden's  chamber ")  was  the  temple 
of  the  virgin  goddess  Athene.  ^  It  remains  absolutely  peerless 
in  its  loveliness  among  the  buildings  of  the  world.  It  was  in 
the  Doric  style,^  and  of  no  great  size,  —  only  some  100  feet  by 

1  See  the  illustration  on  page  159. 

2  A  temple  to  Erechtheus,  an  ancestral  god  of  Attica.    See  page  212. 

8  See  §  154  for  explanation  of  this  and  other  terms  used  in  this  description. 
See  also  pages  156,  158,  212,  221,  for  illustrations  of  the  Parthenon. 


219] 


THE  PARTHENON 


211 


250,  while  the  marble  pillars  supporting  its  low  pediment  rose 
only  34* feet  from  their  base  of  three  receding  steps.  The  ef- 
fect was  due,  not  to  the  sublimity  and  grandeur  of  vast  masses, 
^3u^  to  the  perfection  of  proportion,  to  exquisite  beauty  of  line, 
and  to  the  delicacy  and  profusion  of  ornament.  On  this  struc- 
ture, indeed,  was  lavished  without  stint  the  highest  art  of  the 


Propylaea  of  the  Acropolis  To-day. 

art  capital  of  all  time.  The  fifty  life-size  and  colossal  statues 
in  the  pediments,  and  the  four  thousand  square  feet  of  smaller 
reliefs  in  the  frieze  were  all  finished  with  perfect  skill,  even 
in  the  unseen  parts.  The  frieze  represents  an  Athenian  pro- 
cession, carrying  offerings  to  the  patron  goddess  Athene  at 
the  greatest  religious  festival  of  Athens.  Nearly  500  different 
figures  were  carved  upon  this  frieze.^     As  with  all  Greek  tem- 

1  These  reliefs  are  now  for  the  most  part  in  the  British  Museum  and  are 
often  referred  to  as  the  Elgin  Marhleft,  from  the  fact  that  Lord  Elgin  secured 
them,  shortly  after  1800,  for  the  English  government.  The  student  can  judge 
of  the  original  position  of  part  of  the  sculpture  on  the  building  from  the  illus- 
tration of  the  Parthenon  on  page  221.    The  frieze  within  the  colonnade 


212        INTELLECTUAL  AND  ARTISTIC  ATHENS      [§  220 


pies,  the  bands  of  stone  above  the  columns  were  painted  in 
brilliant  reds  and  blues ;  and  the  faces  of  the  sculptures  were 
tinted  in  lifelike  hues. 


About  230  years  ago,  when  the  Turks  held  Athens,  they  used  t 
Parthenon  as  a  powder  house.     An  enemy's  cannon  ball  exploded  the 
magazine,  blowing  the  temple  into  ruins,  much  as  we  see  them  to-day. 


Ebechtheum  (foregromid)  and  Parthenon.  This  view  gives  the  contrast 
between  the  delicacy  of  the  Ionic  style  and  the  simple  dignity  of  the  Doric. 
Cf .  §  154. 

220.  Phidias.  —  The  ornamentation  of  the  Parthenon,  within 
and  without,  was  cared  for  by  Phidias  and  his  pupils.  Phidias 
still  ranks  as  the  greatest  of  sculptors.^  Much  of  the  work  on 
the  Acropolis  he  merely   planned,  but  the  great   statues   of 

(§  154)  cannot  be  shown  in  such  pictures.    It  was  a  band  of  relief,  about  four 
feet  in  width,  running  entirely  around  the  temple. 

1  Phidias  has  been  rivaled,  if  at  all,  only  by  his  pupil,  Praxiteles.  The 
Hermes  of  Praxiteles  is  one  of  the  few  great  works  of  antiquity  that  survive 
to  us ;  and  of  his  Satyr  we  have  a  famous  copy  in  Rome,  which  plays  a  part 
in  Hawthorne's  novel,  The  Marble  Faun     See  pages  227,  254. 


220] 


THE  PARTHENON 


213 


Athene  were  his  special  work.     The  bronze  statue  has  already 
been  mentioned.     Besides   this,  there   was,  within  the  temple, 
an^ven  more  glorious  statue  in  gold  and  ivory,  smaller  than 
^^^  other,  but  still  five  or  six  times  larger  than  life.^     Profes- 
sor Mahaffy  has  said  of  all  this  Parthenon  sculpture :  — 

"  The  beauty  and  perfection  of  all  the  invisible  parts  are  such  that  the 
cost  of  labor  and  money  must  have  been'  enormous.    There  is  no  show 


FmURES   FROM   THE   PARTHP^NON   FRTEZK. 

whatever  for  much  of  this  extraordinary  finish,  which  can  only  be  seen 
by  going  on  the  roof  or  by  opening  a  wall.  Yet  the  religiousness  of  the 
unseen  work  2  has  secured  that  what  is  seen  shall  be  perfect  with  no 
ordinary  perfection." 

1  These  two  works  divide  the  honor  of  Phidias'  great  fame  with  his  Zeus 
at  Olympia,  which,  in  the  opinion  of  the  ancients,  surpassed  all  other  sculpture 
in  grandeur.  Phidias  said  that  he  planned  the  latter  work,  thinking  of 
Homer's  Zeus,  at  the  nod  of  whose  ambrosial  locks  Olympus  trembled. 

2  Compare  Longfellow's  lines, — 

"  In  the  older  days  of  art, 
Builders  wrought,  with  utmost  care, 
Each  obscure  and  unseen  part,  — 
For  the  gods  see  everywhere." 


214        INTELLECTUAL  AND  ARTISTIC  ATHENS      [§  221 

V^    221.  The  Drama.—  In  the  age  of  Pericles,  the  chief  form  of 
poetry  became  the  tragic  drama  — the  highest  development  of  • 

Greek  literature,  ^l 
the  tenth  century  i^^^| 
the  epic  age,  and  the 
seventh  and  sixth 
the  lyric  (§  155),  so 
the  fifth  century  be- 
gins the  dramatic 
period. 

The  drama  began  in 
the  songs  and  dances 
of  a  chorus  in  honor 
of  Dionysus,  god  of 
wine,  at  the  spring 
festival  of  flowers  and 
at  the  autumn  vintage 
festival.  The  leader 
of  the  chorus  came  at 
length  to  recite  stories, 
between  the  songs. 
Thespis  (§  146)  at 
Athens,  in  the  age  of 
Pisistratus,  had  de- 
veloped this  leader 
into  an  actor,  —  a2:>art 
from  the  chorus  and 
carrying  on  dialogue 
ivith  it.  Now  Aeschy- 
lus added  another 
actor,  and  his  younger 
rival,  Sophocles,  a 


Sophocles  — a  portrait-statue,  now  in  the 
Lateran  Museum  at  Rome. 


third.^     Aeschylus,  Sophocles,  and  their  successor,  Euripides, 
are  the  three  greatest  Greek  dramatists.     Together  they  pro- 

1  The  Greek  tragedy  never  permitted   more  than  three  actors  upon  the 
Stage  at  one  time.    The  Greek  drama  cannot  be  compared  easily  with  the 


§222] 


THE  GREEK  THEATER 


215 


duced  some  two  hundred  plays,  of  which  thirty-one  survive. 
Their  plays  were  all  tragedies. 

Comedy  also  grew  out  of  the  worship  of  the  wine  god,  —  not 
from  the  great  religious  festivals,  however,  but  from  the  rude 
village  merrymakings.  Even  upon  the  stage,  comedy  kept 
traces  of  this  rude  origin  in  occasional  coarseness ;  and  it  was 


Theater  of  Dionysus  —  present  condition 

sometimes  misused,  to  abuse  men  like  Pericles  and  Socrates. 
Still,  its  great  master,  Aristophanes,  for  his  wit  and  genius, 
must  always  remain  one  of  the  bright  names  in  literature. 
222.  The  Theater.  —  Every  Greek  city  had  its  "theaters." 
A  theater  was  a  semicircular  arrangement  of  rising  seats, 
often  cut  into  a  hillside,  with  a  small  stage  at  the  open  side  of 
the  circle  for  the  actors.  There  was  no  inclosed  building,  ex- 
cept sometimes  a  few  rooms   for  the  actors,   and  there  was 

modem.  Sophocles  and  Shakespeare  differ  somewhat  as  the  Parthenon  differs 
from  a  vast  cathedral.  In  a  Greek  play  the  scene  never  changed,  and  all  the 
action  had  to  be  such  as  could  have  taken  place  in  one  day.  That  is,  the 
"unities"  of  time  and  place  were  strictly  preserved,  while  the  small  num- 
ber of  actors  made  it  easy  to  maintain  also  a  "  unity  of  action." 


216        INTELLECTUAL  AND  ARTISTIC  ATHENS      [§  223 

none  of  the  gorgeous  stage  scenery  which  has  become  a  chief 
feature  of  our  theaters.  Neither  did  the  Greek  theater 
run  every  night.  Performances  took  place  at  only  two  periods 
in  the  year  —  at  the  spring  and  autumn  festivals  to  Diony- 
sus —  for  about  a  week  each  season ;  and  the  performance  of 
course  had  to  be  in  the  daytime. 

The  great  Theater  of  Dionysus^  in  Athens,  was  on  the  south- 
east slope  of  the  Acropolis  — the  rising  seats,  cut  in  a  semicircle 
into  the  rocky  bluff,  looking  forth,  beyond  the  stage,  to  the  hills 
of  southern  Attica  and  over  the  blue  waters  of  the  Aegean. 
It  could  seat  almost  the  whole  free  male  population.^ 

Pericles  secured  from  the  public  treasury  the  admission  fee 
to  the  Theater  for  each  citizen  who  chose  to  ask  for  it.  This 
use  of  "  theater  money "  was  altogether  different  from  the 
payment  of  officers  and  jurors.  It  must  be  kept  in  mind 
that  the  Greek  stage  was  the  modern  pulpit  and  press  in 
one.  The  practice  of  free  admission  was  designed  to  advance 
religious  and  intellectusri  training,  rather  than  to  give  amuse- 
ment.    It  ivas  a  kind  of  public  education  for  grown-up  people. 

223.  Oratory  was  highly  developed.  Among  no  other  people 
has  public  speaking  been  so  important  and  so  effective.  Its 
special  home  was  Athens.  For  almost  two  hundred  years, 
from  Themistocles  to  Demosthenes  (§  272),  great  statesmen 
swayed  the  Athenian  state  by  the  power  of  sonorous  and  thrill- 
ing eloquence ;  and  the  emotional  citizens,  day  after  day,  packed 
the  Pnyx  to  hang  breathless  for  hours  upon  the  persuasive  lips 
of  their  leaders.  The  art  of  public  speech  was  studied  zeal- 
ously by  all  who  hoped  to  take  part  in  public  affairs. 

Ud happily,  Pericles  did  not  preserve  his  orations.  The  one 
quoted  below  (§  229)  seems  to  have  been  recast  by  Thucydides 
in  his  own  style.  But  fortunately  we  do  still  have  many  of 
the  orations  of  Demosthenes,  of  the  next  century;  and  from 
them  we  can  understand  how  the  union  of  fiery  passion,  and 

1  The  stone  seats  were  not  carved  out  of  the  hill  until  somewhat  later. 
During  the  age  of  Pericles,  the  men  of  Athens  sat  on  the  ground,  or  on  stools 
which  they  brought  with  them,  all  over  the  hillside. 


225] 


HISTORY  AND  PHILOSOPHY 


217 


convincing  logic,  and  polished  beauty  of  language,  made  oratory 

rank  with  the  drama  and  with  art  aa  the  great  means  of  public 

education  for  Athenians. 

224.  History Prose  literature  now  appears,  with  history 

as  its  leading  form.    The  three  great  historians  of  the  period  are 

Herodotus,    Thucydides, 

and  Xenophon.    For  charm 

in  story-telling  they  have 

never    been    excelled. 

Herodotus  was  a  native  of 

Halicarnassus   (a  city   of 

Asia  Minor).    He  traveled 

widely,   lived   long   at 

Athens   as   the  friend  of 

Pericles,    and    j&nally    in 

Italy  composed  his  great 

History  of  the  Persian 
Wars,  with  an  introduc- 
tion covering  the  world's 

history  up  to  that  event. 
Thucydides,  an  Athenian 
general,  wrote  the  history 
of  the  Peloponnesian  War 
(§§  241  ff.)  in  which  he 
took  part.  Xenophon  be- 
longs rather  to  the  next 
century.     He  also  was  an 

Athenian.  He  completed  the  story  of  the  Peloponnesian 
War,  and  gave  us,  with  other  works,  the  Anabasis,  an  account 
of  the  expedition  of  the  Ten  Thousand  Greeks  through  the 
Persian  empire  in  401  B.C.  (§  257). 

225.  Philosophy.^  —  The  age  of  Pericles  saw  also  a  rapid 
development  in  philosophy,  —  and  this  movement,  too,  had 
Athens  for  its  most  important  home.     Anaxagoras  of  Ionia, 

1  This  section  can  best  be  read  in  class,  and  talked  over.  It  may  well  be 
preceded  by  a  reading  of  §  156  upon  the  earlier  Greek  philosophy. 


Thucydides. 

A  portrait  bust ;  now  in  the  Capitoline 
Museum  at  Rome. 


218        INTELLECTUAL  AND  ARTISTIC  ATHENS      [§  225 

the  friend  of  Pericles,  taught  that  the  ruling  principle  in  the 
universe  was  Mind:  "In  the  beginning  all  things  were  chaos; 
then  came  Intelligence,  and  set  all  in  order.'*  He  also  tried  to 
explain  comets  and  other  strange  natural  phenomena,  which 
had  been  looked  upon  as  miraculous. 

But,  like  Democritus  and  Empedodes  of  the  same  period, 
Anaxagoras  turned  in  the  main  from  the  old  question  of  a 
fundamental  principle  to  a  new  problem.  The  philosophers 
of  the  sixth  century  had  tried  to  answer  the  question,  —  How 
did  the  universe  come  to  be  ?  The  philosophers  of  the  age  of ' 
Pericles  asked  mainly,  —  How  does  man  know  about  the  uni- 
verse ?  That  is,  they  tried  to  explain  ttie  working  of  the  human 
mind.  These  early  attempts  at  explanation  were  not  very 
satisfactory,  and  so  next  came  the  Sophists,  with  a  skeptical 
philosophy.  Man,  the  Sophists  held,  cannot  reach  truth  itself, 
but  must  be  content  to  know  only  appearances.  They  taught 
rhetoric,  and  were  the  first  of  the  philosophers  to  accept  pay.^ 

Socrates,  the  founder  of  a  new  philosophy,  is  sometimes  con- 
founded with  the  Sophists.  Like  them,  he  abandoned  the 
attempt  to  understand  the  material  universe,  and  ridiculed 
gently  the  attempted  explanations  of  his  friend,  Anaxagoras. 
He  took  for  his  motto,  "  Know  thyself,"  and  considered  philoso- 
phy to  consist  in  right  thinking  upon  human  conduct.  True 
wisdom,  he  taught,  is  to  know  what  is  good  ayid  to  do  what  is 
right;  and  he  tried  to  make  his  followers  see  the  difference 
between  justice  and  injustice,  temperance  and  intemperance, 
virtue  and  vice. 

Thus  Socrates  completes  the  circle  of  ancient  philosophy.  The  whole 
development  may  be  summed  up  briefly,  as  follows  :  — 

1.   Thales  and  his  followers  (§  156)  tried  to  find  out  how  the  world  came    A 
to  be  —  out  of  what  "  first  principle  "  it  arose  (water,  fire,  etc.).       / 

1  Thus  these  philosophers  were  accused  of  advertising  for  gain,  to  teach 
youth  "how  to  make  the  worse  appear  the  better  reason,"  and  the  name 
"sophist'*  received  an  evil  significance.  Many  of  the  Sophists,  however, 
were  brilliant  thinkers,  who  did  much  to  clear  awa^old  mental  rubbish.  The 
most  famous  were  Gorgias,  the  rhetorician,  a  Sicilian  Greek  at  Athens,  and 
his  pupil,  Isocrates. 


§227]  SOCRATES  219 

2.  Anaxagoras  and  his  contemporaries  tried  to  find  out  how  man's 

mind  could  understand  the  outside  world.  (His  teaching  that 
mind  was  the  real  principle  of  the  universe  formed  a  natural 
step  from  1  to  2.) 

3.  The  Sophists  declared  all  search  for  such  explanations  a  failure  — 

beyond  the  power  of  the  human  mind. 

4.  Socrates  sought  to  know,  not  about  the  outside  world  at  all,  but 

about  himself  and  his  duties. 

226.  The  Man  Socrates.  —  Socrates  was  a  poor  man,  aa  artisan 
who  carved  little  images  of  the  gods  for  a  living ;  and  he  con- 
stantly vexed  his  wife,  Xanthippe,  by  neglecting  his  trade,  to 
talk  in  the  market  place.  He  wore  no  sandals,  and  dressed 
meanly.  His  large  bald  head  and  nrgly  face,  with  its  thick 
lips  and  flat  nose,  made  him  good  sport  for  the  comic  poets. 
His  practice  was  to  entrap  unwary  antagonists  into  public  con- 
versation by  asking  innocent-looking  questions,  and  then,  by 
the  inconsistencies  of  their  answers,  to  show  how  shallow  their 
opinions  were.  This  proceeding  afforded  huge  merriment  to 
the  crowd  of  youths  whofollowed  the  bare-footed  philosopher,  and 
it  made  him  bitter  enemies  among  his  victims.  But  his  method 
of  argument  (which  we  still  call  "the  Socratic  method")  was 
a  permanent  addition  to  our  intellectual  weapons;  and  his 
beauty  of  soul,  his  devotion  to  knowledge,  and  his  largeness 
of  spirit  make  him  the  greatest  name  in  Greek  history.  When 
seventy  years  old  (399  b.c.)  he  was  accused  of  impiety  and  of 
corrupting  the  youth.  He  refused  to  defend  himself  in  any 
ordinary  way,  and  was  therefore  declared  guilty.  His  accusers 
then  proposed  a  death  penalty.  It  was  the  privilege  of  the 
condemned  man  to  propose  any  other  penalty,  and  let  the  jury 
choose  between  the  two.  Instead  of  proposing  a  considerable 
fine,  as  his  friends  wished,  Socrates  said  first  that  he  really 
ought  to  propose  that  he  be  maintained  in  honor  at  the  public 
expense,  but,  in  deference  to  his  friends'  entreaties,  he  finally 
proposed  a  small  fine.  The  angered  jui^y,  by  a  close  vote,  pro- 
nounced the  death  penalty. 

227.  Socrates  on  Obedience  to  Law  and  on  Immortality.  — 
Socrates  refused  also  to  escape  before  the  day  for  his  execution. 


220        INTELLECTUAL  AND  ARTISTIC  ATHENS      [§  227 

Friends  had  made  arrangements  for  his  escape,  but  he  answered 
their  earnest  entreaties  by  a  playful  discourse,  of  which  the 
substance  was,  —  "  Death  is  no  evil ;  but  for  Socrates  to  *  play 
truant,'  and  injure  the  laws  of  his  country,  would  be  an  evil." 
After  memorable  conversations  upon  immortality,  he  drank 
the  fatal  hemlock  vrith  a  gentle  jest  upon  his  lips.^  His 
execution  is  the  greatest  blot  upon  the  intelligence  of  the 
Athenian  democracy. 

It  happened  that  the  trial  had  taken  place  just  before 
the  annual  sailing  of  a  sacred  ship  to  Delos  to  a  festival  of 
Apollo.  According  to  Athenian  law,  no  execution  could  take 
place  until  the  return  of  this  vessel.  Thus  for  thirty  days, 
Socrates  remained  in  jail,  conversing  daily  in  his  usual  manner 
with  groups  of  friends  who  visited  him.  Two  of  his  disciples 
(Plato  and  Xenophon)  have  given  us  accounts  of  these  talks. 
On  the  last  day,  the  theme  was  immortality.  Some  of  the  friends 
fear  that  death  may  be  an  endless  sleep,  or  that  the  soul,  on 
leaving  the  body,  may  "  issue  forth  like  smoke  .  .  .  and  vanish 
into  nothingness."  But  Socrates  comforts  and  consoles  them,  — 
convinciiig  them,  by  a  long  day's  argument,  that  the  soul  is 
immortal,  and  picturing  the  lofty  delight  he  anticipates  in 
applying  his  Socratic  questionings  to  the  heroes  and  sages  of 
olden  times,  when  he  meets  them  soon  in  the  abode  of  the 
blest.  Then,  just  as  the  fatal  hour  arrives,  one  of  the  company 
(Crito)  asks,  ''  In  what  way  would  you  have  us  bury  you  ?  " 
Socrates  rejoins :  — 

*'  ♦  In  any  way  you  like  :  only  you  must  first  get  hold  of  me,  and  take 
care  that  I  do  not  walk  away  from  you.'  Then  he  turned  to  us,  and 
added,  with  a  smile  :  '  I  cannot  make  Crito  believe  that  I  am  the  same 
Socrates  who  has  been  talking  with  you.  He  fancies  that  I  am  another 
Socrates  whom  he  will  soon  see  a  dead  body  —  and  he  asks,  How  shall  he 
bury  me?  I  have  spoken  many  words  to  show  that  I  shall  leave  you  and 
go  to  the  joys  of  the  blessed  ;  but  these  words,  with  which  I  comforted 
you,  have  had,  I  see,  no  effect  upon  Crito.    And  so  I  want  you  to  be 

1  Special  report:  the  trial  and  death  of  Socrates.  See  Plato's  Apology, 
Xenophon 's  Memorabilia,  and  other  accounts. 


228] 


SUMMARY 


221 


surety  for  me  now,  as  Crito  was  surety  [bail]  for  me  at  my  trial,  —  but 
with  another  sort  of  promise.  For  he  promised  the  judges  that  I  would 
remain  ;  but  you  must  be  my  surety  to  him  that  I  shall  not  remain.  Then 
he  will  not  be  grieved  when  he  sees  merely  my  body  burned  or  buried.  I 
would  not  have  him  sorrow  at  my  lot,  or  say.  Thus  we  follow  Socrates  to 
the  grave  ;  for  false  words  such  as  these  infect  the  soul.  Be  of  good 
cheer,  then,  my  dear  Crito,  and  say  that  you  are  burying  my  body  only  — 
and  do  with  that  what  is  usual,  or  as  you  think  best. '  "  i 

228.    Summary.  —  The  amazing  extent  and  intensity  of  Athenian 
culture  overpower  the  imagination.     With  fev^r  exceptions,  the 


^HPiriTiTiii 

1^1 

1 

HiiiH^^^' 

^ 
^1^ 

1 

HL 

The  Acropolis,  as  "  restored  "  by  Lambert. 

famous  men  mentioned  in  §§  220-225  were  Athenian  citizens. 
In  the  fifth  century  b.c.  that  one  city  gave  birth  to  more  great 
men  of  the  first  rank,  it  has  been  said,  than  the  whole  world  ha^ 
ever  produced  m  any  other  equal  period  of  time. 

Artists,  philosophers,  and  writers  swarmed  to  Athens,  also, 
from  less-favored  parts  of  Hellas ;  for,  despite  the  condemnation 
of  Socrates,  no  other  city  in  the  world  afforded  such  freedom 
of  thought,  and  nowhere  else  was  ability,  in  art  or  literature. 


1  Anecdotes  of  Socrates  are  given  in  Da.yiB' Beadings,  Vol.  I,  Nos.  89-92. 


J 


222        INTELLECTUAL  AND  ARTISTIC  ATHENS      [§  229 

so  appreciated.  The  names  that  have  been  mentioned  give 
but  a  faint  impression  of  the  splendid  throngs  of  brilliant  poets, 
artists,  philosophers,  and  orators,  who  jostled  each  other  in 
the  streets  of  Athens.  This,  after  all,  is  the  best  justification 
of  the  Athenian  democracy.  Abbott  {History  of  Greece,  II,  415), 
one  of  its  sternest  modern  critics,  is  forced  to  exclaim,  "  Never 
before  or  since  has  life  developed  so  richly  as  it  developed  in 
the  beautiful  city  which  lay  at  the  feet  of  the  virgin  goddess."  ^ 
t  229.  The  Tribute  of  Pericles  to  Athens.  —  The  finest  glorification 
of  the  Athenian  spirit  is  contained  in  the  great  funer3;l  oration 
delivered  by  Pericles  over  the  Athenian  dead,  at  the  close  of 
the  second  year  of  the  Peloponnesian  War.  Thucydides  gives 
the  speech  and  represents  no  doubt  the  ideas,  if  not  the  words, 
of  the  orator :  — 

"And  we  have  not  forgotten  to  provide  for  our  weary  spirits  many 
relaxations  from  toil.  We  have  our  regular  games  and«  sacrifices  through- 
out the  year  ;  at  home  the  style  of  our  life  is  refined,  and  the  delight 
which  we  daily  feel  in  all  thesfe  things  helps  to  banish  melancholy.  Be- 
cause of  the  greatness  of  our  city,  the  fruits  of  the  whole  earth  flow  in 
upon  us ;  so  that  we  enjoy  the  goods  of  other  countries  as  freely  as  of 
our  own.  .  .  . 

"  And  in  the  matter  of  education,  whereas  oui;  adversaries  from  early 
youth  are  always  undergoing  laborious  exercises  Vhich  are  to  make  them 
brave,  we  live  at  ease,  and  yet  are  equally  ready  to  face  the  perils  which 
they  face.  ...  If  then  we  prefer  to  meet  danger  with  a  light  heart  but 
without  laborious  training,  and  with  a  courage  which  is  gained  by  habit 
and  not  enforced  by  law,  are  we  not  greatly  the  gainers  ? 

"  We  are  lovers  of  the  beautiful^  yet  simple  in  our  tastes;  andioe  culti-. 
vate  the  mind  without  loss  of  manliness.  Wealth  we  employ,  not  for 
talk  and  ostentation,  but  when  there  is  a  real  use  for  it.  To  avow 
poverty  with  us  is  no  disgrace  ;  the  true  disgrace  is  in  doing  nothing  to 
avoid  it.  An  Athenian  citizen  does  not  neglect  the  state  because  he 
takes  care  of  his  own  household  ;  and  even  those  of  us  who  are  engaged 
in  business  have  a  very  fair  idea  of  politics.  We  alone  regard  a  man 
who  takes  no  interest  in  public  affairs,  not  as  a  harmless,  but  as  a  use- 
less character.  ... 

1  The  patron  deity  of  Athens  was  Pallas  Athene,  the  virgin  goddess,  whose 
temple,  the  Parthenon,  crowned  the  Acropolis. 


§  230]  LIMITATIONS  223 

'*  In  the  hour  of  trial  Athens  alone  is  superior  to  the  report  of  her. 
No  enemy  who  comes  against  her  is  indignant  at  the  reverses  which  he 
sustains  at  the  hands  of  such  a  city ;  no  subject  complains  that  his 
masters  are  unworthy  of  him.  And  we  shall  assuredly  not  be  without 
witnesses.  There  are  mighty  monuments  of  our  power  which  will  make 
us  the  wonder  of  -this  and  of  succeeding  ages.  .  .  .  For  we  have 'com- 
pelled every  land  and  every  sea  to  open  a  path  for  our  valor,  and  have 
everywhere  planted  eternal  memorials  of  our  friendship  and  of  our 
enmity.  .  .  . 

"To  sum  up  :  I  say  that  Athens  is  the  school  of  Hellas,  and  that  the 
individual  Athenian  in  his  own  person  seems  to  have  the  power  of  adapt- 
ing himself  to  the  most  varied  forms  of  action  with  the  utmost  versatility 
and  grace.  .  .  . 

"7  would  have  you  day  by  day  fix  your  eyes  upon  the  greatness  of 
Athens,  until  you  become  filled  with  the  love  of  her ;  and  when  you  are 
impressed  by  the  spectacle  of  her  glory,  reflect  that  this  empire  has  been 
acquired  by  men  who  knew  their  duty  and  had  the  courage  to  do  it,  and 
who  in  the  hour  of  conflict  had  the  fear  of  dishonor  always  present  to 
them.   ..." 

230.    Three  limitations  in  Greek  culture  must  be  noted. 

a.  It  rested  necessarily  on  slavery,  and  consequently  could 
not  honor  labor,  as  modern  culture  at  least  tries  to  do.  The 
main  business  of  the  citizen  was  government  and  war. 
Trades  and  commerce  were  left  largely  to  the  free  non-citizen 
class,  and  unskilled  hand  labor  was  performed  mainly  by 
slaves.  As  a  rule,  it  is  true,  this  slavery  was  not  harsh.  In 
Athens,  ordinarily,  the  slaves  were  hardly  to  be  distinguished 
from  the  poorer  citizens.  They  were  frequently  Greeks,  of 
the  same  speech  and  culture  as  their  masters.  In  some  ways, 
this  made  their  lot  all  the  harder  to  bear;  and  there  was 
always  the  possibility  of  cruelty.  In  the  mines,  even  in 
Attica,  the  slaves  were  killed  off  brutally  by  merciless 
hardships. 

b.  Greek  culture  was  for  males  only.  It  is  not  probable  that 
the  wife  of  Phidias  or  of  Thucydides  could  read.  The  women 
of  the  working  classes,  especially  in  the  country,  necessarily 
mixed  somewhat  with  men  in  their  work.  But  among  the 
well-to-do,  women  had  lost  the  freedom  of  the  simple  and  rude 


224        INTELLECTUAL  AND  ARTISTIC  ATHENS      [§  230 

society  of  Homer's  time,  without  gaining  much  in  return.     Ex- 
cept at  Sparta,  where  physical  training  was  thought  needful 


Women  at  their  Toilet.  — From  a  vase  painting. 

for  them,  they  passed  a  secluded  life  even  at  home,  in  sepa- 
rate women's  apartments.     They  had  no  public  interests,  ap- 


WoMEN  AT  THEIR  ToiLET.  —  The  rest  of  the  vase  painting  shown  above. 

peared  rarely  on  the  streets,  and  never  met  their  husbands' 
friends.  At  best,  they  were  only  higher  domestic  servants. 
The  chivalry  of  the  mediaeval  knight  toward  woman  and  the 


230] 


LIMITATIONS 


225 


love  of  the  iiioderii  geutleiiiau  for  his  wife  were  equally  uu- 
thinkable  by  the  best  Greek  society. 

The  rule  is  merely  emphasized  by  its  one  exception.  No 
account  of  the  Athens  of  Pericles  should  omit  mention  of 
AspasiOi^  She  was  a  nativa  of  Miletus,  and  had  come  to 
Athens  as  an  adventuress.  Many  other  high-spirited  girls  no 
doubt  did  the  like,  in  inevitable  rebellion  against  the  shame- 
ful bondage  of  Greek  custom,  —  but  only  to  fall  into  a  life  more 
shameful.  But  Aspasia  won  the  love  of  Pericles.  Since  she 
was  not  an  Athenian 
citizen  he  could  not 
marry  her ;  but,  until 
his  death,  he  lived 
with  her  in  all  re- 
spects as  his  wife  —  a 
union  not  grievously 
offensive  to  Greek 
ideas.  The  dazzling 
wit  and  beauty  of 
Aspasia  made  his 
home  the  focus  of  the 
intellectual  life  of  Athens.  Anaxagoras,  Socrates,  Phidias, 
Herodotus,  —  the  charming  group  of  brilliant  friends  of  Peri- 
cles,—  were  her  friends  also,  and  delighted  in  her  conversa- 
tion. Pericles  consulted  her  on  the  most  important  public 
matters.  But  she  is  the  only  woman  who  need  be  named  in 
Greek  history  after  the  time  of  Sappho  and  Corinna  (§  155).  4- 

c.  The  most  intellectual  Greeks  of  that  age  had  not  thought 
of  finding  out  the  truths  of  nature  by  experiment.  The  an- 
cients had  only  such  knowledge  of  the  world  about  them  as 
they  had  chanced  ujjon,,  or  such  as  they  could  attain  by 
observation  of  nature  as  she  showed  herself-  to  them.  To  ask 
questions,  and  make  nature  answer  them  by  systematic  experi- 
ment, is  a  method  of  reaching  knowledge  which  belongs  only 
to  recent  times.  But,  before  the  Greeks,  men  had  reached 
about  all  the  mastery  over  nature  that  was  possible  without 


Greek  Women  at  their  Music. 
From  a  vase  painting. 


226        INTELLECTUAL  AND  ARTISTIC  ATHENS      [§230 


that  method.  The  average  Athenian  probably  excelled  the 
average  American  in  brain  power,  and  the  Greek  mind  per- 
formed wonders  in  literature  and  art  and  philosophy ;  but  it 
did  little  to  advance  man^s  power  over  nature. 

This   limitation   should  not  be  overrated.      We  sometimes 
think  of  civilization  as  consisting  mainly  in  material  comforts. 

The  Greeks  knew  little  of 
such  things.  It  is  none 
too  easy  for  us  to  really 
picture  a  worldf  without 
railways,  or  telegraphs,  or 
electric  lights,  or  gas,  or 
coal,  or  refrigerator  cars 
to  bring  to  our  breakfast 
table  the  fruits  of  distant 
lands.  But,  to  make  the 
Greek  world  at  all  real  to 
us,  we  must  peel  off  from 
our  world  much  more  than 
this.  We  must  think  of 
even  the  best  houses  with- 
out plumbing  —  or  drains 
of  any  sort;  beds  with- 
out sheets  or  springs; 
rooms  without  fire ;  travel- 
ing without  bridges ;  shoes 
without  stockings ;  clothes 
without  buttons,  or  even  a 
hook  and  eye.  The  Greek  had  to  tell  time  without  a  watch, 
and  to  cross  seas  without  a  compass.  He  was  civilized  with- 
out being  what  we  should  call  "comfortable."  But,  perhaps 
all  the  more,  he  felt  keenly  the  beauty  of  sky  and  hill  and 
temple  and  statue  and  the  human  form.'^ 

1  Myron  was  a  contemporary  of  Phidias.    He  excelled  in  representing  the 
human  body  in  action, 

2  This  passage  is  mostly  condensed  from  a  paragraph  in  Zimmern's  Greek 
Commonwealth. 


The  Disk  Thrower. 
After  Myron.^    Now  in  the  Vatican. 


[§231 


MORAL  IDEALS 


227 


In  one  most  important  respect,  however,  this  lack  of  con- 
trol over  nature  was  a  serious  lack.  Without  modern  scien- 
tific knowledge,  and  modern  machinery,  it  has  never  been 
possible  for  man  to  produce  wealth  fast  enough  so  that  many 
could  take  sufficient  leisure  for  refined  and  graceful  living. 
Even  with  us,  this  ability  is  so  new  that  we  have  not  yet 
learned  how  to  divide  the  new  wealth  properly ;  but  we  feel 
sure  that  it  is  going  to  be 
done.  With  the  Greeks,  it 
could  not 'be  done.  Tliere 
was  too  little  to  go  round. 
The  civilization  of  the 
few  rested  necessarily  upon 
slavery.  This  third  limi- 
tation (c)  was  the  cause  of 
the  first  (a). 

231.  The  moral  side  of 
Greek  culture  falls  some- 
what short  of  the  in- 
tellectual side.  The  two 
religions,  of  the  clan  and 
of  the  Olympian  gods,  both 
kept  their  hold  upon  the 
faith  of  most  Athenians 
even  in  the  age  of  Pericles. 
Neither  had  much  to  do 
with  conduct  toward  men. 
The  good  sense  and  clear 
thinking  of  the  Greeks 
had  freed  their  religion  from  the  grossest  features  of  Oriental 
worship ;  but  on  the  whole  their  moral  ideas  are  to  be  sought 
in  their  philosophy,  literature,  and  history,  rather  than  in  their 
stories  about  the  gods. 

The  Greeks  accepted  frankly  the  search  for  pleasure  as  nat- 
ural and  proper.  Self-sacrifice  had  little  place  in  their  ideal. 
They  lacked  altogether  the  Jewish  and  Christian  "sense  ot 


A  Satyr  by  Praxitiles. 
This  is  Hawthorne's  "  Marble  Faun. 


228        INTELLECTUAL  AND  ARTISTIC  ATHENS      [§232 

sin."  They  were  moved  to  right  conduct,  not  by  the  Christian's 
spiritual  love  for  the  beauty  of  holiness,  but  by  an  intellectual  ad- 
miration for  the  beauty  of  moderation  and  of  temperance.  Indi- 
vidual characters  at  once  lofty  and  lovable  were  not  numerous. 
No  society  ever  produced  so  many  great  men,  but  many  socie- 
ties have  produced  better  men.  Greek  excellence  was  intel- 
lectual rather  than  moral.  Trickery  and  deceit  mark  most  of 
the  greatest  names,  and  not  even  physical  or  moral  bravery  can 
be  called  a  national  characteristic.  The  wily  Themistocles, 
rather  than  Socrates  or  Pericles,  is  the  typical  Greek  hero; 
and  even  when  seeking  to  entrap  the  Persians  by  his  secret 
message  at  Salamis,  Themistocles  seems  to  have  kept  in  mind 
the  possibility  of  claiming  Persian  rewards  if  Xerxes  should 
conquer. 

At  the  same  time,  a  few  individuals  tower  to  great  heights 
and  a  few  Greek  teachers  give  us  some  of  the  noblest  morality 
of  the  world.  Says  Mahaffy  (Social  Greece,  8),  after  acknowl- 
edging the  cruelty  and  barbarity  of  Greek  life :  "  Socrates  and 
Plato  are  far  superior  to  the  Jewish  moralists;  they  are 
superior  to  the  average  Christian  moralist;  it  is  only  in  the 
matchless  teaching  of  Christ  himself  that  we  find  them  sur- 
passed." 

232.  Illustrative  Extracts.  —  The  following  passages  illustrate  the 
moral  ideas  of  the  best  of  the  Greeks.  They  are  taken  from  Athenian 
writers  of  the  age  of  Pericles,  and  represent  the  mountain  peaks  of  Greek 
thought,  not  its  average  level.  Still,  a  volume  of  such  passages  might  be 
put  together. 

a.  From  Aeschylus. 

"  The  lips  of  Zeus  know  not  to  speak  a  lying  speech." 

"Justice  shines  in  smoke-grimed  houses  and  holds  in  regard  the  life 
that  is  righteous  ;  she  leaves  with  averted  eyes  the  gold-bespangled  palace 
which  is  unclean,  and  goes  to  the  abode  that  is  holy." 

h.  Antigone,  the  heroine  of  a  play  by  Sophocles,  has  knowingly  in- 
curred penalty  of  death  by  disobeying  an  unrighteous  command  of  a 
wicked  king.    She  justifies  her  deed  proudly,  — 


§232]  MORAL  IDEALS  229 

'*  Nor  did  1  deem  thy  edicts  strong  enough 
That  thou,  a  mortal  man,  should' st  overpass 
The  unwritten  laws  of  God  that  know  no  change.''^ 

c.  From  Socrates  to  his  Judges  after  his  condemnation  to  death 
(Plato's  Apology).  —  "Wherefore,  O  judges,  be  of  good  cheer  about 
death,  and  know  this  of  a  truth  —  that  no  evil  can  happen  to  a  good  man, 
either  in  life  or  after  death.  He  and  his  are  not  neglected  by  the  gods. 
.  .  .  The  hour  of  departure  has  arrived,  and  we  go  our  ways  —  I  to  die, 
you  to  live.     Which  is  better,  God  only  knows." 

d.  From  Plato  (the  greatest  disciple  of  Socrates,  §  315).  —  "  My  counsel 
is  that  we  hold  fast  ever  to  the  heavenly  way  and  follow  justice  and  vir- 
tue. .  .  .  Thus  we  shall  live  dear  to  one  another  and  to  the  gods,  both 
while  remaining  here,  and  when,  like  conquerors  in  the  games^  we  go  to 
receive  our  reward." 

e.  A  Prayer  of  Socrates  (from  Plato's  Phaedrus).  —  "Beloved  Pan, 
and  all  ye  other  gods  who  haunt  this  place,  give  me  beauty  in  the  inward 
soul  ;  and  may  the  outward  and  inward  man  be  at  one.  May  I  reckon 
the  wise  to  be  the  wealthy,  and  may  I  have  such  a  quantity  of  gold  as 
none  but  the  temperate  can  carry." 

(The  quotations  from  Socrates'  talks  after  his  condemnation,  given  in 
§  227  above,  give  more  material  of  this  kind.  Fuller  passages  will  be 
found  in  Davis'  Tteadings,  Vol.  T,  Nos.  89-92.) 


For  Ftjrthek  Rrading.  —  Specially  suggested:  Davis'  Headings^ 
Vol.  I,  Nos.  76-80  (11  pages,  mostly  from  Plutarch  and  Thucydides)  ; 
and  Nos.  88-97  (24  pages)  ;  Bury,  363-378. 

Additional :  Valuable  and  very  readable  treatments  will  be  found  in 
any  of  the  three  excellent  volumes  mentioned  for  the  two  preceding  top- 
ics, —  Cox's  Athenian  Empire,  Grant's  Age  of  Pericles,  or  Abbott's  Peri- 
cles. Plutarch's  Pericles  ought  to  be  inviting,  from  the  extracts  in  Davis' 
Beadings.  Dr.  Davis'  novel,  A  Victor  of  Salamis,  is  the  best  fiction 
for  Greek  history.  A  Day  in  Old  Athens,  by  the  same  author,  is  a  vivid 
presentation  of  various  matters  touched  upon  in  this  and  the  next  chapter. 

Exercise.  — Count  up  and  classify  the  kinds  of  sources  of  our  knowledge 
about  the  ancient  world,  —  so  far  as  this  book  has  alluded  to  sources  of 
information.  Note  here  the  suggestions  for  ^'■fact-drills,'"  on  page  £95, 
and  begin  to  prepare  the  lists. 


^ 


CHAPTER   XIV 
LIFE  IN  THE  AGE  OF  PERICLES 

233.  Houses,  even  those  of  the  rich,  were  very  simple.  The 
poor  could  not  afford  more;  and  the  rich  man  thought  his 
house  of  little  account.  It  vras  merely  a  place  to  keep  his 
women  folk  and  young  children  and  some  other  valuable 
property,  and  to  sleep  in.     His  real  life  was  passed  outside. 

A  "well-to-do"  house  was  built  with  a  wooden  frame,  cov- 
ered with  sun-dried  clay.  Such  buildings  have  not  left  many 
remains :  and  most  of  what  we  know  about  them  comes  from 
brief  references  in  Greek  literature.  On  the  opposite  page  is 
given  the  ground  plan  of  one  of  the  few  private  houses  of  the 
fifth  century  which  has  been  unearthed  in  a  state  to  be  traced 
out.  This  house  was  at  Delos ;  and  it  was  something  of  a 
mansion,  for  the  times. 

Houses  were  built  flush  with  the  street,  and  on  a  level  with 
it,  —  without  even  sidewalk  or  steps  between.  The  door,  too, 
usually  opened  out  —  so  that  passers-by  were  liable  to  bumps, 
unless  they  kept  well  to  the  middle  of  the  narrow  street. 
In  this  Delos  mansion,  the  street  door  opened  into  a  small 
vestibule  (A),  about  six  feet  by  -ten.  This  led  to  a  square 
"hall"  (D,  D,  D,  D),  which  was  the  central  feature  of  every 
Greek  house  of  importance.  In  the  center  of  the  hall  there 
was  always  a  "  court,"  open  to  the  sky,  and  surrounded  by  a 
row  of  columns.  The  columns  were  to  uphold  their  side  of 
the  hall  ceiling,  —  since  the  hall  had  no  wall  next  the  court, 
but  was  divided  from  it  only  by  the  columns.  In  the  Delos 
house,  the  columns  were  ten  feet  high  (probably  higher  than 
was  usual),  and  the  court  was  paved  with  a  beautiful  mosaic. 
Commonly,  however,  all  floors  in  private  houses,  until  some 
three  centuries  later,  were  made  of  concrete. 
\  230 


§233] 


THE  GREEK  HOUSE 


231 


Under  part  of  the  hall  were  two  cellars  or  cisterns;  and 
from  the  hall  there  opened  six  more  rooms.  The  largest  {H) 
was  the  dining  room  and  kitchen,  with  a  small  recess  for  the 
chimney  in  one  corner.  The  other  rooms  were  store  rooms, 
or  sleeping  rooms  for  male  slaves  and  unmarried  sons.  Any- 
occasional  overflow  of  guests  could  be  taken  care  of  by  couches 
in  the  hall.     This  whole  floor  was  for  males  only. 


Plan  of  a  Fifth-century  Delos  House. 
After  Gardiner  and  Jevons. 


Some  houses  (of  the  very  rich)  had  only  one  story.  In  that 
case  there  was  at  the  rear  a  second  half  for  the  women,  con- 
nected with  the  men's  half  by  a  door  in  the  partition  wall. 
This  rear  half  of  the  house,  in  such  cases,  had  its  own  central 
hall  and  open  court,  and  an  arrangement  of  rooms  similar  to 
that  in  the  front  half.  But  more  commonly,  as  in  the  Delos 
house,  there  was  an  upper  story  for  the  women,  reached  by 
a  steep  stairway  in  the  lower  hall,  and  projecting,  perhaps, 
part  way  over  the  street.  Near  the  street  door,  on  the  outside, 
there  was  a  niche  in  the  wall  for  the  usual  statue  of  Hermes ; 
and  a  small  niche  in  room  i^'was  used  probably  as  a  shrine  for 
some  other  deity. 

The  doorways  of  the  interior  were  usually  hung  with  cur- 


232  THE  AGE  OF  PERICLES  [§234 

tains ;  but  store  rooms  had  doors  with  bronze  locks.  Bronze 
keys  are  sometimes  found  in  the  ruins,  and  they  are  pictured 
in  use  in  vase  paintings.  The  door  between  the  men's  and 
women's  apartments  was  kept  locked:  only  the  master  of 
the  house,  his  wife,  and  perhaps  a  trusted  slave,  had  keys  to 
it.  The  Delos  house  had  only  one  outside  door;  but  often 
there  was  a  rear  door  into  a  small,  walled  garden.  City 
houses  were  crowded  close  together,  with  small  chance  for 
windows  on  the  sides.  Sometimes  narrow  slits  in  the  wall 
opened  on  the  street.  Otherwise,  except  for  the  one  door,  the 
street  front  was  a  blank  wall.  If  there  were  windows  on  the 
street  at  all,  they  were  filled  with  a  close  wooden  lattice. 
The  Greeks  did  not  have  glass  panes  for  windows.  The 
houses  were  dark;  and  most  of  the  dim  light  came  from 
openings  on  the  central  court,  through  the  hall. 

In  cold  damp  weather  (of  which,  happily,  there  was  not  much), 
the  house  was  exceedingly  uncomfortable.  The  kitchen  had 
a  real  chimney,  with  cooking  arrangements  like  those  in  an- 
cient Cretan  houses  (§  96).  But  for  other  rooms  the  only 
artificial  heat  came  from  small  fires  of  wood  or  charcoal  in 
braziers,  —  such  as  are  still  carried  from  room  to  room,  on  occa- 
sion, in  Greece  or  Italy  or  Spain.  The  choking  fumes  which 
filled  the  room  were  not  much  more  desirable  than  the  cold 
which  they  did  little  to  drive  away.  Sometimes  a  large  open 
fire  in  the  court  gave  warmth  to  the  hall.  At  night,  earthen- 
ware lamps,  on  shelves  or  brackets,  furnished  light.  Tliere 
were  no  bathrooms,  and  no  sanitary  conveniences. 

Poor  people  lived  in  houses  of  one  or  two  rooms.  A  middle 
class  had  houses  nearly  as  large  as  the  one  described  above ; 
but  they  rented  the  upper  story  to  lodgers.  Professional  lodg- 
ing houses  had  begun  to  appear,  with  several  stories  of  small 
rooms,  for  unmarried  poor  men  and  for  slaves  who  could  not 
find  room  in  the  master's  house. 

234.  The  residence  streets  were  narrow  and  irregular,  — 
hardly  more  than  crooked,  dark  alleys.  They  had  no  pave- 
ment, and  they  were    littered  with   all   the  filth  and  refuse 


235] 


GREEK  FAMILY  LIFE 


233 


from  the  houses.  Slops,  from  .upper  windows,  sometimes 
doused  unwary  passers-by.  Splendid  as  were  the  public  por- 
tions of  Athens,  the  residence  quarters  were  much  like  a 
squalid  Oriental  city  of  to-day.  In  the  time  of  Pericles, 
wealthy  men  were  just  beginning  to  build  more  comfortably 
on  the  hills  near  the  city;  but  war  kept  this  practice  from 
becoming  common  till  a  much  later  time. 


Greek  Girls  at  Play.  —  From  a  vase  painting. 

235.  The  Family. —  In  the  Oriental  lands  which  we  have 
studied,  a  man  was  at  liberty  to  have  as  many  wives  in  his 
household  as  he  chose  to  support.  Poor  men  usually  were 
content  with  one ;  but,  among  the  rich,  polygamy  was  the  rule. 
A  Greek  had  only  one  wife.  Imperfect  as  Greek  family  life 
was,  the  adoption  of  "monogamy"  was  a  great  step  forward. 

The  Homeric  poems  give  many  pictures  of  lovely  family 
life ;  and  the  Homeric  women  meet  male  guests  and  strangers 
with  a  natural  dignity  and  ease.  In  historic  Greece,  as  we 
have  noted  (§  230),  this  freedom  for  women  had  been  lost  — 
except,  in  some  degree,  at  Sparta.  Marriage  was  arranged  by 
parents.  The  young  people  as  a  rule  had  never  seen  each 
other.     Girls  were  married  very  young  —  by  fifteen  or  earlier 


234  THE  AGE  OF  PERICLES  [§235 

—  and  had  no  training  of  any  valuable  sort.  Among  the 
wealthy  classes,  they  spent  the  rest  of  their  days  indoors  — 
except  on  some  rare  festival  occasions.  The  model  wife 
learned  to  oversee  the  household ;  but  in  most  homes  this  was 
left  to  trained  slaves,  and  the  wife  dawdled  away  the  day  list- 
lessly ^t  her  toilet  or  in  vacant  idleness,  much  as  in  an  Eastern 
harem  to-day,  waiting  for  a  visit  from  her  master.  The  vase 
pictures  show  her  commonly  with  a  mirror.  Unwholesome 
living  led  to  excessive  use  of  red  and  white  paint,  and  other 
cosmetics,  to  imitate  the  complexion  of  early  youth. ^ 

Law  and  public  opinion  allowed  the  father  to  "  expose "  a 
new-born  child  to  die.  This  was  done  sometimes  in  Athens  with 
girl  babies.  Indeed  the  practice  was  common  among  the  poor. 
Boys  were  valued  more.  They  would  offer  sacrificss,  in  time,  at 
the  father's  tomb,  and  they  could  Jight  for  the  city.  Till  the  age 
of  seven,  boys  ai?d  girls  lived  together  in  the  women's  apart- 
ments. Then  the  boy  began  his  school  life  (§  240).  The  girl 
continued  her  childhood  until  marriage.  Much  of  her  time  was 
spent  at  music  and  in  games.  One  very  common  game  was 
like  our  "  Jackstones,"  except  that  it  was  played  with  little 
bones.  Not  till  the  evening  before  her  marriage  did  the  girl 
put  away  her  doll,  —  offering  it  then  solemnly  on  the  shrine 
of  the  goddess  Artemis. 

236.  Greek  dress  is  well  known,  as  to  its  general  effect,  from 
pictures  and  sculpture.  Women  of  the  better  classes  wore 
flowing  garments,  fastened  at  the  shoulders  with  clasp-pins,  and 
gathered  in  graceful  loose  folds  at  the  waist.  The  robe  was 
so  draped  as  to  leave  the  arms,  and  sometimes  one  shoulder, 
bare.  Outside  the  house,  the  woman  wore  also  a  kind  of  long 
mantle,  which  was  often  drawn  up  over  the  head. 

The  chief  article  of  men's  dress  was  a  shirt  of  linen  or  wool, 
which  fell  about  to  the  knees.  For  active  movements,  this  was 
often  clasped  with  a  girdle  about  the  waist,  and  shortened  by 
being  drawn  up  so  as  to  fall  in  folds  over  the  girdle.     Over 

1  Davis,  Readings,  Vol.  I,  No.  99,  pictures  an  ideal  Greek  household. 


§237]  GREEK  DRESS  235 

this  was  draped  a  long  mantle,  falling  in  folds  to  the  feet. 
This  is  well  shown  in  the  statue  of  Sophocles,  on  page  214. 
Sometimes,  this  mantle  was  carried  on  the  arm.  The  soles 
of  the  feet  were  commonly  protected  by  sandals;  but  there 
was  also  a  great  variety  of  other  foot  gear.  •  Socrates'  habit 
of  going  barefooted  was  the  rule  at  Sparta  for  men  under 
middle  age;  and  some  Spartan  kings  made  it  their  practice 
all  their  lives. 

Even  these  statements  do  not  make  emphatic  enough  the  very  simple 
nature  of  men's  dress.  The  inner  garment  was  merely  a  piece  of  cloth 
in  two  oblong  parts  (sometimes  partly  sewn  together),  fastened  by  pins, 
so  as  to  hold  it  on.  The  outer  garment  was  one  oblong  piece  of  cloth, 
larger  and  not  fastened  at  all. 


A  Vask  Painting,  showing  the  Trojan  prince  enticing  away  Helen.    The 
painting  is  of  the  fifth  century,  and  shows  fashions  in  dress  for  that  time. 

237.  Occupations.  —  Good  "  societj^  "  looked  down  upon  all 
forms  of  money-making  by  personal  exertion.  A  physician 
who  took  pay  for  his  services  they  despised  almost  as  much 
as  they  did  a  carpenter  or  shoemaker.  This  attitude  is  natural 
to  a  slaveholding  society.  Careless  thinkers  sometimes  admire 
it.  But  it  contains  less  promise  for  mankind  than  does  even 
our  modern  worship  of  the  dollar,  bad  as  that  sometimes  is. 
The  Greek  wanted  money  enough  to  supply  all  the  comforts 


236  THE  AGE  OF  PERICLES  [§237 

that  lie  knew  about ;  but  he  wanted  it  to  come  without  his 
earning  it.     He  was  very  glad  to  have  slaves  earn  it  for  him. 

Most  of  the  hand  labor  was  busied  in  tilling  the  soil.  The 
farmer  manured  his  land  skillfully;  but  otherwise  he  made 
no  advance  over  the  Egyptian  farmer  —  who  had  not  been  com- 
pelled to  enrich  his  land.  Some  districts,  like  Corinth  and 
Attica,  could  not  furnish  food  enough  for  their  populations 
from  their  own  soil.     Athens  imported  grain  from  other  parts 


Greek  Women,  in  various  aotivities. — From  a  vase  painting. 

of  Hellas  and  from  Thrace  and  Egypt.  This  grain  was  paid 
for,  in  the  long  run,  by  the  export  of  manufactures.  In  the 
age  of  Pericles,  laiye  factories  had  appeared.  (See  Davis' 
Readings,  Vol.  I,  No.  76,  for  a  list  of  twenty-five  handicrafts 
connected  with  the  beautifying  of  the  Acropolis.)  In  these 
factories,  the  place  taken  now  by  machinery  was  taken  then,  in 
large  part,  by  slaves.  The  owner  of  a  factory  did  not  com- 
monly own  all  the  slaves  employed  in  it.  Any  master  of  a 
slave  skilled  in  that  particular  trade  might  "  rent "  him  out  to 
the  factory  by  the  month  or  year. 

In  Attica,  then,  the  villages  outside  Athens  were  mainly 
occupied  by  farmers  and  farm  laborers.  Commerce  (as  well 
as  much  manufacturing)  was  centered  in  the  Piraeus,  and  was 
managed  directly,  for  the  most  part,  by  the  non-citizen  class. 

In  Athens,  the  poorer  classes  worked  at  their  trades  or  in 
their  shops  from  sunrise  to  sunset  —  with  a  holiday  about  one 


238] 


CLASSES  AND  INDUSTRIES 


237 


day  ill  three.  Their  pay  was  small,  because  of  the  competi- 
tion of  slave  labor;  but  they  needed  little  pay  to  give  them 
most  of  the  comforts  of  the  rich — except  constant  leisure. 
And  we  must  understand  that  the  Greek  artisan  —  sometimes 
even  the  slave  —  took  a  noble  pride  in  his  tuork.  The  stone 
masons  who  chiseled  out  the  fluted  columns  of  the  Parthenon 
felt  themselves  fellow  workmen  with  Phidias  who  carved  the 
pediments.  In  general,  the  Greek  workman  seems  to  have 
worked  deliberately  and  to 
have  found  a  delight  in  his 
work  which  was  known  also 
to  the  artisan  of  the  Middle 
Ages  in  Europe,  but  which 
has  been  largely  driven  out 
of  modern  life  by  our  greater 
subdivision  of  labor  and  by 
our  greater  pressure  for  haste. 

An  Athenian  citizen  of  the 
wealthy  class  usually  owned 
lands  outside  the  city,  worked 
by  slaves  and  managed  by 
some  trusted  steward.  Prob- 
ably he  also  had  capital  in- 
vested in  trading  vessels, 
though  he  was  not  likely  to  have  any  part  in  managing  them. 
Some  revenue  he  drew  from  money  at  interest  with  the  bankers ; 
and  he  drew  large  sums,  too,  from  the  "  rent "  of  slaves  to  the 
factories. 

238.  A  Day  of  the  Leisure  Class.  —  Like  the  poorer  citizens, 
the  rich  man  rose  with  the  sun.  A  slave  poured  water  over 
his  face  and  hands,  or  perhaps  over  his  naked  body,  from  a 
basin.  (Poor  men  like  Socrates  bathed  at  the  public  foun- 
tains.) He  then  broke  his  fast  on  a  cup  of  wine  and  a  dry 
crust  of  bread.  Afterward,  perhaps  he  rode  into  the  country, 
to  visit  one  of  his  farms  there,  or  for  a  day's  hunting. 

If,  instead,  he  remained  within  the  city,  he  left  his  house 


A  Barber  in  Terra-Cotta. 
From  Bliimner. 


238 


THE  AGE   OF  PERICLES 


l§238 


at  once,  stopping,  probably,  at  a  barber's,  to  have  his  beard 
and  finger  nails  attended  to,  as  well  as  to  gather  the  latest 
news  from  the  barber's  talk.  In  any  case,  the  later  half  of 
the  morning,  if  not  the  first  part,  would  find  him  strolling 
through  the  shaded  arcades  about  the  market  place,  among 
throngs  of  his  fellows,  greeting  acquaintances  and  stopping  for 
conv^ersation  with  friends  —  with  whom,  sometimes,  he  sat  on 

the  benches  that 
were  interspersed 
among  the  colon- 
nades. At  such 
times,  he  was  al- 
ways followed  by 
one  or  two  hand- 
some slave  boys, 
to  run  errands. 
At  midday,  he  re- 
turned home  for 
a  light  lunch.  In 
the  afternoon,  he 
sometimes  slept. 
Or,  if  a  student, 
he  took  to  his  rolls 
of  papyrus.  Or, 
if  a  statesman, 
perhaps  he  prepared  his  speech  for  the  next  meeting  of  the 
Assembly.  Sometimes,  he  visited  the  public  gaming  houses  or 
the  clubs.  During  the  afternoon, — usually  toward  evening, 
—  he  bathed  at  a  public  bathing  house,  hot,  cold,  or  vapor 
bath,  as  his  taste  decided ;  and  here  again  he  held  conversation 
with  friends,  while  resting,  or  while  the  slave  attendants  rubbed 
him  with  oil  and  ointment.  The  bath  was  usually  preceded  by 
an  hour  or  more  of  exercise  in  a  gymnasium. 

Toward  sunset,  he  once  more  visited  his  home,  unless  he  was 
to  dine  out.  If  the  evening  meal  was  to  be,  for  a  rare  occasion, 
at  home  and  without  guests,  he  ate  with  his  family,  —  his  wife 


The  Wrestlers. 


§2391  A  GENTLEMAN'S  DAY  239 

sitting  at  the  foot  of  the  couch  where  he  reclined  ;  and  soon 
afterward  he  went  to  bed.  More  commonly,  he  entertained 
guests  —  whom  he  had  invited  to  dinner  as  he  met  them  at 
the  market  place  in  the  morning  —  or  he  was  himself  a  guest 
elsewhere. 

The  evening  meal  deserves  a  section  to  itself  (§  239).  First 
let  us  note  that  such  days  as  we  have  just  described  were  not 
allowed  to  become  monotonous  at  Athens.  For  several  years 
of  his  life,  the  citizen  was  certain  to  be  busied  most  of  the  time 
in  the  service  of  the  state  (§  212).  At  other  times,  the  meet- 
ings of  the  Assembly  and  the  religious  festivals  and  the  theater 
took  at  least  one  day  out  of  every  three. 

239.  The  evening  banquet  played  a  large  part  in  Greek  life. 
As  guests  arrived,  they  took  their  places  in  pairs,  on  couches, 
which  were  arranged  around  the  room,  each  man  reclining  on 
his  left  arm.  Slaves  removed  the  sandals  or  shoes,  wash- 
ing the  dust  from  the  feet,  and  passed  bowls  of  water  for 
the  hands.  They  then  brought  in  low  three-legged  tables,  one 
before  each  couch,  on  which  they  afterward  placed  course  after 
course  of  food. 

The  Greeks  of  this  period  were  not  luxurious  about  eating. 
The  meals  were  rather  simple.  Food  was  cut  into  small 
pieces  in  the  kitchen.  No  forks  or  knives  were  used  at 
table.  Men  ate  with  a  spoon,  or,  more  commonly,  with  the 
fingers ;  and  at  the  close,  slaves  once  more  passed  bowls  for 
washing  the  hands.  When  the  eating  was  over,  the  real  busi- 
ness of  the  evening  began  —  with  the  wine.  This  was  mixed 
with  water;  and  drunkenness  was  not  common ;  but  the  drinking 
lasted  late,  with  serious  or  playful  talk,  and  singing  and  story- 
telling, and  with  forfeits  for  those  who  did  not  perform  well  any 
part  assigned  them  by  the  "  master  of  the  feast  "  (one  of  their 
number  chosen  by  the  others  when  the  wine  appeared).  Often 
the  host  had  musicians  come  in,  with  jugglers  and  dancing 
girls.  Respectable  women  never  appeared  on  these  occasions. 
Only  on  marriage  festivals,  or  some  special  family  celebration, 
did  the  women  of  a  family  meet  male  guests  at  all. 


240 


THE  AGE  OF  PERICLES 


[§240 


240.  Education.  —  Education  at  Athens,  as  in  nearly  all 
Greece,  was  in  marked  contrast  with  Spartan  education  (§  130). 
It  aimed  to  train  harmoniously  the  intellect,  the  sense  of  beauty, 
the  moral  nature,  and  the  body.     At  the  age  of  seven  the  boy 


# 


<^ 


,/ 


^:'( 
-^^t 


School  Scenes.  — A  Bowl  Painting. 
Instruments  of  instruction,  irit>stly  musical,  hangjoii  the  walls.     In  the  first 
half,  one  instructor  is  correcting  the  exercise  w  a'boy  who  stands  before 
him.    Another  is  showing  how  to  use  the  flute.    The  seated  figures,  with 
staffs,  are  "pedagogues." 

entered  school,  but  he  was  constantly  under  the  eye  not  only 
of  the  teacher,  but  of  a  trusted  servant  of  his  own  family, 
called  a  pedagogue.^     The  chief  subjects  for  study  were  Homer 

1  The  word  meant  "  boy-leader."    Its  use  for  a  "  teacher  "  is  later. 


§  240]  EDUCATION  241 

and  music.  Homer,  it  has  well  been  said,  was  to  the  Greek 
at  once  Bible,  Shakespeare,  and  Robinson  Crusoe.  The  boy 
learned  to  write  on  papyrus  with  ink.  But  papyrus  was 
costly,  and  the  elementary  exercises  were  carried  on  with  a 
sharp  instrument  on  tablets  coated  with  wax.  No  great  pro- 
ficiency was  expected  from  the  average  rich  youth  in  writing  — 
since  he  would  have  slaves  do  most  of  it  for  him  in  after  life. 
The  schoolmaster  indulged  in  cruel  floggings  on  slight  occasion 
(Davis'  Headings,  Vol.  I,  No.  94). 

When  the  youth  left  school,  he  entered  upon  a  wider  train- 
ing, in  the  political  debates  of  the  Assembly,  in  the  lecture  halls 
of  the  Sophists,  in  the  many  festivals  and  religious  processioiis, 
in  the  plays  of  the  great  dramatists  at  the  theaters,  and  in  the 
constant  enjoyment  of  the  noblest  and  purest  works  of  art. 

Physical  training  began  with  the  child  and  continued 
through  old  age.  No  Greek  youth  would  pass  a  day  without 
devoting  some  hours  to  developing  his  body  and  to  overcoming 
any  physical  defect  or  awkwardness  that  he  might  have.  All 
classes  of  citizens,  except  those  bound  by  necessity  to  the  work- 
shop, met  for  exercise.  The  result  was  a  perfection  of  physical 
power  and  beauty  never  attained  so  universally  by  any  other 
people. 

Imaginative  Exercises.  — This  period  affords  excellent  material  for 
exercises  based  upon  the  training  of  the  historic  imagination.  Let  the 
student  absorb  all  the  information  he  can  find  upon  some  historical  topic, 
until  he  is  filled  with  its  spirit,  and  then  reproduce  it /row  the  inside,  with 
the  dramatic  spirit  —  as  though  he  lived  in  that  time  —  not  in  the  descrip- 
tive method  of  another  age.  The  following  topics  are  suggested  (the  list 
can  be  indefinitely  extended,  and  such  exercises  may  be  arranged  for  any 
period)  :  — 

1.  A  captive  Persian's  letter  to  a  friend  after  Plataea. 

2.  A  dialogue  between  Socrates  and  Xanthippe. 

3.  An  address  by  a  Messenian  to  his  fellows  in  their  revolt  against 
Sparta. 

4.  Extracts  from  a  diary  of  Pericles. 

6.   A  day  at  the  Olympic  games  (choose  some  particular  date). 


CHAPTER  XV 

THE  PELOPONNESIAN  WAR 
(431-404  B.C.) 

241.  Causes.  —  Athens  and  Sparta  were  at  the  opposite  poles 
of  Greek  civilization.  Athens  stood  for  progress.  Sparta  was 
the  champion  of  old  ways.  A  like  contrast  ran  through  the 
two  leagues  of  which  these  cities  were  the  heads.  The  cities 
of  the  Athenian  empire  were  Ionian  in  blood,  democratic  in 
politics,  commercial  in  interests.  Most  of  the  cities  of  the 
Peloponnesian  league  were  Dorian  in  blood  and  aristocratic  in 
politics,  and  their  citizens  were  landowners.  This  difference 
between  the  Athenian  and  Spartan  states  gave  rise  to  mutual 
distrust.  It  was  easy  for  any  misunderstanding  to  ripen  into 
war. 

Still,  if  none  of  the  cities  of  the  Peloponnesian  league  had  had 
any  interests  on  the  sea,  the  two  powers  might  each  have  gone 
its  own  way  without  crossing  the  other's  path.  But  Corinth 
and  Megara  (members  of  Sparta's  league)  were  trading  cities, 
like  Athens ;  and,  after  the  growth  of  the  Athenian  empire, 
they  felt  the  basis  of  their  prosperity  slipping  from  under 
them.  They  had  lost  the  trade  of  the  Aegean,  and  Athens  had 
gained  it.  And  now  Athens  was  reaching  out  also  for  the 
commerce  of  the  western  coasts  of  Greece.  Next  to  Sparta, 
Corinth  was  the  most  powerful  city  in  the  Peloponnesian 
league ;  and  she  finally  persuaded  Sparta  to  take  up  arms 
against  Athens,  hf fore  the  Thirty  Years'  Truce  (§  202)  had 
run  quite  half  its  length. 

242.  The  immediate  occasion  for  the  struggle  was  found  in 
some  aid  which  Athens  gave  Corcyra  against  an  attack  by 
Corinth  in  432  b.c. 

242 


§243]  RESOURCES  AND  PLANS  243 

Corcyra  was  the  third  naval  power  in  Greece.  Corinth  was  second 
only  to  Athens.  Corinth  and  Corcyra  had  come  to  blows,  and  Corcyra 
asked  to  be  taken  into  the  Athenian  league.  Athens  finally  promised 
defensive  aid,  and  sent  ten  ships  with  instructions  to  take  no  part  in 
offensive  operations,  A  great  armament  of  150  Corinthian  vessels 
appeared  off  the  southern  coast  of  Corcyra.  Corcyra  could  muster 
only  110  ships.  In  the  battle  that  followed,  the  Corinthians  were  at  first 
completely  -victorious.  They  sank  or  captured  many  ships,  and  seemed 
about  to  destroy  the  whole  Corcyran  fleet.  Then  the  little  Athenian 
squadron  came  to  the  rescue,  and  by  their  superior  skill  quickly 
restored  the  fortune  of  the  day. 

But  in  the  negotiations  that  followed,  between  Athens  and 
the  Peloponnesian  league,  this  matter  of  Corcyra  fell  out  of 
sight,  and  the  quarrel  was  joined  on  broader  issues.^  Sparta 
finally  sent  a  haughty  ultimatum,  posing,  herself,  as  the 
champion  of  a  free  Hellas  against  tyrant  Athens,  which  had  en- 
slaved the  Aegean  cities.  "  Let  Athens  set  those  cities  free, 
and  she  might  still  have  peace  with  Sparta."  A  timid  party, 
of  Athenian  aristocrats,  wished  peace  even  on  these  terms. 
But  the  Assembly  adopted  a  dignified  resolution  moved  by 
Pericles :  — 

"Let  us  send  the  ambassadors  away,"  said  he,  "with  this  answer: 
That  we  will  grant  independence  to  the  cities  ...  as  soon  as  the  Spartans 
allow  their  subject  states  [Messenia  and  the  subject  towns  of  Laconia]  to 
be  governed  as  they  choose,  and  not  by  the  will  and  interest  of  Sparta. 
Also,  that  we  are  willing  to  offer  arbitration,  according  to  the  treaty  [the 
treaty  of  the  Thirty  Years'  Truce].  And  that  we  do  not  want  to  begin 
the  war,  but  shall  know  how  to  defend  ourselves  if  we  are  attacked." 

As  Pericles  frankly  warned  the  Assembly,  this  reply  meant 
conflict.     And  so  in  431  began  the  "  Peloponnesian  War." 

243.  Resources  and  Plans.  —  The  Peloponnesian  league  could 
muster  a  hundred  thousand  hoplites,  against  whom  in  that 
day  no  army  in  the  world  could  stand ;  bu^^  it  could  not  keep 
many  men  in  the  field  longer  than  a  few  weeks.     Sparta  could 

1  Special  report :  the  narrative  of  the  deliberations  at  Sparta  regarding  war 
or  peace  (note  especially  Thucydides'  account  of  the  Corinthian  speech  re- 
garding Sparta  and  Athens  in  Davis'  Readings,  Vol.  I,  No.  77). 


244  THE  PELOPONNESIAN  WAR  [§244 

not  capture  Athens,  therefore,  and  must  depend  upon  ravaging 
Attic  territory  and  inducing  Athenian  allies  to  revolt. 

Athens  had  only  some  twenty-six  thousand  hoplites  at  her 
command,  and  half  of  these  were  needed  for  distant  garrison 
duty.  But  she  had  a  navy  even  more  unmatched  on  the  sea  than 
the  Peloponnesian  army  was  on  land.  Her  walls  were  impreg- 
nable. The  islands  of  Euboea  and  Salamis,  and  the  open  sj)aces 
within  the  Long  AValls,  she  thought,  could  receive  her  country 
people  with  their  flocks  and  herds.  The  corn*  trade  of  south 
Russia  was  securely  in  her  hands.  The  grain  ships  could  enter 
the  Piraeus  as  usual,  however  the  Spai'tans  might  hold  the 
open  country  of  Attica.  Athens  could  easily  alford  to  support 
her  population  for  a  time  from  her  annual  revenues,  to  say 
nothing  of  the  immense  surplus  of  6000  talents  ($6,000,000)  in 
the  treasury. 

,  When  war  began,  the  Spartans  marched  each  year  into 
Attica  with  overwhelming  force,  and  remained  there  for  some 
weeks,  laying  waste  the  crops,  burning  the  villages,  and  cut- 
ting down  the  olive  groves,  up  to  the  very  walls  of  Athens. 
At  first,  with  frenzied  rage,  the  Athenians  clamored  to  march 
out  against  the  invader;  but  Pericles  strained  his  great  au- 
thority to  prevent .  such  a  disaster,  and  finally  he  convinced 
the  people  that  they  must  bear  this  insult  and  injury  with 
patience.  Meantime,  an  Athenian  fleet  was  always  sent  to 
ravage  the  coasts  and  harbors  of  Peloponnesus  and  to  conquer 
various  exposed  allies  of  Sparta.  Each  party  could  inflict 
considerable  damage,  hut  neither  could  get  at  the  other  to  strike  a 
vital  bloiv.  The  war  promised  to  be  a  matter  of  endurance. 
•  Here  Athens  seemed  to  have  an  advantage,  since  she  had  the 
stronger  motive  for  holding  out.  She  was  fighting  to  preserve 
her  empire,  and  could  not  give  up  without  ruin.  Sparta  could 
cease  fighting  without  loss  to  herself ;  and  Pericles  hoped  to 
tire  her  out. 

244.  The  Plague  in  Athens.  —  The  plan  of  Pericles  might 
have  been  successful,  had  the  Spartans  not  been  encouraged 
by  a  tragic  disaster  which  fell  upon  Athens  and  which  no  one 


§244]  THE   PLAGUE   IN  ATHENS  245 

in  that  day  could  have  foreseen.  A  terrible  plague  had  been 
ravaging  western  Asia,  and  in  the  second  year  of  the  war  it 
reached  the.  Aegean.  In  most  parts  of  Hellas  it  did  no  great 
harm  ;  but  in  Athens  it  was  peculiarly  deadly.  The  people  of 
all  Attica,  crowded  into  the  one  city,  were  living  under  unusual 
and  unwholesome  conditions ;  and  the  pestilence  returned  each 
summer  for  several  years.  It  slew  more  than  a  fourth  of  the 
population,  and  paralyzed  industry  and  all  ordinary  activ- 
ities. Worse  still,  it  shattered,  for  years,  the  proud  and  joy- 
ous self-trust  which  had  come  to  the  Athenian  people  after 
Marathon. 

Thucydides,  an  eye  witness,  has  described  the  ravages  of  the 
plague  and  exjjlained  their  cause.  "  When  the  country  people 
of  Attica  arrived  in  Athens,"  he  says,  "  a  few  had  homes  of  their 
own,  or  found  friends  to  take  them  in.  But  far  the  greater 
number  had  to  find  a  place  to  live  on  some  vacant  spot  or  in 
the  temples  of  the  gods  and  chapels  of  the  heroes.  .  .  .  Many 
also  camped  down  in  the  towers  of  the  walls  or  .wherever  else 
they  could;  for  the  city  proved  too  small  to  hold  them." 
Thucydides  could  see  the  unhappy  results  of  these  conditions, 
after  the  plague  had  fallen  on  the  city;  and  he  adds,  with 
grim  irony,  that  "  while  these  country  folk  were  dividing  the 
spaces  between  the  Long  Walls  and  settling  there,"  the  govern- 
ment (Generals  and  Council)  were  "  paying  great  attention  to 
mustering  a  fleet  for  ravaging  the  Peloponnesian  coasts." 

Then,  in  dealing  with  the  horrible  story  of  the  plague, 
Thucydides  shows  how  these  conditions  prepared  for  it.  "  The 
new  arrivals  from  the  country  were  the  greatest  sufferers, — 
lodged  during  this  hot  season  in  stifling  huts,  where  death 
raged  without  check.  The  bodies  of  dying  men  lay  one  upon 
another,  and  half-dead  creatures  reeled  about  the  streets,  poi- 
soning all  the  fountains  and  wells  with  their  bodies,  in  their 
longing  for  water.  The  sacred  places  in  which  they  had 
camped  were  full  of  corpses  [a  terrible  sacrilege,  to  Greeks] ; 
for  men,  not  knoiving  what  was  to  become  of  them,  became 
wholly  careless  of  everything." 


246  THE  PELOPONNESIAN  WAR  [§245 

245.  Twenty-seven  Years  of  War.  —  Still,  the  Athenians  did 
recover  their  buoyant  hope ;  and  the  war  dragged  along  with 
varying  success  for  twenty-seven  years,  with  one  short  and 
ill-kept  truce,  —  a  whole  generation  growing  up  from  the 
cradle  to  manhood  in  incessant  war.  A  story  of  the  long  strug- 
gle in  detail  would  take  a  volume.  The  contest  was  not  of  such 
lasting  impoHance  as  the  preceding  struggle  between  the  Greek  and 
Persian  civilizations;  and  only  a  few  incidents  require  mention. 

246.  Athenian  Naval  Supremacy.  —  On  the  sea  the  superiority 
of  Athens  consisted  not  merely  in  the  size  of  her  navy,  hut  even 
more  in  its  skill.  The  other  Greeks  still  fought,  as  at  the  time 
of  Salamis,  by  dashing  their  ships  against  each  other,  beak 
against  beak,  and  then,  if  neither  was  sunk,  by  grappling  the 
vessels  together,  and  fighting  as  if  on  land.  The  Athenians, 
however,  had  now  learned  to  maneuver  their  ships,  rowing 
swiftly  about  the  enemy  with  many  feints,  and  seizing  the 
opportunity  to  sink  a  ship  by  a  sudden  blow  at  an  exposed 
point.  Their-  improved  tactics  revolutionized  naval  warfare ; 
and  for  years  small  fleets  of  Athenian  ships  proved  equal  to 
three  times  their  number  of  the  enemy.^  Gradually,  however, 
the  Peloponnesians  learned  something  of  the  Athenian  tactics, 
and  this  difference  became  less  marked. 

247.  New  Leaders.  —  The  deadliest  blow  of  the  plague  was 
the  striking  dojwn  qf__J*mcles,  who  died  of  the  disease,  in 
the  third  year  of  the  war.  Never  had  the  Athenians  so 
needed  his  controlling  will  and  calm  judgment.  He  was  fol- 
lowed by  a  new  class  of  leaders,  —  men  of  the  people,  like 
Cleon  the  tanner,  and  Hyperholus  the  lampmaker,  —  men  of 
strong  will  and  much  force,  but  rude,  untrained,  unscrupulous, 
and  ready  to  surrender  their  own  convictions,  if  necessary,  to 
win  the  favor  of  the  crowd.  Such  men  were  to  lead  Athens 
into  many  blunders  and  crimes.  Over  against  them  stood 
only  a  group  of  incapable  aristocrats,  led  by  Nicias,  a  good  but 
stupid  man,  and  Alcibi^des.  a  brilliant,  unprincipled  adventurer. 

1  Special  report  to  illustrate  these  points :  the  story  of  Phormio's  victories 
in  the  Corinthian  Gulf  in  431. 


§  249]  ATHENIAN  DISASTER  247 

Athens  was  peculiarly  unfortunate  in  her  statesmen  at 
this  period.  She  produced  no  Themistocles,  or  Aristides,  or 
Cimon,  or  Pericles ;  and  Phormio  and  Demosthenes,  her  great 
admirals,  were  usually  absent  from  the  city.  Sparta,  on  the 
other  hand,  produced  two  greater  generals  than  ever  before  in 
her  history:  Brasidas,  whose  brilliant  campaigns  overthrew 
Athenian  supremacy  on  the  coast  of  Thrace ;  and  Lysander, 
who  was  finally  to  bring  the  war  to  a  close^ 

248.  Athenian  Disaster  in  Sicily.  —  The  turning-point  in  the 
war  was  an  unwise  and  misconducted  Athenian  expedition 
against  Syracuse.^  Two  hundred  perfectly  equipped  ships  and 
over  forty  thousand  men  —  among  them  eleven  thousand  of 
the  flower  of  the  Athenian  hoplites  —  were  pitifully  sacrificed 
by  the  superstition  and  miserable  generalship  of  their  leader, 
Nicias  (413  b.c).  * 

Even  after  this  crushing  disaster  Athens  refused  peace  that 
should  take  away  her  empire.  Every  nerve  was  strained,  and 
the  last  resources  and  reserve  funds  exhausted,  to  build  and 
man  new  fleets.  The  war  lasted  nine  years  more,  and  part  of 
the  time  Athens  seemed  as  supreme  in  the  Aegean  as  ever. 
Two  things  are  notable  in  the  closing  chapters  of  the  struggle, 
—  the  attempt  to  overthrow  democracy  in  Athens,  and  Sparta's 
betrayal  of  the  Asiatic  Greeks  to  Persia  (§§  249,  250). 

249.  The  Rule  of  the  Four  Hundred.  —For  a  century,  the  oli- 
garchic party  had  hardly  raised  its  head  in  Athens ;  but  in  411, 
it  attempted  once  more  to  seize  the  government.  Wealthy  men 
of  moderate  opinions  were  wearied  by  the  heavy  taxation  of  the 
war.  The  democracy  had  blundered  sadly  and  had  shown  itself 
unfit  to  deal  with  foreign  relations,  where  secrecy  and  dispatch 
were  essential ;  and  its  new  leaders  were  particularly  offensive 
to  the  old  Athenian  families. 

Under  these  conditions,  the  officers  of  the  fleet  conspired 
with  secret  oligarchic  societies  at  home.  Leading  democrats 
were  assassinated ;  and  the  Assembly  was  terrorized  into  sur- 


1  Syracuse,  a  Dorian  city  and  a  warm  friend  to  Sparta,  had  been  encroach- 
ing upon  Ionian  allies  of  Athens  in  Sicily. 


248  THE  PELOPONNESIAN  WAR  [§250 

rendering  its  powers  to  a  council  of  Four  Hundred  of  the  oli- 
garchs. But  this  body  proved  generally  incompetent,  except 
in  murder  and  plunder,  and  it  permitted  needless  disasters  in 
the  war.  After  a  few  months,  the  Athenian  fleet  at  Samos  de- 
posed its  oligarchic  officers ;  and  the  democracy  at  home  expelled 
the  Four  Hundred  and  restored  the  old  government. 


Route  of  the  Long  Walls,  looking  southwest  to  the  harbor,  some  three 
and  one  half  miles  distant.    From  a  recent  photograph. 

250.  Sparta  betrays  the  Asiatic  Greeks.  —  In  412,  immediately 
after  the  destruction  of  the  Athenian  army  and  fleet  in  Sicily, 
Persian  satraps  appeared  again  upon  the  Aegean  coast.  Sparta 
at  once  bought  the  aid  of  their  gold  by  promising  to  betray  the 
freedom  of  the  Asiatic  Greeks,  —  to  whom  the  Athenian  name 
had  been  a  shield  for  seventy  years.  Persian  funds  now  built 
fleet  after  fleet  for  Sparta,  and  slowly  Athens  was  exhausted, 
despite  some  brilliant  victories. 

251.  Fall  of  Athens.  —  In  405,  the  last  Athenian  fleet  was 
surprised  and  captured  at  Aegospotami  (  Goat  Elvers).  Appar- 
ently the  officers  had  been  plotting  again  for  an  oligarchic  revolu- 
tion; and  the  sailors  had  been  discouraged  and  demoralized, 
even  if  they  were  not  actually  betrayed  by  their  commanders. 


§  251]  FALL  OF  ATHENS  249 

Lysander,  the  Spartan  commander,  in  cold  blood  put  to  death 
the  four  thousand  Athenian  citizens  among  the  captives.* 

This  slaughter  marks  the  end.  AtSens  still  held  out  despair- 
ing but  stubborn,  until  starved  into  submission  by  a  terrible 
siege.  In  404,  the  proud  city  surrendered  to  the  mercy  of  its 
foes.  Corinth  and  Thebes  wished  to  raze  it  from  the  earth; 
but  Sparta  had  no  mind  to  do  away  with  so  useful  a  check  upon 
those  cities.  She  compelled  Athens  to  renounce  all  claims  to 
empire,  to  give  up  all  alliances,  to  surrender  all  her  ships  but 
twelve,  and  to  promise  to  ^'  follow  Sparta  "  in  peace  and  war. 
The  Long  Walls  and  the  defenses  of  the  Piraeus  were  demol- 
ished, to  the  music  of  Peloponnesian  flutes;  and  Hellas  was 
declared  free  ! 

Events  w^ere  at  once  to  show  this  promise  a  cruel  mockery. 
The  one  power  that  could  have  grown  into  a  free  and  united 
Greece  had  been  ruined,  and  it  remained  to  see  to  whxU  foreign 
master  Greece  should  fall. 

For  Further  Beading.  —  Specially  suggested:  Davis'  Readings, 
Vol.  I,  Nos.  81-86  (16  pages),  gives  the  most  striking  episodes  of  the  war, 
as  they  were  told  by  the  Athenian  historians  of  the  day,  Thucydides 
and  Xenophon.  Plutarch's  Lives  (" Alcibiades,"  "Nicias,"  and  "Ly- 
sander") is  the  next  most  valuable  authority. 

The  following  modern  authorities  continue  to  be  useful  (and  may  be 
consulted  for  special  reports  upon  the  period,  if  any  are  assigned)  :  Bury, 
chs.  X,  xi ;  the  closing  parts  of  Grant's  Age  of  Pericles  and  of  Abbott's 
Pericles;  and  Cox's  Athenian  Empire.  Bury  gives  120  pages  to  Uie 
struggle,  — too  long  an  account  for  reading,  but  useful  for  special  topics. 

1  Special  reports:  (1)  Cleon's  leadership.  (2)  The  trial  of  the  Athenian 
generals  after  the  victory  of  Arginusae.  (3)  The  massacre  of  the  Mytilenean 
oligarchs  (story  of  the  decree  and  the  reprieve).  (4)  Massacre  of  the  Melians 
by  Athens,  415  B.C.  (5)  Note  the  merciless  nature  of  the  struggle,  as  shown 
by  other  massacres  of  prisoners :  i.e.,  Thebans  by  Plataeans,  431  B.C. ;  Pla- 
taeans  by  Thebans,  427  B.C.;  thousands  of  Athenians  in  the  mines  of  Syracuse; 
the  four  thousand  Athenians  after  Aegospotami.  (6)  The  career  of  Alcibi- 
ades.  (7)  The  Thracian  campaigns.  (8)  The  Sicilian  expedition.  (9)  The 
Siege  of  Plataea. 

Material  for  such  reports  will  be  easily  found  in  the  books  named  at  the 
end  of  this  chapter. 


CHAPTER  XVI 

FROM  THE  FALL  OF  ATHENS  TO  THE  FALL  OF  HELLAS 
(404^338  B.C.) 

252.  Decline  of  Hellas.  —  The  Athenian  empire  had  lasted  seventy 
glorious  years.  Nearly  an  equal  time  was  yet  to  elapse  before  Hellas 
fell  under  Macedonian  sway;  but  it  need  not  detain  us  long.  Persia 
had  already  begun  again  to  enslave  the  Greeks  of  Asia ;  Carthage  again 
did  the  like  in  Sicily ;  and  in  the  European  peninsula  the  period  was  one 
of  shame  or  of  profitl^s  wars.  It  falls  into  three  parts :  thirty -three 
years  of  Spartan  supremacy;  nin^  years  of  Theban  supremacy;  and 
some  twenty  years  of  anarchy. 

SPARTAN   SUPREMACY,   404-371    B.C. 

253.  "  Decarchies."  —  After  Aegospotami,  Sparta  was  mis- 
tress of  Greece  more  completely  than  Athens  had  ever  been, 
but  for  only  half  as  long ;  and  most  of  that  time  vas  given  to 
wars  to  maintain  her  authority.  She  had  promised  to  set 
Hellas  free ;  but  the  cities  of  the  old  Athenian  empire  found 
that  they  had  exchanged  a  mild,  wise  rule  for  a  coarse  and 
stupid  despotism.^  Their  old  tribute  was  doubled;  their  self-gov- 
ernment was  taken  away  ;  bloodshed  and  confusion  ran  riot  in 
their  streets. 

Everywhere  Sparta  overthrew  the  old  democracies,  and  set 
up  oligarchic  governments.  Usually  the  management  of  a 
city  was  given  to  a  board  of  ten  men,  called  a  decarchy  ("  rule 
of  ten").  These  oligarchies,  of  course,  were  dependent  upon 
Sparta.^     To  defend  them  against  any  democratic  rising,  there 

1  ^oTi  Ji^ft^y?f^?Ti  y^^i^ij^Vffj  ??n  '^rll,  gives  an  admirable  contrast  between  the 
Athenian  and  the  Spartan  systems. 

2  Note  the  likeness  between  this  Spartan  method  and  the  Persian  practice 
of  setting  up  tyrannies,  dependent  upon  Persia,  in  tlie  Ionian  cities  (§  164). 

250 


§  255]  SPARTAN  TYKANNY  OVER  GREECE  251 

was  placed  in  many  cities  a  Spartan  garrison,  with  a  Spartan 
military  governor  called  a  harmost.  The  garrisons  plundered  at 
will ;  the  harmosts  grew  rich  from  extortion  and  bribes ;  the 
decarchies  were  slavishly  subservient  to  their  masters,  while 
they  wreaked  upon  their  fellow-citizens  a  long  pent-up  aristo- 
cratic vengeance,  in  confiscation,  outrage,  expulsion,  assassina- 
tion, and  massacre. 

254.  Spartan  Decay.  —  In  Sparta  itself  luxury  and  corruption 
replaced  the  old  simplicity.  As  a  result,  the  number  of  citi- 
zens was  rapidly  growing  smaller.  Property  was  gathered 
into  the  hands  of  a  few,  while  many  Spartans  grew  too  poor  to 
support  themselves  at  the  public  mess  (§  130).  These  poorer 
men  ceased  to  be  looked  upon  as  citizens.  They  were  not  per- 
mitted to  vote  in  the  Assembly;  and  were  known  as  "  In- 
feriors." The  10,000  citizens,  of  the  Persian  War  period, 
shrank  to  2000. 

The  discontent  of  the  "Inferiors"  added  to  the  standing 
danger  from  the  Helots.  A  plot  was  formed  between  these 
classes  to  change  the  government ;  and  only  an  accident  pre- 
vented an  armed  revolution.^  Thus,  even  at  home,  the  Spartan 
rule  during  this  period  rested  on  a  volcano. 

255.  The  "  Thirty  jTyrants  "  at  Athens.  —  For  a  time  even 
Athens  remained  a  victim  to  Spartan  tyranny,  like  any  petty 
Ionian  city.  After  the  surrender,  in  404,  Lysander  appointed 
a  committee  of  thirty  from  the  oligarchic  dubs  of  Athens  "  to 
reestablish  •  the  constitution  of  the  fathers."  Meantime,  they 
were  to  hold  absolute  power.  This  committee  was  expected  to 
undo  the  reforms  of  Pericles  and  Clisthenes  and  even  of 
Solon,  ana  to  restore  the  ancient  ofigarphy.  As  a  matter  of 
fact  they  did  worse  than  that:  they  published  no  constitution 
at  all,  but  instead  they  filled  all  ofiices  with  their  own  followers 
and  plotted  to  make  their  rule  permanent. 

These  men  were  kno^n  as  "the  Thirty  Tyrants."  They 
called  in  a  Spartan  harmost  and  garrison,  to  whom  they  gave 
the  fortress  of  the  Acropolis.     They  disarmed'  the  citizens,  ex-r    ' 

1  Special  report  :  the  conspiracy  of  Cinadon  at  Sparta.  \ 


252  SPARTAN  SUPREMACY  [§256 

cept  some  three  thousand  of  their  own  adherents.  Then  they 
began  a  bloody  and  greedy  rule.  Rich  democrats  and  alien 
merchants  were  put  to  death  or  driven  into  exile,  in  order  that 
their  property  might  be  confiscated.^  The  victims  of  this  pro- 
scription were  counted  by  hundreds,  perhaps  by  thousands. 
Larger  numbers  fled,  and,  despite  the  orders  of  Sparta,  they 
were  sheltered  by  Thebes.  That  city  had  felt  aggrieved  that 
her  services  in  the  Peloponnesian  War  received  no  reward 
from  Sparta,  and  now  she  would  have  been  glad  to  see  Athens 
more  powerful  again. 

256.  Athens  again  Free.  —  This  reign  of  terror  at  Athens 
lasted  over  a  year.  Then,  in  403,  one  of  the  democratic  exiles, 
Thrasybulus,  with  a  band  of  companions  from  Thebes,  seized  the 
Piraeus.  The  aliens  of  the  harbor  rose  to  his  support.  The 
Spartan  garrison  and  the  forces  of  the  Thirty  were  defeated. 
A  quarrel  between  Lysander  and  the  Spartan  king  prevented 
serious  Spartan  interference,  and  the  old  Athenian  democracy 
recovered  the  government- 

The  aliens  and  sailors  of  the  Piraeus  had  fought  valiantly 
with  the  democrats  against  the  Thirty.  Thrasybulus  now 
urged  that  they  be  made  full  citizens.  That  just  measure  would 
have  made  up  partly  for  Athens'  terrible  losses  in  the  Pelopon- 
nesian War.  Unfortunately,  it  was  not  adopted ;  but  in  other 
respects,  the  restored  democracy  showed  itself  generous  as  well 
as  moderate.  A  few  of  the  most  guilty  of  the  Thirty  were 
punished,  but  for  all  others  a  general  amnesty  was  declared. 

The  good  faith  and  moderation  of  the  democracy  contrasted 
so  favorably  with  the  cut-throat  rule  of  the  two  recent  experi- 
ments at  oligarchy,  that  Athens  was  undisturbed  in  future  by 
revolution.  Other  parts  of  Greece,  however,  were  less  fortu- 
nate, and  democracy  never  again  became  so  generally  established 
in  Hellenic  cities  as  it  had  been  in  the  age  of  Pericles. 

257.  "  March  of  the  Ten  Thousand."  —  Meantime,  important 
events  were  taking  place  in  the  East.     In  401,  the  weakness  of 

1  Davis'  Readings,  Vol.  I,  No.  100,  gives  a  famous  instance. 


§259]  LEAGUE  AGAINST  SPARTA  253 

the  Persian  empire  was  strikingly  shown.  Cyrus  the  Younger , 
brother  of  the  king  Artaxerxes,  endeavored  to  seize  the  Persian 
throne.  While  a  satrap  in  Asia  Minor,  Cyrus  had  furnished 
Sparta  the  money  to  keep  her  fleet  together  before  the  battle 
of  Goat  Eivers ;  and  now,  through  Sparta's  favor,  he  was  able 
to  enlist  ten  thousand  Greeks  in  his  army. 

Cyrus  penetrated  to  the  heart  of  the  Persian  empire ;  but  in 
the  battle  of  Cunaxa,  near  Babylon,  he  was  killed,  and  his 
Asiatic  troops  routed.  The  Ten  Thousand  Greeks,  however, 
proved  unconquerable  by  the  Persian  host  of  half  a  million. 
By  treachery  the  leaders  were  entrapped  and  murdered ;  but 
under  the  inspiration  of  Xenophon  ^  the  Athenian,  the  Ten 
Thousand  chose  new  generals  and  made  a  remarkable  retreat 
to  the  Greek  districts  on  the  Black  Sea.  ^ 

258.  Renewal  of  the  Persian  Wars.  —  Until  this  time  the 
Greeks  had  waged  their  contests  with  Persia  only  along  the 
coasts  of  Asia.  After  the  Ten  Thousand  had  marched,  almost 
at  will,  through  so  many  hostile  nations,  the  Greeks  began  to 
dream  of  conquering  the  Asiatic  continent.  Seventy  years  later, 
Alexander  the  Great  was  to  make  this  dteam  a  fact.  First, 
however,  the  attempt  was  made  by  Agesilaus,  king  of  Sparta. 

Sparta  had  brought  down  upon  herself  the  wrath  of  Persia, 
anyway,  by  favoring  Cyrus  ;  and  Agesilaus  burned  with  a  noble 
ambition  to  free  the  Asiatic  Greeks,  who,  a  little  before  (§  250), 
had  been  abandoned  to  Persia  by  his  country.  Thus  war  began 
between  Sparta  and  Persia.  In  396,  Agesilaus  invaded  Asia 
Minor  with  a  large  army,  but  was  checked,  in  full  career  of 
conquest,  by  events  at  home  (§  259). 

259.  A  Greek  League  against  Sparta,  395  B.C.  —No  sooner  was 
Sparta  engaged  with  Persia  than  enemies  rose  up  in  Greece  it- 
self. Thebes,  Corinth,  Athens,  and  Argos  formed  an  alliance 
against  her,  and  the  empire  she  had  gained  at  Goat  Rivers 
was  shattered  by  Conon.  Conon  was  the  ablest  of  the  Athenian 
generals  in  the  latter  period  of  the  Peloponnesian  War.     At 

iCf.  §  224  and  §  41.  Xenophon's  Anabasis  is  our  authority  for  these 
events. 


254 


SPARTAN  SUPREMACY 


[§260 


Goat  Rivers  he  was  the  only  one  who  had  kept  his  squadron  in 
order ;  and  after  all  was  lost,  he  had  escaped  to  Rhodes  and 
entered  Persian   service.      Now,  in  394,  in    command   of    a 

Persian  fleet  (mainly 
made  up  of  Phoeni- 
cian ships)  he  com- 
pletely destroyed  the 
Spartan  naval  power 
at  the  battle  of  Cni- 
dus. 

Spartan  authority 
in  the  Aegean  van- 
ished. Conon  sailed 
from  island  to  island, 
expelling  the  Spartan 
garrisons,  and  restor- 
ing democracies ;  and 
in  the  next  year  he 
anchored  in  the  Pi- 
raeus and  rebuilt  the 
Long  Walls.  Athens 
again  became  one  of 
the  great  powers ;  and 
Sparta  fell  back  into 
her  old  position  as 
mere  head  of  the  in- 
land Peloponnesian 
league. 
After  a  few  more  years 
In  387, 


The  Hermes  of  Praxiteles. 

The  arms  and  legs  of  the  statue  are  sadly  muti- 
lated, but  the  head  is  one  of  the  most  famous 
remains  of  Greek  art.    Cf .  §  220,  note. 


260.    Peace  of  Antalcidas,  387  b.c 

of  indecisive  war,  Sparta  sought  peace  with  Persia, 
the  two  powers  invited  all  the  Greek  states  to  send  deputies  to 
Sardis,  where  the  Persian  king  dictated  the  terms.  The  document 
read :  — 

"  King  Artaxerxes  deems  it  just  that  the  cities  in  Asia,  with  the  islands 
of  Clazomenae  and  Cyprus^  should  belong  to  himself.  The  rest  of  the  Hel- 
lenic cities,  both  great  and  small,  he  will  leave  independent,  save  Lemnos, 


§262]  THEBES  — LEUCTllA  255 

Imbros,  and  Scyros,  which  three  are  to  belong  to  Athens  as  of  yore. 
Should  any  of  the  parties  not  accept  this  peace,  I,  Artaxerxes,  together 
with  those  who  share  my  views  [the  Spartans],  will  war  against  the 
offenders  by  land  and  sea."  —  Xenephon,  Hellenica^  v,  1. 

Sparta  held  that  these  terms  dissolved  all  the  other  leagues 
(like  the  Boeotian,  of  which  Thebes  was  the  head),  but  that 
they  did  not  affect  her  own  control  over  her  subject  towns  in 
Laconia,  nor  weaken  the  Peloponnesian  confederacy. 

Thus  Persia  and  Sparta  again  consjyired  to  betray  Hellas. 
Persia  helped  Sparta  to  keep  the  European  Greek  states  divided 
and  weak,  as  they  were  before  the  Persian  War ;  and  Sparta 
helped  Persia  to  recover  her  old  authority  over  the  Asiatic 
Greeks.  By  this  iniquity  the  tottering  Spartan  supremacy  was 
bolstered  up  a  few  years  longer. 

Of  course  the  shame  of  betraying  the  Asiatic  Greeks  must  be  shared 
by  the  enemies  of  Sparta,  who  had  used  Persian  aid  against  her  ;  but  the 
policy  had  been  first  introduced  by  Sparta  in  seeking  Persian  assistance  in 
412  against  Athens  (§  250)  ;  and  so  far  no  other  Greek  state  had  offered 
to  surrender  Hellenic  cities  to  barbarians  as  the  price  of  such  aid. 

261.  Spartan  Aggressions.  —  Sparta  had  saved  her  power  by 
infamy.  She  used  it,  with  the  same  brutal  cunning  as  in  the 
past,  to  keep  down  the  beginnings  of  greatness  elsewhere  in 
Greece. 

Thus,  Arcadia  had  shown  signs  of  growing  strength;  but 
Sparta  now  broke  up  the  leading  Qity^-Mantinea,  and  dispersed 
the  inhabitants  in  villages.  In  Chalcidice^^he  city  of  Olynthus 
had  organized  its  neighbors  into  a  promising  league.  A  Spartan 
army  compelled  this  league  to  break  up.  While  on  the  way  to 
Chalcidice,  part  of  this  army,  by  treachery,  in  time  of  peace, 
seized  the  citadel  of  Thebes.  And,  when  the  Athenian  naval 
power  began  to  revive,  a  like  treacherous  though  unsuccessful, 
attempt  was  made  upon  the  Piraeus. 

262.  Thebes  a  Democracy.  — These  high-handed  outrages 
were  to  react  upon  the  offender.  First  there  came  a  revolution 
at  Thebes.  The  Spartan  garrison  there  had  set  up  an  oligarchic 
Theban  government  which  had  driven  crowds  of  citizens  into 

\ 


256 


SPARTAN  SUPREMACY 


[§263 


exile.  Athens  received  them,  just  as  Thebes  had  sheltered 
Athenian  fugitives  in  the  time  of  the  Thirty  Tyrants;  and^ 
from  Athens  Pelopidas,  a  leader  of  the  exiles,  struck  the  return 
blow.^  In  379,  Thebes  was  surprised  and  seized  by  the  exiles, 
and  the  government  passed  into  the  hands  of  the  democrats. 
Then  Thebes  and  Athens  joined  in  a  new  war  upon  Sparta. 

263.  Leuctra ;  the  Overthrow  of  Sparta.  —  The  war  dragged 
along  for  some  years ;  and  in  371  b.c,  the  contending  parties, 

wearied  with  fruitless 
strife,  concluded  peace. 
But  when  the  treaty  was 
being  signed,  JEmamji^dn/ 
das,  the  '  Theban  repre- 
sentative, demanded  the 
right  to  sign  for  all  Boeo- 
tia,  as  Sparta  had  signed 
for  all  Laconia.  Athens 
would  not  support  Thebes 
in  this  position.  So 
Thebes  was  excluded 
from  the  peace;  and 
Sparta  turned  to  crush  her.  A  powerful  army  at  once  invaded 
Boeotia,  —  and  met  with  an  overwhelming  defeat  by  a  smaller 
Theban  force  at  Leuctra. 

This  amazing  result  was  due  to  the  military  genius  of  Epam- 
inondas.  Hitherto  the  Greeks  had  fought  in  long  lines,  from 
eight  to  twelve  men  deep.  Epaminondas  adopted  a  new 
arrangement  that  marks  a  step  in  warfare.  He  massed  his 
best  troops  in  a  solid  column,  fifty  men  deep,  on  the  left,  oppo- 
site the  Spartan  wing  in  the  Peloponnesian  army.  His  other 
troops  were  spread  out  as  thin  as  possible.     The  solid  phalanx 

1  The  story  is  full  of  adventure.  Pelopidas  and  a  number  of  other  daring 
young  men  among  the  exiles  returned  secretly  to  Thebes,  and,  through  the  aid 
of  friends  there,  were  admitted  (disguised  as  dancing  girls)  to  a  banquet 
where  the  Theban  oligarchs  were  already  deep  in  wine.  They  killed  the 
drunken  traitors  with  their  daggers.  Then,  running  through  the  streets,  they 
called  the  people  to  expel  the  Spartans  from  the  citadel. 


§  265]  EPAMINONDAS  257 

was  set  in  motion  first ;  then  the  thinner  center  and  right  wing 
'dvanced  more  slowly,  so  as  to  engage  the  attention  of  the 
enemy  opposite,  but  not  to  come  into  action  until  the  battle 
should  have  been  won  by  the  massed  column. 

In  short,  Epaminondas  massed  his  force  against  one  part  of 
the  enemy.  The  weight  of  the  Theban  charge  crushed  through 
the  Spartan  line,  and  trampled  it  under.  Four  hundred  of  the 
seven  hundred  Spartans,  with  their  king  and  with  a  thousand 
other  Peloponnesian  hoplites,  went  down  in  ten  minutes. 

The  mere  loss  of  men  was  fatal  enough,  now  that  Spartan 
citizenship  was  so  reduced  (the  number  of  full  citizens  after 
this  battle  did  not  exceed  fifteen  hundred)  ;  but  the  effect  upon 
the  military  prestige  of  Sparta  was  even  more  deadly.  At  one 
stroke  Sparta  sank  into  a  second-rate  power.  None  the  less. 
Spartan  character  never  showed  to  better  advantage.  Sparta 
was  always  greater  in  defeat  than  in  victory,  and  she  met  her 
fate  with  heroic  composure.  The  news  of  the  overthrow  did 
not  interfere  with  a  festival  that  was  going  on,  and  only  the 
relatives  of  the  survivors  of  the  battle  appeared  in  mourning. 

THEBAN  SUPREMACY 

264.  Epaminondas.  —  For  nine  years  after  Leuctra,  Thebes 
was  the  head  of  Greece.  This  position  she  owed  to  her  great 
leader,  Epaminondas^  whose  life  marks  one  of  the  fair  heights 
to  which  human  nature  can  ascend.  Epaminondas  was  great 
as  general,  statesman,  and  philosopher ;  but  he  was  greatest  as 
a  man,  lofty  and  lovable  in  nature.  In  his  earlier  days  he  had 
been  looked  upon  as  a  dreamer;  and  when  the  oligarchs  of 
Thebes  drove  out  Pelopidas  and  other  active  patriots  (§  262), 
they  only  sneered  while  Epaminondas  continued  calmly  to  talk 
of  liberty  to  the  young.  Later,  it  was  recognized  that,  more 
than  any  other  man,  he  had  prepared  the  way  for  the  over- 
throw of  tyranny ;  and  after  the  expulsion  of  the  oligarchs  he 
became  the  organizer  of  the  democracy. 

265.  Sparta  surrounded  by  Hostile  Cities.  —  Epaminondas 
sought  to  do  for  Thebes  what  Pericles  had  done  for  Athens. 


258  THEBAN  SUPREMACY  [§266 

While  he  lived,  success  seemed  possible.  Unhappily,  the  few- 
years  remaining  of  his  life  he  was  compelled  to  give  mainly  to 
war.  Laconia  was  repeatedly  invaded.  During  these  cam- 
paigns Epaminondas  freed  Messenia,^  on  one  side  of  Sparta, 
and  organized  Arcadia,  on  the  other  side,  into  a  federal  union, 
—  so  as  to  "surround  Sparta  with  a  perpetual  blockade." 
The  great  Theban  aided  the  Messenians  to  found  a^new  cap- 
ital, Messene;  and  in  Arcadia  he  restored  Maikiriefxf  which 
Sparta  had  destroyed  (§  261).  In  this  district  he  also  founded 
Megalopolis,  or  "the  Great  City,"  by  combining  forty  scattered 
villages. 

266.  Athens  (jealous  of  Thebes)  saved  Sparta  from  complete 
destruction,  but  drew  Theban  vengeance  upon  herself.  Epam- 
inondas built  fleets,  swept  the  Athenian  navy  from  the  seas,  and 
made  Euboea  a  Theban  possession.  Thessaly  and  Macedonia, 
too,  were  brought  under  Theban  influence;  and  the  young  Philip^ 
prince  of  Macedon,  spent  some  years  in  Thebes  as  a  hostage. 

267..  Mantinea.  —  The  leadership  of  Thebes,  however,  rested 
solely  on  the  supreme  genius  of  her  one  great  statesman,  and 
it  vanished  at  his  death.  In  362,  for  the  fourth  time,  Epami- 
nondas marched  against  Sparta,  and  at  Mantinea  won  another 
great  victory.  The  Spartans  had  been  unable  to  learn;  and 
went  down  again  before  the  same  tactics  that  had  crushed  them 
nine  years  earlier  at  Leuctra.  Mantinea  was  the  greatest  land 
battle  ever  fought  between  Hellenes,  and  nearly  all  the  states 
of  Greece  took  part  on  one  side  or  the  other.  But  the  victory 
bore  no  fruit ;  for  Epaminondas  himself  fell  on  the  field,  and 
his  city  sank  at  once  to  a  slow  and  narrow  policy. 

No  state  was  left  in  Greece  to  assume  leadership.  A  turbu- 
lent anarchy,  in  place  of  the  stern  Spartan  rule,  seemed  the 
only  fruit  of  the  brief  glory  of  the  great  Theban. 

268.  Failure  of  the  City-state.  —  The  failure  of  the  Greek  cities  to 
unite  in  larger  states  made  it  certain  that  sooner  or  later  they  must  fall 

1  Messenia  had  been  a  mere  district  of  Laconia  for  nearly  two  centuries 
and  a  half.    Its  loss  took  from  Sparta  more  than  a  third  of  her  whole  territory. 


"< 

i 

o 

Q, 

§270]  MACEDON   AND  PHILIP  II  259 

to  some  outside  power.  Sparta  and  Thebes  (with  Persian  aid)  had 
been  able  to  prevent  Athenian  leadership;  Thebes  and  Athens  had 
overthrown  Sparta ;  Sparta  and  Athens  had  been  able  to  check  Thebes. 
Twenty  years  of  anarchy  followed ;  and  then  Greece  fell  to  a  foreign 
master.  On  the  north  there  had  been  growing  up  a  nation-state;  and 
the  city-state  could  not  stand  before  that  stronger  organization. 

For  Further  Reading.  —  Specially  suggested :  Davis'  Headings, 
Vol.  I.  Nos.  100  r'^  Thirty  7]jn;aTits_'\^.  101  (Epairiiiiondas),  and  102 
(Leuctra).     Plutarch's  Lives  ("  Agesilaus  "  and  "  Pelopidas  "). 

Additional :  Bury,  514-628.  / 

THE   MACEDONIAN  CONQUEST 


\ 


69.   Macedon.  —  The  Macedonians  were  part  of  the  "  outer 

rim  of  the  Greek  race."  They  were  still  barbaric,  and 
perhaps  were  mixed  somewhat  with  non-Hellenic  elements. 
Shortly  before  this  time,  they  were  only  a  loose  union  of 
tribes ;  but  Philip  II  (§  270)  had  now  consolidated  them  into 
a  real  nation.  The  change  was  so  recent  that  Alexander  the 
Great,  a  little  later,  could  say  to  his  army :  — 

"  My  father,  Philip,  found  you  a  roving,  destitute  people,  without  fixed 
homes  and  without  resources,  most  of  you  clad  in  the  skins  of  animals, 
pasturing  a  few  sheep  among  the  mountains,  and,  to  defend  these,  waging 
a  luckless  warfare  with  the  Illyrians,  the  Triballans,  and  the  Thracians 
on  your  borders.  He  gave  you  the  soldier's  cloak  to  replace  the  skins, 
and  led  you  down  from  the  mountains  into  the  plain,  making  you  a 
worthy  match  in  war  against  the  barbarians  on  your  frontier,  so  that  you 
no  longer  trusted  to  your  strongholds,  so  much  as  to  your  own  valor, 
for  safety.  He  made  you  to  dwell  in  cities  and  provided  you  with 
wholesome  laws  and  institutions.  Over  those  same  barbarians,  who 
before  had  plundered  you  and  carried  off  as  booty  both  yourselves  and 
your  substance,  he  made  you  masters  and  lords."  ^ 

270.  Philip  II  of  Macedon  is  one  of  most  remarkable  men  in 
history. 2  He  was  ambitious,  crafty,  sagacious,  persistent,  un- 
scrupulous, an  unfailing  judge  of  character,  and  a  marvelous 
organizer.     He  set  himself  to  make  his  people  true  Greeks  by 

1  See  the  rest  of  this  passage  in  Davis'  Readings,  Vol.  I,  No.  107. 

2  Wheeler's  characterization,  Alexander  the  Great,  5-7,  Is  admirable. 


260 


MACEDONIAN  CONQUEST 


[§271 


making  them  the  leaders  of  Greece.  He  was  determined  to 
secure  that  headship  for  which  Athens,  Sparta,  and  Thebes  had 
striven  in  vain. 

271.  Philip's  Methods.  — At  Philip's  accession  Macedon  was 
still  a  poor  country  without  a  good  harbor.     The   first  need 

was  an  outlet  on  the  sea. 
Philip  found  one  by  con- 
quering the  Chalcidic  pen- 
insula. Then  his  energy 
developed  the  gold  mines 
of  the  district  until  they 
furnished  him  a  yearly 
revenue  of  a  thousand  tal- 
ents—  as  large  as  that  of 
Athens  at  her  greatest 
power. 

Next  Philip  turned  to 
Greece  itself.  Here  he 
used  an  adroit  mingling  of 
cunning,  bribery,  and  force. 
In  all  Greek  states,  among 
the  pretended  patriot  statesmen,  there  were  secret  servants  in 
his  pay.  He  set  city  against  city ;  and  the  constant  tendency 
to  quarrels  among  the  Greeks  played  into  his  hands. 

272.  Demosthenes.  —  The  only  man  who  saw  clearly  the 
designs  of  Philip,  and  constantly  opposed  them,  was  Demos- 
thenes the  Athenian.  Demosthenes  was  the  greatest  orator 
of  Greece.  To  check  Macedonia  became  the  one  aim  of  his 
life ;  and  the  last  glow  of  Greek  independence  flames  up  in 
his  passionate  appeals  to  Athens  that  she  defend  Hellas 
against  Macedon  as  she  had  once  done  against  Persia. 

"  Suppose  that  you  have  one  of  the  gods  as  surety  that  Philip  will 
leave  you  untouched,  in  the  name  of  all  the  gods,  it  is  a  shame  for  you 
in  ignorant  stupidity  to  sacrifice  the  rest  of  Hellas  I " 

The  noble  orations  (the  Philippics)  by  which  Demosthenes 
sought  to  move  the  Athenian  assembly  to  action  against  Philip 


Philip  II. 
From  a  gold  medallion  by  Alexander. 


273] 


THE  MACEDONIAN  ARMY 


261 


are  still  unrivaled  in  literature,^  but  they  had  no  permanent 
practical  effect. 

'-  273.   The  Macedonian  Army.  —  The  most  important  work  of 
Philip  was  his  army.     This  was  as  superior  to  the  four-months 


Macedonia  at  the  beginning 
of  PhUip'B  Reign. 


citizen  armies  of  Hellas  as  Philip's  steady  and  secret  diplomacy 
was  superior  to  the  changing  councils  of  a  popular  assembly. 
The  king's  wealth  enabled  him  to  keep  a  disciplined  force 
ready  for  action.  He  had  become  familiar  with  the  Theban 
phalanx  during  his  stay  at  Thebes  as  a  boy  (§  266).     Now  he 


1  Cf .  §  223.    Special  report :  Demost±ienes. 


262  MACEDONIAN  CONQUEST  [§274 

enlarged  and  improved  it,  so  that  the  ranks  presented  five 
rows  of  bristling  spears  projecting  beyond  the  front  soldier. 
The  flanifis  were  protected  by  light-armed  troops,  and  the 
Macedonian  nobles  furnished  the  finest  of  cavalry. 

At  the  same  time  a  field  "  artillery  ^'  first  appears,  made  up 
of  curious  engines  able  to  throw  darts  and  great  stones  three 
hundred  yards.  Such  a  mixture  of  troops,  and  on  a  permanent 
footing,  was  altogether  novel,  Philip  created  the  instrument 
with  which  his  son  was  to  conquer  the  world. 

274.  Chaeronea  and  the  Congress  of  Corinth.  —  In  338  e.g. 
Philip  threw  off  the  mask  and  invaded  Greece.  Athens  and 
Thebes  c6mbined  against  him,  —  to  be  hopelessly  crushed  at 
the  battle  of  Chaeronea.  Then  a  congress  of  Greek  states  at 
Corinth  recognized  Macedonia  as  the  h^a^  of  Greece.  It  was 
agreed  that  the  separate  states  should  Keep  their  local  self- 
government,  but  that  foreign  matters,  including  war  and  peace, 
should  be  committed  to  Philip.  Philip  was  also  declared  gen- 
eral in  chief  of  the  armies  of  Greece  for  a  war  against  Persia. 

275.  The  History  of  Hellas  Ended.  —  Thus  Philip  posed, 
wisely,  not  as  the  conqueror,  but  as  the  champion  of  Greece 
against  the  foe  of  all  Hellenes.  He  showed  a  patient  mag- 
nanimity, too,  toward  fickle  Greek  states,  and  in  particular  he 
strove  to  reconcile  Athens.  He  was  wise  enough  to  see  that 
he  needed,  not  reluctant  subjects,  but  willing  followers. 

None  the  less,  the  history  of  Hellas  had  closed.  Greece  there- 
after, until  a  hundred  years  ago,  was  only  a  province  of  this 
or  that  foreign  power.  The  history  of  Hellenic  culture,  however, 
was  not  closed.  The  Macedonian  conquest  was  to  spread  that 
civilization  over  the  vast  East.  The  history  of  Hellas  merges 
in  the  history  of  a  wider  Hellenistic  world.  - 


Fob  Further  Reading.  —  Specially  suggested :  Davis*  Beadings, 
Vol.  I,  Nos.  103-107.  Bury,  ch.  xvi ;  or  (better  if  accessible)  Wheeler's 
Alexander  the  Great,  14-18  and  64-80. 

Exercise. — Review  the  period  from  Aegospotami  to  Chaeronea  by 
"  catch-words  "  (see  Exercise  on  page  186). 


J 


PART   III 

THE  GEAEOO-OEIENTAL  WOELD 

With  Alexander  the  stage  of  Greek  influence  spreads  across  the  worlds 
and  Greece  becomes  only  a  small  item  in  the  heritage  of  the  Greeks. 

—  Mahaffy. 

The  seed-ground  of  European  civilization  is  neither  Greece  nor  the 
Orient,  but  a  world  joined  of  the  two.  —  Benjamin  Ide  Wheelek. 


CHAPTER  XVII 
THE  MINGLING  OF  EAST  AND  WEST 

276.  Alexander  the  Great.  —  Philip  of  Macedon  was  assassi- 
nated in  336,  two  years  after  Chaeronea.  He  was  just  ready 
to  begin  the  invasion  of  Asia ;  and  his  work  was  taken  up  by 
his  son  Alexander. 

Father  and  son  were  both  among  the  greatest  men  in  his- 
tory, but  they  were  very  unlike.  In  many  ways  Alexander 
resembled  his  mother,  Olympias,  a  semi-barbaric  princess  from 
Epirus,  —  a  woman  of  intense  passions  and  generous  enthusi- 
asms.    Says  Benjamin  Ide  Wheeler :  — 

"  "While  it  was  from  his  father  that  Alexander  inherited  his  sagacious 
insight  into  men  and  things,  and  his  brilliant  capacity  for  timely  and 
determined  action,  it  was  to  his  mother  that  he  undoubtedly  owed  that 
passionate  warmth  of  nature  which  betrayed  itself  not  only  in  the  furious 
outbursts  of  temper  occasionally  characteristic  of  him,  but  quite  as  much 
in  a  romantic  fervor  of  attachment  and  love  for  friends,  a  delicate  tender- 
ness of  sympathy  for  the  weak,  and  a  princely  largeness  and  generosity 
of  soul  toward  all,  that  made  him  so  deeply  beloved  of  men  and  so 
enthusiastically  followed."  —  Alexander  the  Great,  5. 

263 


264  GREEK  CONQUESTS  IN  THE  ORIENT         [§277 

As  a  boy,  Alexander  had  been  fearless,  self-willed,  and  rest- 
less, with  fervent  affections.^  These  traits  marked  his  whole 
career.  He  was  devoted  to  Homer,  and  he  knew  the  Iliad  by 
heart.  Homer's  Achilles  he  claimed  for  an  ancestor  and  took  for 
his  ideal.  "  His  later  education  was  directed  by  Aristotle  (§  315), 
and  from  this  great  teacher  he  learned  to  admire  Greek  art  and 
science  and  to  come  closely  into  sympathy  with  the  best 
Greek  culture. 

277.  Restoration  of  Order.  —  At  his  father's  death  Alexander 
was  a  stripling  of  twenty  years.     He  was  to  prove'  a  rare  mili- 


Alexander.  Alexander  in  a  Lion-hunt. 

Two  sides  of  a  gold  medallion  of  Tarsus. 

tary  genius.  He  never  lost  a  battle  and  never  refused  an 
engagement ;  and,  on  occasion,  he  could  be  shrewd  and  adroit  in 
diplomacy ;  but  at  this  time  he  was  known  only  as  a  rash  boy. 
No  one  thought  that  he  could  hold  together  the  empire  that 
had  been  built  up  by  the  force  and  cunning  of  the  great  Philip. 
Revolt  broke  out  everywhere;  but  the  young  king  showed 
himself  at  once  both  statesman  and  general.  With  marvelous 
rapidity  he  struck  crushing  blows  on  this  side  and  on  that.  '  A 
hurried  expedition  restored  order  in  Greece ;  the  savage  tribes 
of  the  north  were  quieted  by  a  rapid  march  beyond  the  Danube ; 

1  Special  report:  anecdotes  from  Plutarch  regarding  Alexander's  boyhood. 


§278] 


ALEXANDER  THE   GREAT 


265 


then,  turning  on  rebellious  Illyria,  Alexander  forced  the 
mountain  passes  and  overran  the  country. 

Meanwhile  it  was  reported  in  the  south  that  Alexander  was 
killed  or  defeated  among  the  barbarians.  Insurrection  again 
blazed  forth ;  but  with  forced  marches  he  suddenly  appeared  a 
second  time  in  Greece,  falling  with  swift  and  terrible  vengeance 
upon  Thebes,  the  center  of 
the  revolt.  The  city  was 
taken  by  storm  and  leveled 
to  the  ground,  except  the 
house  of  Pindar  (§  129), 
while  the  thirty  thousand 
survivors  of  the  popula- 
tion were  sold  as  .slaves. 
The  other  states  were  ter- 
rified j^o  abject  submis- 
sion, and  were  treated 
generously.  Then,  with 
his  authority  firmly  re- 
established, Alexander 
turned,  as  the  champion  of 
Hellas^  to  attack  Persia. 

278.  The  Persian  Cam- 
paigns. —  In  the  spring 
of  334  B.C.  Alexander 
crossed  the  Hellespont 
with  thirty-five  thousand 

disciplined  troops.  The  army  was  quite  enough  to  scatter  any 
Oriental  force,  and  as  large  as  any  general  could  then  handle 
in  long  and  rapid  marches  in  a  hostile  country ;  but  its  size 
contrasts  strangely  with  that  of  the  huge  horde  Xerxes  had 
led  against  Greece  a  century  and  a  half  before. 

The  route  of  march  and  the  immense  distances  traversed  can- 
be  best  traced  by  the  map.  The  conquest  of  the  main  empire 
occupied  five  years,  and  the  story  falls  into  three  distinct 
chapters,  each  marked  by  a  world-famous  battle. 


Alexander. 

The  "  Copenhagen  "  head.    Probably  by  a 

pupil  of  the  sculptor  Skopas. 


266  GREEK  CONQUESTS  IN  THE  ORIENT         [§  278 

a.  Asia  Minor :  Battle  of  the  Granicus.  —  The  Persian 
satraps  of  Asia  Minor  met  the  invaders  at  the  Granicus,  a 
small  stream  in  ancient  Troyland.  With  the  personal  rash- 
ness that  was  the  one  blot  upon  his  military  skill,  Alexander 
himself  led  the  Macedonian  charge  through  the  river  and  up 
the  steep  bank  into  the  midst  of  the  Persian  cavalry,  where 
he  barely  escaped  death.  The  Persian  nobles  fought,  as 
always,  with  gallant  self-devotion,  but  in  the  end  they  were 
utterly  routed.  Then  a  body  of  Greek  mercenaries  in  Persian 
pay  was  surrounded  and  cut  down  to  a  man.  No  quarter  was 
to  be  given  Hellenes  fighting  as  traitors  to  the  cause  of  Hellas. 

The  victory  cost  Alexander  only  120  men,  and  it  made  him 
master  of  all  Asia  Minor.  During  the  next  few  months  he  set 
up  democracies  in  the  Greek  cities,  and  organized  the  govern- 
ment of  the  various  provinces. 

b.  The  Mediterranean  Coast :  Battle  of  Issus.  —  To  strike  at 
the  heart  of  the  empire  at  once  would  have  been  to  leave  be- 
hind him  a  large  Persian  fleet,  to  encourage  revolt  in  Greece. 
Alexander  wisely  determined  to  secure  the  entire  coast,  and 
so  protect  his  rear,  before  marching  into  the  interior.  Ac- 
cordingly he  turned  south,  just  after  crossing  the  mountains 
that  separate  Asia  Minor  from  Syria,  to  reduce  Phoenicia  and 
Egypt.  Meantime  the  Persians  had  gathered  a  great  army; 
but  at  Issus  Alexander  easily  overthrew  their  host  of  six  hun- 
dred thousand  men  led  by  King  Darius  in  person.  Darius 
allowed  himself  to  be  caught  in  a  narrow  defile  between  the 
mountains  and  the  sea.  The  cramped  space  made  the  vast 
numbers  of  the  Persians  an  embarrassment  to  themselves. 
They  soon  became  a  huddled  mob  of  fugitives,  and  the  Mace- 
donians wearied  themselves  with  slaughter. 

Alexander  now  assumed  the  title,  King  of  Persia.  The  siege 
of  Tyre  (§  57)  detained  him  a  year ;  but  Egypt  welcomed  him 
as  a  deliverer,  and  by  the  close  of  332,  all  the  sea  power  of  the 
Eastern  Mediterranean  icas  his}    While  in  Egypt  he  showed  his 

1  Carthage  dominated  the  western  waters  of  the  Mediterranean  —  beyond 
Italy  J  but  she  had  nothing  16  do  with  naval  rivalries  farther  east. 


§279]  PERSIAN  CAMPAIGNS  267 

constructive  genius  by  founding  Alexandria  at  one  of  the 
mouths  of  the  Nile  —  a  city  destined  for  many  centuries  to 
be  a  commercial  and  intellectual  center  for  the  world,  where 
before  there  had  been  only  a  haunt  of  pirates. 

c.  The  Tigris-Euphrates  District :  Battle  of  Arhela.  —  Darius 
now  proposed  that  he  and  Alexander  should  divide  the  empire 
between  them.  Eejeeting  this  offer  contemptuously,  Alexander 
took  up  his  march  for  the  interior.  Following  the  ancient 
route  from  Egypt  to  Assyria  (§  6),  he  met  Darius  near  Arhela^ 
not  far  from  ancient  Nineveh.  The  Persians  are  said  to  have 
numbered  a  million  men.  Alexander  purposely  allowed  them 
choice  of  time  and  place,  and  by  a  third  decisive  victory  proved 
the  hopelessness  of  their  resistance.  Darius  never  gathered 
another  army.  The  capitals  of  the  empire  —  Babylon,  Susa, 
Ecbatana,  Persepolis  —  surrendered,  with  enormous  treasure 
in  gold  and  silver,  and  the  Persian  Empire  had  fallen  (331  B.C.). 

The  Granicus,  Issus,  and  Arbela  rank  with  Marathon,  Salamis,  and 
Plataea,  as  "  decisive  "  battles.  The  earher  set  of  three  great  battles 
gave  Western  civilization  a  chance  to  develop.  This  second  set  of  three 
battles  resulted  in  a  new  type  of  civilization,  springing  from  a  union  of 
East'  and  West.  No  battle  between  these  two  periods  had  anywhere 
near  so  great  a  significance. 

279.  Campaigns  in  the  Far  East.  —  The  next  six  years  went, 
however,  to  much  more  desperate  warfare  in  the  eastern  moun- 
tain regions,  and  in  the  Punjab.^  Alexander  carried  his  arms 
as  far  east  from  Babylon  as  Babylon  was  from  Macedonia. 
He  traversed  great  deserts ;  subdued  the  warlike  and  princely 
chiefs  of  Bactria  and  Sogdiana  up  to  the  steppes  of  the  wild 
Tartar  tribes  beyond  the  Oxus;  twice  forced  the  passes 
of  the  Plindukush  (a  feat  almost  unparalleled);  conquered 
the  valiant  mountaineers  of  what  is  now  Afghanistan;  and 
led  his  army  into  the  fertile  and  populous  plains  of  north- 
ern India.  He  crossed  the  Indus,  won  realms  beyond  the 
ancient   Persian   province   of  the  Punjab,  and   planned  still 

1  A  district  of  northern  India. 


268  THE  HELLENISTIC  AGE  [§280 

more  distant  empires;  but  on  the  banks  of  the  Hyphasis 
River  his  faithful  Macedonians  refused  to  be  led  farther,  to 
waste  away  in  inhuman  perils ;  and  the  chagrined  conqueror 
was  compelled  to  return  to  Babylon.  This  city  he  made  his 
capital,  and  here  he  died  of  a  fever  two  years  later  (323  b.c.)  in 
the  midst  of  preparations  to  extend  his  conquests  both  east 
and  west.^  These  last  years,  however,  were  given  mainly  to 
organizing  the  empire  (§  280). 

280.  Merging  of  East  and  West.  —  Alexander  began  his  con- 
quest to  avenge  the  West  upon  the  East.  But  he  came  to  see 
excellent  and  noble  qualities  in  Oriental  life,  and  he  rose 
rapidly  to  a  broader  view.  He  aimed  no  longer  to  hold  a 
world  in  subjection  by  the  force  of  a  small  conquering  tribe 
but  rather  to  mold  Persian  and  Greek  into  one  people  on  terms 
of  equality.  He  wished  to  marry  the  East  and  the  West,  — 
"  to  bring  them  together  into  a  composite  civilization,  to  which 
each  should  contribute  its  better  elements." 

Persian  youth  were  trained  by  thousands  in  Macedonian 
fashion  to  replace  the  veterans  of  Alexander's  army ;  Persian 
nobles  were  welcomed  at  court  and  given  high  offices ;  and  the 
government  of  Asia  was  intrusted  largely  to  Asiatics,  On  a 
system  similar  to  that  of  Darius  the  Great  (§  76).  Alexander 
himself  adopted  Persian  manners  and  customs,  and  he  bribed 
and  coaxed  his  officers  and  soldiers  to  do  the  like.  All  this 
was  part  of  a  deliberate  design  to  encourage  the  fusion  of  the 
two  peoples.  The  Macedonians  protested  jealously,  and  even 
rebelled,  but  were  quickly  reduced  to  obedience. 

"  The  dream  of  his  youth  melted  away,  but  a  new  vision  in  larger 
perspective  arose  with  ever  strengthening  outlines  in  its  place.  The 
champion  of  the  West  against  the  East  faded  in  mist,  and  the  form  of  a 
world  monarch,  standing  above  the  various  worlds  of  men  and  belong- 
ing to  none,  but  molding  them  all  into  one,  emerged  in  its  stead."  — 
Wheeler,  Alexander  the  Great,  376.  4-*^ 

Ta 

•■■>'.i 
1  Topic :  anecdotes  of  Alexander's  later  years ;  the  change  in  his  character*, 

Wheeler's  Alexander  gives  an  ardent  defense. 


\ 


§282] 


GREEK  CITIES  IN  THE  EAST 


269 


281.  Hellenism  the  Active  Element.  —  At  the  same  time  Alex- 
ander saw  that  to  fulfill  this  mission  he  must  throw  open  the 
East  to  Greek  ideas.  The  races  might  mingle  their  blood ;  the 
Greek  might  learn  much  from  the  Orient,  and  in  the  end  be 
absorbed  by  it ;  hut  the  thought  and  art  of  little  Hellas^  with  its 
active  energy,  must  leaven 
the  vast  passive  mass  of 
the  East. 

One  great  measure,  for 
this  end,  was  the  found- 
ing of  chains  of  cities,  to 
bind  the  conquests  to- 
gether and  to  become  the 
homes  of  Hellenic  influ- 
ence. Alexander  himself 
built  seventy  of  these 
towns  (usually  called  from 
his  name,  like  the  Alex- 
andria in  Egypt).  Their 
walls  sprang  up  under  the 
pick  and  spade  of  the  sol- 
diery along  the  lines  of 
march.  One  great  city,  we 
are  told,  walls  and  houses, 
was  completed  in  twenty 
days.  Sometimes  these  places  were  mere  garrison  towns  on  dis- 
tant frontiers,  but  oftener  they  became  mighty  emporiums  at  the 
intersection  of  great  lines  of  trade.  There  was  an  Alexandria 
on  the  Jaxartes,  on  the  Indus,  on  the  Euphrates,  as  well  as  on 
the  Nile.  The  sites  were  chosen  wisely,  and  many  of  these  cities 
remain  great  capitals  to  this  day,  like  Herat  and  Kandahar.^ 

282.  Greek  Coldhies  in  the  Orient.  —  This  building  of  Greek 
cities  was  continued  by  Alexander's  successors.  Once  more, 
and  on  a  vaster  scale  than  ever  before,  the  Greek  genius  for 


Alexander  as  Apollo.  . 
Now  in  the  Capitoline  Museum. 


1  Iskandar,  or  Kandahar,  is  an  Oriental  form  of  the  Greek  name  Alexander 


270  THE   HELLENISTIC  AGE  [§282 

colonization  found  vent.  Each  new  city  had  a  Greek  nucleus. 
Usually  this  consisted  only  of  worn-out  veterans,  left  behind  as 
a  garrison ;  but  enterprising  youth,  emigrating  from  old  Hellas, 
continued  to  reinforce  the  Greek  element.  The  native  village 
people  roundabout  were  gathered  in  to  make  the  bulk  of  the 
inhabitants;  and  these  also  soon  took  on  Greek  character. 
From  scattered,  ignorant  rustics,  they  became  artisans  and 
merchants,  devotedly  attached  to  Greek  rule  and  zealous 
disciples  of  Greek  culture. 

The  cities  were  all  built  on  a  large  and  comfortable  model. 
They  were  well  paved.  They  had  ample  provisiqn  for  light- 
ing by  night,  and  a  good  wat«r  •  supply.  They  had  police 
arrangements,  and  good  thoroughfares.  Even  in  that  despotic 
East,  they  received  extensive  privileges  and  enjoyed  a  large 
amount  of  self-government :  they  met  in  their  own  assemblies, 
managed  their  own  courts,  and  collected  their  own  taxes. 
For  centuries  they  made  the  backbone  of  Hellenism  throughout 
the  world.  Greek  was  the  ordinary  speech  of  their  streets ; 
Greek  architecture  built  their  temples,  and  Greek  sculpture 
adorned  them  ;  they  celebrated  Greek  games  and  festivals ; 
and,  no  longer  in  little  Hellas  alone,  but  over  the  whole  East, 
in  Greek  theaters,  vast  audiences  were  educated  b}^  the  plays 
of  Euripides.  The  culture  developed  by  a  small  people  became 
the  heritage  of  a  vast  world. 

The  unity  of  this  widespread  civilization  cannot  be  insisted  upon  too 
strongly.  Political  unity  was  soon  lost ;  but  the  oneness  of  culture  en- 
dured for  centuries,  and  kept  its  character  even  after  Roman  conquest. 
Over  all  that  vast  area  there  was  for  all  cultivated  men  a  common  lan- 
guage, a  common  literature,  a  common  mode  of  thought.  The  mingling 
of  East  and  West  produced  a  new  civilization,  —  a  Graeco-Oriental  world. 

In  our  own  day,  Western  civilization  is  again  transforming  the  Orient, 
leaving  the  railroad,  the  telegraph,  free  schools,  ai^  republican  govern- 
ment in  its  line  of  march,  —  a  march  that  reaches  even  farther  than 
Alexander  ever  did.  Between  Alexander's  day  and  ours,  no  like  phe- 
nomena has  been  seen  on  any  scale  so  vast.  But  this  time  the  West 
does  not  give  so  large  a  part  of  its  blood  to  the  East ;  nor  does  the  East 
react  upon  the  West,  as  it  did  after  Alexander  (§  283) . 


§285]  REACTION  UPON  GREECE  271 

283.  Reaction  upon  Hellas.  —  Hellas  itself  lost  importance. 
It  was  drained  of  its  intellect  and  enterprise,  because  adven 
turous  young  Greeks  wandered  to  the  East,  to  win  fortune  and 
distinction.  And  the  victorious  Hellenic  civilization  was 
modified  by  its  victory,  even  in  its  old  home.  Sympathies 
were  broadened.  The  barrier  between  Greek  and  barbarian 
faded  away.      Greek  ideals  were  affected  by  Oriental  ideals. 

In  particular,  we  note  two  forms  of  reaction  upon  Greek 
life,  —  the  economic  and  the  scientific  (§§  284,  285). 

284.  Economic  Results.  —  Wealth  was  enormously  augmented. 
The  vast  treasure  of  gold  and  silver  which  Oriental  monarchs 
had  hoarded  in  secret  vaults  was  thrown  again  into  circulation, 
and  large  sums  were  brought  back  to  Europe  by  returning 
adventurers.  These  adventurers  brought  back  also  an  increased 
desire  for  Oriental  luxuries.  Thus,  trade  was  stimulated;  a 
higher  standard  of  living  arose;  manifold  new  comforts  and 
enjoyments  adorned  and  enriched  life. 

Somewhat  later,  perhaps  as  a  result  of  this  increase  of  wealth, 
there  came  other  less  fortunate  changes.  Extremes  of  wealth 
and  poverty  appeared  side  by  side,  as  in  our  modern  society :  the 
great  cities  had  their  hungry,  sullen,  dangerous  mobs;  and 
socialistic  agitation  began  on  a  large  scale.  These  last  phe- 
nomena, however,  concerned  only  the '  closing  days  of  the 
Hellenic  world,  just  before  its  absorption  by  Rome. 

285.  Scientific  Results.  —  A  new  era  of  scientific  progress 
began.  Alexander  himself  had  the  zeal  of  an  explorer,  and  one 
of  the  most  important  scientific  expeditions  ever  sent  out  by 
any  government  is  due  to  him  while  he  was  in  India.  When 
he  first  touched  the  Indus,  he  thought  it  the  upper  course  of 
the  Nile ;  but  Tie  built  a  great  fleet  of  two  thousand  vessels, 
sailed  down  the  river  to  the  Indian  Ocean,  and  then  sent  his 
friend  Nearchus  to  explore  that  sea  and  to  trace  the  coast  to 
the  mouth  of  the  Euphrates.  After  a  voyage  of  many  months, 
Nearchus  reached  Babylon.  He  had  mapped  the  coast  line, 
made  frequent  landings,  and  collected  a  mass  of  observations 
and  a  multitude  of  strange  plants  and  animals. 


272  THE  HELLENISTIC  AGE  [§286 

Like  collections  were  made  by  Alexander  at  other  times,  to 
be  sent  to  his  old  instructor  Aristotle,  who  embodied  the  results 
of  his  study  upon  them  in  a  Natural  History  of  fifty  volumes. 
The  Greek  intellect,  attracted  by  the  marvels  in  the  new  worlr 
opened  before  it,  turned  to  scientific  observation  and  arrange- 
ment of  facts.  This  impulse  was  intensified  by  the  discovery 
of  a  long  series  of  astronomical  observations  at  Babylon  (§  49) 
and  of  the  historical  records  and  traditions  of  the  Orientals, 
reaching  back  to  an  antiquity  of  which  the  Greeks  had  not 
dreamed.  The  active  Greek  mind,  seizing  upon  this  confused 
wealth  of  material,  began  to  put  in  order  a  great  system  of 
knowledge  about  man  and  nature. 

286.  Summary.  — Thus  the  mingling  of  East  and  West  gave 
a  product  different  from  either  of  the  old  factors.  Alexander's 
victories  are  not  merely  events  in  military  history.  They 
make  an  epoch  in  the  onward  march  of  humanity.  They  en- 
larged the  map  of  the  world  once  more,  and  they  made  these 
vaster  spaces  the  home  of  a  higher  culture.  They  grafted  the 
new  West  upon  the  old  East,  —  a  graft  from  which  sprang  the 
plant  of  our  later  civilization. 

Alexander  died  at  thirty-two,  and  his  empire  at  once  fell 
into  fragments.  Had  he  lived  to  seventy,  it  is  hard  to  say 
what  he  might  not  have  done  to  provide  for  lasting  political 
union,  and  perhaps  even  to  bring  India  and  China  into  the 
current  of  our  civilization. 

"  No  single  personality,  excepting  the  carpenter's  son  of  Nazareth,  has 
done  so  much  to  make  the  world  we  live  in  what  it  is  as  Alexander  of 
Macedon.  He  leveled  the  terrace  upon  which  European  history  built. 
Whatever  lay  within  the  range  of  his  conquests  contributed  its  part  to 
form  that  Mediterranean  civilization,  which  under  Rome's  administration 
became  the  basis  of  European  life.  What  lay  beyond  was  as  if  on  an- 
other planet."  — Wheeler,  Alexander  the  Great. 


Foe  Further  Reading.  —  Sjjecially  suggested :  Davis'  Beadings, 
Vol.  I,  Nos.  108-118  (24  pages,  mostly  from  Arrian,  a  second  century 
writer  and  the  earliest  authority  who  has  left  us  an  account  of  Alexander). 
Bury,  736-836,  or  (better,  if  accessible)  Wheeler's  Alexander  the  Gfreat. 


CHAPTER   XVIII 
THE  GRAECO-ORIENTAL  WORLD 

THE  POLITICAL    STORY 

287.  Wars  of  the  Succession.  —  Alexander  left  no  heir  old 
enough  to  succeed  him.  On  his  deathbed,  asked  to  whom  he 
would  leave  his  throne,  he  replied  grimly,  ^'  To  the  strongest." 
As  he  foresaw,  at  his  death  his  leading  generals  instantly 
began  to  strive  with  each  other  for  his  realm ;  and  for  nearly 
half  a  century  the  political  history  of  the  civilized  world  was 
a  horrible  welter  of  war  and  assassination.  These  struggles 
are  called  the    Wars  of  the  Succession  (323-280  B.C.). 

288.  The  Third  Century  B.C.  —  Finally,  about  280  b.c,  some- 
thing like  a  fixed  order  emerged;  then  followed  a  period  of 
sixty  years,  known  as  the  Glory  of  Hellenism.  The  Hellenistic  ^ 
world  reached  from  the  Adriatic  to  the  Indus,  and  consisted 
of:  (1)  three  great  kingdoms,  Syria,  Egypt,  and  Macedonia; 
(2)  a  broken  chain  of  smaller  monarchies  scattered  from  Media 
to  Epirus'^  (some  of  them,  like  Pontus  and  Armenia^  under 
dynasties  descended  from  Persian  princes)  ;  and  (3)  single  free 
cities  like  Byzantium.  Some  of  these  free  cities  united  into 
leagues,  which  sometimes  became  great  military  powers  —  like 
one  famous  confederation  under  the  leadership  of  Rhodes. 

289.  Resemblance  to  Modern  Europe.  —  Politically  in  many 
ways  all  the  vast  district  bore  a  striking  resemblance  to  modem 
Eiirope.  There  was  a  like  division  into  great  and  small  states, 
ruled  by  dynasties  related  by  intermarriages  ;  there  was  a  com- 
mon  civilization,  and   a  recognition  of  common  interests   as 

1  Hellenic  refers  to  the  old  Hellas ;  Hellenistic,  to  the  wider  world,  of  mixed 
Hellenic  and  Oriental  character,  after  Alexander. 

2  There  is  a  full  enumeration  in  Mahaffy's  Alexander's  Empire,  90-92. 

273 


274  THE   GRAECO-ORIENTAL  WORLD  [§290 

against  outside  barbarism  or  as  opposed  to  auy  non-Hellenic 
power,  like  Rome ;  and  there  were  jealousies  and  conflicts  similar 
to  those  in  Europe  in  recent  centuries.  There  were  shifting 
alliances,  and  many  wars  to  preserve  "the  balance  of  power" 
or  to  secure  trade  advantages.  There  was  a  likeness  to  modern 
society,  too,  as  we  shall  see  more  fully  later,  in  the  refinement 
of  the  age,  in  its  excellences  and  its  vices,  the  great  learning, 


The  Dying  Gaul. 
Sometimes  incorrectly  called  the  Dying  Gladiator. 

the  increase  in  skill  and  in  criticism.     (Of  course  the  age  was 
vastly  inferior  to  that  of  modern  Europe.) 

290.  The  Invasion  by  the  Gauls.  —  It  follows  that  the  history 
of  the  third  *  century  is  a  history  of  many  separate  countries- 
(§§  292  fp.),  but  there  was  one  event  of  general  interest.  This 
was  the  great  Gallic  invasion  of  278  b.c.  It  was  the  first 
formidable  barbarian  attack  upon  the  Eastern  world  since  the 
Scythians  had  been  chastised  by  the  early  Persian  kings  (§  75). 

A  century  before,  hordes  of  these  same  Gauls  had  devastated 
northern  Italy  and  sacked  the  rising  city  of  Rome.  Now 
(fortunately  not  until  the  ruinous  Wars  of  the  Succession  were 


§  292]  SYRIA  275 

over)  they  poured  into  exhausted  Macedonia,  penetrated  into 
Greece  as  far  as  Delphi,  and,  after  horrible  ravages  there,  car- 
ried havoc  into  Asia.  For  a  long  period  every  great  sovereign 
of  the  Hellenic  world  turned  his  arms  upon  them,  until  they 
were  finally  settled  as  peaceful  colonists  in  a  region  of  Asia 
Minor,  which  took  the  name  Galatia  from  these  new  inhabitants. 
Perhaps  we  are  most  interested  in  noting  that  the  Hellenistic 
patriotism  roused  by  the  attack  —  like  that  in  little  Hellas 
two  hundred  years  earlier  by  the  Persian  invasions  (§  187)  — 
played  a  part  in  a  splendid  outburst  of  art  and  literature  which 
followed.  The  Dyiyig  Gaul  and  the  Apollo  Belvidere,^  among 
the  noblest  surviving  works  of  the  period,  commemorate  inci- 
dents in  the  struggle. 

291.  Decline  of  the  Hellenic  World.  — About  220,  the  wide- 
spread Hellenistic  world  began  a  rapid  decline.  In  that  one 
year  the  thrones  of  Syria,  Egypt,  and  Macedonia  fell  to  youth- 
ful heirs  ;  and  all  three  of  these  new  monarchs  showed  a 
degeneracy  which  is  common  in  Oriental  ruling  families  after 
a  few  generations  of  greatness.  Just  before  this  year,  as  we 
shall  see  (§  310),  the  last  promise  of  independence  in  Greece 
itself  had  flickered  out.  Just  after  it,  there  began  an  attack 
from  Eome,  which  was  finally  to  absorb  this  Hellenistic  East 
into  a  still  larger  world. 

Before  turning  to  the  growth  of  Rome,  however,  we  will  note  (i)  the 
history,  in  brief,  of  the  leading  Hellenic  states  from  Alexander  to  the 
Roman  sway ;  (2)  with  more  detail,  an  interesting  attempt  at  federal 
government  in  Greece  itself ;  and  (3)  the  character  of  Hellenistic  culture 
in  this  period. 

SOME   SINGLE   EASTERN   STATES   IN   OUTLINE 

292.  Syria  was  the  largest  of  the  great  monarchies.  It  com- 
prised most  of  Alexander's  empire   in  Asia,  except  the  small 

1  The  Gauls  made  a  raid  upon  the  Temple  of  Apollo  at  Delphi,  but  in  some 
way  were  routed  in  disorder.  The  legend  arose  that  Apollo  himself  drove 
them  away  with  a  thunderbolt.  The  statue,  the  Apollo  Belvidere,  is  sup- 
posed to  represent  the  god  in  the  act  of  defending  his  temple. 


276 


THE  GRAECO-ORIENTAL  WORLD 


292 


states  in  Asia  Minor.  In  the  Wars  of  the  Succession,  it  fell 
to  JSeleucus,  one  of  the  Macedonian  generals ;  and  his  descend- 
ants   (Seleucidae)    ruled  it   to   the   Roman    conquest.     They 


Pylon  of  Ptolemy  III  at  Karnak.  The  reliefs  represent  that  conquerur 
in  religious  thanksgiving,  sacrificing,  praying,  offering  trophies  to  the  gods. 
At  the  top  is  the  "  conventionalized  "  winged  sundisk.  Cf.  page  36.  Note 
the  general  likeness  to  the  older  Egyptian  architecture. 

excelled  all  other  successors  of  Alexander  in  building  cities 
and  extending  Greek  culture  over  distant  regions.  Seleucus 
alone  founded  seventy-five  cities. 


§  294]  EGYPT  277 

About  250  B.C.  Indian  princes  reconquered  the  Punjab,  and 
the  Parthians  arose  on  the  northeast,  to  cut  off  the  Bactrian 
provinces  from  the  rest  of  the  Greek  world.  Thus^yria 
shrank  to  the  area  of  the  ancient  Assyrian  Empire, — the 
Euphrates-Tigris  basin  and  old  Syria  proper, — but  it  was  still, 
in  common  opinion,  the  greatest  world-power,  until  its  might 
was  shattered  by  Eome  in  190  b.c.  at  Magnesia. 

293.  Egypt  included  Cyprus,  and  possessed  a  vague  control 
over  many  coast  towns  of  Syria  and  Asia  Minor.  Immedi- 
ately upon  Alexander's  death,  one  of  his  generals,  Ptolemy , 
chose  Egypt  for  his  province.  His  descendants,  all  known  as 
Ptolemies,  ruled  the  land  until  Cleopatra  yielded  to  Augustus 
Caesar  (30  b.c),  though  it  had  become  a  Eoman  protectorate  ^ 
somewhat  before  that  time. 

The  early  Ptolemies  were  wise,  energetic  sovereigns.  They 
aimed  to  make  Egypt  the  commercial  emporium  of  the  world, 
and  to  make  their  capital,  Alexandria,  the  world's  intellectual 
center.  Ptolemy  I  established  a  great  naval  power,  improved 
harbors,  and  huilt  the  first  lighthouse.  Ptolemy  II  (better 
known  as  Ptolemy  Philadelphus)  restored  the  old  canal  from 
the  Ked  Sea  to  the  Nile  (§§  28,  32),  constructed  roads,  and 
fostered  learning  more  than  any  great  ruler  before  him  (§  319). 
Ptolemy  III,  in  war  with  Syria,  carried  his  arms  to  Bactria, 
and  on  his  return  mapped  the  coast  of  Arabia.  Unlike  earlier 
conquerors,  he  made  no  attempt  to  add  territory  to  his  realm 
by  his  victories,  but  only  to  secure  trade  advantages  and  a 
satisfactory  peace.  The  later  Ptolemies  were  weaklings  or 
infamous  monsters,  guilty  of  every  folly  and  crime;  but  even 
they  continued  to  encourage  learning. 

294.  Macedonia  ceased  to  be  of  great  interest  after  the  death 
of  Alexander,  except  from  a  military  point  of  view.  Its  posi- 
tion made  it  the  first  part  of  the  Greek  world  to  come  into 
hostile  contact  with  Rome.  King  Philip  V  joined  Carthage 
in    a   war   against   Rome,  a  little   before  the  year  200   b.c. 

1  That  is,  Rome  had  come  to  control  all  the  relations  of  Egypt  with  foreign 
countries,  although  its  government  continued  in  name  to  he  independent. 


278  THE   GRAECO-ORIENTAL  WORLD  [§  295 

A  series  of  struggles  resulted;  and  Macedonia,  with  parts  of 
Greece,  became  Roman  in  146  B.C. 

295.  Rhodes  and  Pergamum.  —  Among  the  many  small  states, 
two  deserve  special  mention.  Rhodes  headed  a  confederacy 
of  cities  in  the  Aegean,  and  in  the  third  century  she  became 
the  leading  commercial  state  of  the  Mediterranean.  Her  policy 
was  one  of  peace  and  freedom  of  trade.  Pergamum  was  a  small 
Greek  kingdom  in  Asia  Minor,  which  the  genius  of  its  rulers 
(the  Attalids)  made  prominent  in  politics  and  art.  When  the 
struggles  with  Rome  began,  Pergamum  allied  itself  with  that 
power,  and  long  remained  a  favored  state. 

THE   ACHAEAN  LEAGUF:    IN  GREECE 

296.  The  Political  Situation.  —  During  the  ruinous  Wars  of 
the  Succession,  Greece  had  been  a  favorite  battleground  for 
the  great  powers,  Egypt,  Syria,  and  Macedonia.  Many  cities 
were  laid  waste,  and  at  the  close  of  the  contests,  the  country 
was  left  a  vassal  of  Macedonia.  To  make  her  hold  firmer, 
Macedonia  set  up  tyrants  in  many  cities.  Fl'om  this  humilia- 
tion, Greece  was  lifted  for  a  time  by  a  new  power,  the  Achaean 
League,  which  made  a  last  effort  for  the  freedom  of  Hellas. 

297.  Earlier  Confederations.  —  In  early  times,  in  the  more 
backward  parts  of  Greece,  there  had  been  many  rude  federa- 
tions of  tribes,  as  among  the  Phocians  and  Locrians;  but  in 
city-Greece  no  such  union  had  long  survived. 

The  failure  of  the  Confederacy  of  Delos  has  been  told.  During  the 
supremacy  of  Sparta  (about  400  b.c.)  another  still  more  interesting  federal 
union  appeared  for  a  brief  time  on  the  northern  coast  of  the  Aegean. 
Olynthus,  a  leading  Greek  city  in  the  Chalcidic  district,  built  up  a  con- 
federacy of  forty  states,  to  check  the  Thracian  and  Macedonian  barbarians, 
who  had  begun  to  stir  themselves  after  the  fall  of  the  Athenian  power. 
This  league  is  called  the  Olynthian  Confederacy.  Its  cities  kept  their 
local  independence  ;  but  they  were  merged,  upon  equal  terms,  into  a  large 
state  more  perfect  than  any  preceding  federal  union.  The  citizens  of  any 
one  city  could  intermarry  with  those  of  any  other,  and  they  could  dwell 
and  acquire  landed  property  anywhere  within  the  league  ;  while  no  one 
city  had  superior  privileges  over  the  others,  as  Athens  had  had  in  the 


§  299]  THE  ACHAEAN  LEAGUE  279 

Delian  League.  .After  only  a  short  life,  as  we  have  seen,  this  promising 
union  was  crushed  ruthlessly  by  jealous  Sparta  (§  261). 

298.  Aetolian  League.  —  Now,  after  280  b.c,  two  of  the  an- 
cient tribal  federations  which  had  survived  in  obscure  corners 
of  Greece  —  Achaea  and  Aetolia  —  began  to  play  leading  parts 
in  history. 

Of  these  two,  the  Aetolian  League  was  the  less  important. 
Originally  it  seems  to  have  been  a  loose  union  of  mountain 
districts  for  defense.  But  the  Wars  of  the  Succession  made 
the  Aetolians  famous .  as  bold  soldiers  of  fortune,  and  the 
wealth  brought  home  by  the  thousands  of  such  adventurers 
led  to  a  more  aggressive  policy  on  the  part  of  the  league.  The 
people  remained,  however,  rude  mountaineers,  "  brave,  boast- 
ful, rapacious,  and  utterly  reckless  of  the  rights  of  others." 
They  played  a  part  in  saving  southern  Greece  from  the  invad- 
ing Gauls  (§  290),  but  their  confederacy  became  more  and 
more  an  organization  for  lawless  plunder. 

299.  Achaean  League :  Origin. — In  Achaea  there  was  a  nobler 
history.  A  league  of  small  towns  grew  into  a  formidable 
power,  freed  most  of  Greece,  brought  much  of  it  into  a  federal 
union,  with  all  members  on  equal  terms,  and  for  a  glorious 
half  century  maintained  Greek  freedom  successfully. 

The  story  offers  curious  contrasts  to  the  period  of  Athenian  leadership 
two  hundred  years  earlier.  Greece  could  no  longer  hope  to  become  one 
of  the  great  military  powers ;.  we  miss  the  intellectual  brilliancy,  too,  of 
the  fifth  century ;  but  the  period  affords  even  more  instructive  political 
lessons  —  especially  to  Americans,  interested,  as  we  are,  in  federal  in- 
stitutions. The  most  important  political  matter  in  Greek  history  in 
the  third  century  B.C.  is  this  experiment  in  federal  government. 

The  people  of  Achaea  were  unwarlike,  and  not  very  enter- 
prising or  intellectual.  In  all  Greek  history  they  produced 
no  great  writer  or  great  artist.  They  did  not  even  furnish 
great  statesmen,  —  for  all  the  heroes  of  the  league  were  to 
come  from  outside  Achaea  itself.  Still,  the  Achaean  League 
is  one  of  the  most  remarkable  federations  in  history  before 
the  adoption  of  the  present  Constitution  of  the  United  States. 


280  THE  GRAECO-ORIENTAL  WORLD  [§  300 

We  know  that  there  was  some  kind  of  a  confederation  in 
Achaea  as  early  as  the  Persian  War.  Under  the  Macedonian 
rule,  the  league  was  destroyed  and  tyrants  were  set  up  in 
several  of  the  ten  Achaean  cities.  But,  about  280  b.c,  four 
small  towns  revived  the  ancient  confederacy.  This  union 
swiftly  drove  out  the  tyrants  from  the  neighboring  towns,  and 
absorbed  all  Achaea.  One  generous  incident  belongs  to  this 
part  of  the  story:  Iseas,  tyrant  of  Cerynea,  voluntarily  gave 
up  his  power  and  brought  his  city  into  the  league. 

So  far  Macedonia  had  not  interfered.  The  Gallic  invasion 
just  at  this  time  spread  ruin  over  all  the  north  of  Hellas, 
and  probably  prevented  hostile  action  by  the  Macedonian 
king.     Thus  the  federation  became  securely  established. 

300.  Government.  —  During  this  period  the  constitution  was 
formed.  The  chief  authority  of  the  league  was  placed  in  a 
Federal  Assembly.  This  was  not  a  representative  body,  but  a 
mass  meeting:  it  was  made  up  of  all  citizens  of  the  league 
who  chose  to  attend.  To  prevent  the  city  where  the  meeting 
was  held  from  outweighing  the  others,  each  city  was  given 
only  one  vote.  That  is,  ten  or  twelve  men  —  or  even  one  man 
—  from  a  distant  town  cast  the  vote  of  that  city,  and  counted 
just  as  much  as  several  hundred  from  a  city  nearer  the  place 
of  meeting.  The  Assembly  was  held  twice  a  year,  for  only 
three  days  at  a  time,  and  in  some  small  city,  so  that  a  great 
capital  should  not  overshadow  the  re§t  of  the  league.  It  chose 
yearly  a  Council  of  Ten,  a  Senate,  and  a  General  (or  president), 
with  various  subordinate  officers.  The  same  General  could  not 
be  chosen  two  years  in  succession. 

This  government  raised  federal  taxes  and  armies,  and  rep- 
resented the  federation  in  all  foreign  relations.  Each  city 
remained  a  distinct  state,  with  full  control  over  all  its  internal 
matters  —  but  no  city  of  itself  could  make  peace  or  war,  enter 
into  alliances,  or  send  ambassadors  to  another  state.  That  is, 
the  Achaean  League  was  a  true  federation,  and  not  a  mere 
alliance ;  and  its  cities  corresponded  closely  to  the  American 
States  under  our  old  Articles  of  Confederation. 


§302]  THE  ACHAEAN  LEAGUE  281 

301.  Faults  in  the  Government.  —  In  theory,  the  constitution 
was  extremely  democratic :  in  practice,  it  proved  otherwise. 
Men  attended  the  Assembly  at  their  own  expense.  Any 
Achaean  might  come,  but  only  the  wealthy  could  afford  to  do  so, 
as  a  regular  thing.  Moreover,  since  the  meetings  of  the  As- 
sembly were  few  and  brief,  great  authority  had  to  be  left  ito 
the  General  and  Council.  Any  Achaean  was  eligible  to  these 
offices ;  but  poor  men  could  hardly  afford  to  take  them,  because 
they  had  no  salaries.  The  Greek  system  of  a  primary  assembly 
was  suited  only  to  single  cities.  A  2^ri7nary  assembly  made  the 
city  of  Athens  a  perfect  democracy :  the  same  institution  made 
the  Achaean  League  intensely  aristocratic. 

The  constitution  was  an  advance  over  all  other  Greek  federa- 
tions, but  it  had  two  other  faults.  (1)  It  made  little  use  of 
representation,  which  no  doubt  would  have  seemed  to  the 
Achaeans  undemocratic  (§  128),  but  which  in  practice  would 
have  enabled  a  larger  part  of  the  citizens  to  have  a  voice  in 
the  government;  and  (2)  all  cities,  great  or  small,  had  the 
same  vote. 

This  last  did  not  matter  much  at  first,  for  the  little  Achaean 
towns  did  not  differ  greatly  in  size;  but  it  became  a  plain 
injustice  when  .the  union  came  later  to  contain  some  of  the 
most  powerful  cities  in  Greece.  However,  this  feature  was 
almost  universal  in  early  confederacies,^  and  it  was  the  prin- 
ciple of  the  American  Union  until  1789. 

302.  First  Expansion  beyond  Achaea.  —  The  power  of  the  Gen- 
eral was  so  great  that  the  history  of  the  league  is  the  biog- 
raphy of  a  few  great  men.     The  most  remarkable  of  these 

1  The  one  exception  was  the  Lycian  Confederacy  in  Asia  Minor.  The 
Lycians  were  not  Greeks,  apparently ;  but  they  had  taken  on  some  Greek 
culture,  and  their  federal  union  was  an  advance  even  upon  the  Achaean. 
It  was  absorbed  by  Rome,  however,  in  54  a.d.,  before  it  played  an  important 
part  in  history.  In  its  Assembly,  the  vote  was  taken  by  cities,  hut  the  cities 
were  divided  into  three  classes :  the  largest  had  three  votes  each,  the  next  class 
two  each,  and  the  smallest  only  one.  In  the  Philadelphia  Convention,  in  1787, 
several  American  statesmen  wished  to  adopt  this  Lycian  plan  for  our  States 
in  the  Federal  Congress. 


282  THE  GRAECO-ORIENTAL  WORLD  [§  303 

leaders  was  Aratus  of  Sicyon.  Sicyon  was  a  city  just  outside 
Achaea,  to  the  east.  It  had  been  ruled  by  a  vile  and  bloody 
tyrant,  who  drove  many  leading  citizens  into  exile.  Among 
these  exiles  was  the  family  of  Aratus.  When  a  youth  of 
twenty  years  (251  b.c.)  Aratus  planned,  by  a  night  attack, 
to  overthrow  the  tyrant  and  free  his  native  city.  The  daring 
venture  was  brilliantly  successful;  but  it  aroused  the  hatred 
of  Macedon,  and,  to  preserve  the  freedom  so  nobly  won, 
Aratus  brought  Sicyon  into  the  Achaean  federation. 

303.  Aratus.^  —  Five  years  later,  Aratus  was  elected  Gen- 
eral of  the  league,  and  thereafter,  he  held  that  office  each 
alternate  year  (as  often  as  the  constitution  permitted)  until 
his  death,  thirty-two  years  later. 

Aratus  hated  tyrants,  and  longed  for  a  free  and  united 
Greece.  He  extended  the  league  far  beyond  the  borders  of 
Achaea,  and  made  it  a  champion  of  Hellenic  freedom.  He 
aimed  at  a  noble  end,  but  did  not  refuse  base  means.  He  was 
incorruptible  himself,  and  he  lavished  his  vast  wealth  on  the 
union;  but  he  was  bitterly  jealous  of  other  leaders.  With 
plenty  of  daring  in  a  dashing  project,  as  he  many  times  proved, 
he  lacked  nerve  to  command  in  battle,  and  he  never  won  a  real 
victory  in  the  field.  Still,  despite  his  many  defeats,  his  per- 
suasive power  and  his  merits  kept  him  the  confidence  of  the 
union  to  the  end  of  a  long  public  life. 

304.  Growth  of  the  League;  Lydiadas.  —  In  his  second  gen- 
eralship, Aratus  freed  Corinth  from  her  Macedonian  tyrant  by 
a  desperate  night  attack  upon  the  garrison  of  the  citadel. 
That  powerful  city  then  entered  the  union.  So  did  Megara, 
which  itself  drove  out  its  Macedonian  garrison.  The  league 
now  commanded  the  isthmus,  and  was  safe  from  attack  by 
Macedonia.  Then  several  cities  in  Arcadia  joined,  and,  in 
234,  Megalopolis  (§  265)  was  added,  —  at  that  time  one  of  the 
leading  cities  in  Greece. 

1  Aratus  is  the  first  statesman  known  to  us  from  his  own  memoirs.  That 
work  itself  no  longer  exists,  but  Plutarch  drew  upon  it  for  his  Life,  as  did 
Polybius  for  his  History. 


§305] 


THE  ACHAEAN  LEAGUE 


283 


Some  years  earlier  the  government  of  Megalopolis  had  be-' 
come  a  tyranny :  Lydiadas,  sl  gallant  and  enthusiastic  youth, 
seized  despotic  power,  meaning  to  use  it  for  good  ends.^  The 
growth  of  the  Achaean  League  opened  a  nobler  way :  Lydiadas 
resigned  his  tyranny,  and  as  a  private  citizen  brought  the  Great 
City  into  the  union.  This  act  made  him  a  popular  hero,  and 
Aratus  became  his 
bitter  foe.  The  new 
leader  was  the  more 
lovable  figure,  —  gen- 
erous and  ardent,  a 
soldier  as  well  as  a 
statesman.  Several 
times  he  became  Gen- 
eral of  the  league,  but 
even  in  office  he  was 
often  thwarted  by  the 
disgraceful  trickery  of 
the  older  man. 

305.  The  Freeing  of 
Athens  and  Argos.  — 
For  many  years  Ara- 
tus had  aimed  to  free 
Athens  and  Argos  — 
sometimes  by  heroic 
endeavors,  sometimes 
by    assassination   and 

poison.  In  229,  he  succeeded.  He  bought  the  withdrawal  of 
Macedonian  troops  from  the  Piraeus,  and  Athens  became  an 
ally,  though  not  a  member,  of  the  league. ^  The  tyrant  of 
Argos  was  persuaded  or  frightened  into  following  the  example 


THE  ACHAEAN  AND  AETOLI AN  LEAGUES, 
ABOUT  225  B.C. 


1  This  was  true  of  several  tyrants  in  this  age,  and  it  was  due  no  doubt  in 
part  to  the  new  respect  for  monarchy  since  Alexander's  time,  and  in  part  to 
new  theories  of  government  taught  by  the  philosophers. 

2  The  old  historic  cities,  Athens  and  Sparta,  could  not  be  brought  to  look 
favorably  upon  such  a  union. 


284  THE  GRAECO-ORIENTAL  WORLD  [§306 

of  Iseas  and  Lydiadas,  —  as  had  happened  meanwhile  in  many- 
smaller  cities,  —  and  Argos  joined  the  confederacy. 

The  league  now  was  the  commanding  power  in  Hellas.  It 
included  all  Peloponnesus  except  Sparta  and  Elis.  Moreover, 
all  Greece  south  of  Thermopylae  had  become  free,  —  largely 
through  the  influence  of  the  Achaean  league,  —  and  most  of 
the  states  not  inside  the  union  had  at  least  entered  into  friendly 
alliance  with  it.     But  now  came  a  fatal  conflict  with  Sparta. 

306.  Need  of  Social  Reforms  in  Sparta.  —  The  struggle  was 
connected  with  a  great  reform  within  that  ancient  city„  The 
forms  of  the  "Lycurgan"  constitution  had  survived  through 
many  centuries,  but  now  Sparta  had  only  seven  hundred  full 
citizens  (cf.  §§  254,  263).  This  condition  brought  about  a 
violent  agitation  for  reform.  And  about  the  year  243,  Agis, 
one  of  the  Spartan  kings,  set  himself  to  do  again  what  Lycurgus 
had  done  in  legend. 

307.  Agis  was  a  youthful  hero,  full  of  noble  daring  and  pure 
enthusiasm.  He  gave  his  own  property  to  the  state  and  per- 
suaded his  relatives  and  friends  to  do  the  like.  He  planned 
to  abolish  all  debts,  and  to  divide  the  land  among  forty-five 
hundred  Spartan  "  Inferiors "  (§  254)  and  fifteen  thousand 
other  Laconians,  so  as  to  refound  the  state  upon  a  broad  and 
democratic  basis.  Agis  could  easily  have  won  by  violence; 
but  he  refused  such  methods,  and  sought  his  ends  by  con- 
stitutional means  only.  The  conservative  party  rose  in  fierce 
opposition.  By  order  of  the  Ephors,  the  young  king  was 
seized,  with  his  noble  mother  and  grandmother,  and  murdered 
in  prison,  —  "  the  purest  and  noblest  spirit  that  ever  perished 
through  deeming  others  as  pure  and  noble  as  himself." 

308.  Cleomenes.  —  But  the  ideals  of  the  martyr  lived  on. 
His  wife  was  forced  to  marry  Cleomenes,  son  of  the  other  king; 
and,  from  her,  this  prince  adopted  the  hopes  of  Agis.  Cleomenes 
became  king  in  236.  He  had  less  of  high  sensitiveness  and  of 
stainless  honor  than  Agis,  but  he  is  a  grand  and  colossal 
figure.  He  bided  his  time ;  and  then,  when  the  Ephors  were 
planning  to  use  force  against  him,  he  struck  first. 


§310]  THE  ACHAEAN   LEAGUE  285 

Aratus  had  led  the  Achaean  League  into  war  ^  with  Sparta 
in  order  to  unite  all  the  Peloponnesus  ;  but  the  military  genius 
of  Cleomenes  made  even  enfeebled  Sparta  a  match  for  the 
great  league.  He  won  two  great  victories.  Then,  the  league 
being  helpless  for  the  moment,  he  used  his  popularity  to  secure 
reform  in  Sparta.  The  oligarchs  were  plotting  against  him, 
but  he  was  enthusiastically  supported  by  the  disfranchised 
multitudes.  Leaving  his  Spartan  troops  at  a  distance,  he 
hurried  to  the  city  by  forced  marches  with  some  chosen 
followers.  There  he  seized  and  slew  the  Ephors,  and  pro- 
claimed a  new  constitution,  which  contained  the  reforms  of 
Agis. 

309.  Sparta  Victorious  over  the  League.  —  Cleomenes  designed 
to  make  this  new  Sparta  the  head  of  the  Peloponnesus.  He 
and  Aratus  each  desired  a  free,  united  Greece,  but  under 
different  leadership.  Moreover,  Sparta  now  stood  forth  the 
advocate  of  a  kind  of  socialism,  and  so  was  particularly  hate- 
ful to  the  aristocratic  government  of  the  league. 

The  struggle  between  the  two  powers  was  renewed  with 
fresh  bitterness.  Cleomenes  won  more  victories,  and  then, 
with  the  league  at  his  feet,  he  offered  generous  terms.  He 
demanded  that  Sparta  be  admitted  to  the  union  as  virtual 
leader.  This  would  have  created  the  greatest  power  ever  seen 
in  Greece,  and,  for  the  time,  it  would  have  made  a  free  Hellas 
sure.  The  Achaeans  were  generally  in  favor  of  accepting  the 
proposal;  but  Aratus  —  jealous  of  Cleomenes  and  fearful  of 
social  reform  —  broke  off  the  negotiations  by  underhanded 
methods. 

310.  Aratus  calls  in  Macedon.  —  Then  Aratus  bought  the  aid 
of  Macedon  against  Sparta,  hy  betraying  Corinth,  a  free  member 
of  the  league  and  the  city  connected  with  his  own  most 
glorious  exploit.  As  a  result,  the  federation  became  a  protector- 
ate  of  Macedonia,  holding  no  relations  with  foreign  states 
except  through  that  power.     The  war  now  became  a  struggle 

•  1  In  a  battle  in  this  war  Aratus  held  back  the  Achaean  phalanx,  while 
Lydiadas,  heading  a  gallant  charge,  was  overpowered  by  numbers. 


286  THE  GRAECO-OBIENTAL  WORLD  [§311 


for  Greek  freedom,  waged  by  Sparta  under  her  hero  king 
against  the  overwhelming  power  of  Macedon  assisted  by  the 
confederacy  as  ji  vassal  state.  Aratus  had  undone  his  own 
great  work?7  I 

The  date*  (222  b.c.)  coincides  jwith  the  general  decline  of  the 
Hellenic  world  (§  291).  For  a  while,  Sparta  showed  surprising 
vigor,  and  Cleomenes  was  marvelously  successful.  The  league 
indeed  dwindled  to  a  handful  of  petty  cities.  Bui  in  the  end 
Macedonia  prevailed.  Cleomenes  fled  to  Egypt,  to  die  in 
exile ;  and  Sparta  opened  her  gates  for  the  first  time  to  a  con- 
quering army.  The  league  was  restored  to  its  old  extent,  but 
its  glory  was  gone.  It  still  served  a  useful  purpose  in  keeping 
peace  and  order  over  a  large  part  of  Peloponnesus,  but  it  was 
no  longer  the  champion  of  a  free  Hellas. 

311.  Final  Decline.  —  Soon  after,  war  followed  between 
Achaea  and  Aetolia.  This  contest  became  a  struggle  between 
Macedonia  and  her  vassals  on  the  one  side,  and  Aetolia  aided 
by  Rome  on  the  other ;  for  as  Achaea  had  called  in  Macedonia 
against  Sparta,  so  now  Aetolia  called  in  Rome  against  Achaea 
and  Macedonia,  —  and  Greek  history  closed. 

Some  gleams  of  glory  shine  out  at  the  last  in  the  career  of 
Philopoemen  of  Megalopolis,  the  greatest  general  the  Achaean 
League  ever  produced,  and  one  of  the  noblest  characters  in 
history ;  but  the  doom  of  Achaea  was  already  sealed.  "  Philo- 
poemen," says  Freeman,  "  was  one  of  the  heroes  who  struggle 
against  fate,  and  who  are  allowed  to  do  no  more  than  to  stave 
off  a  destruction  which  it  is  beyond  their  power  to  avert." 
These  words  are  a  fitting  epitaph  for  the  great  league  itself. 


^ 


HELLENISTIC   SOCIETY 

312.  General  Culture.  —  From  280  to  150  b.c.  was  the  period 
of  chief  splendor  for  the  new,  widespread  Hellenism.  It  was 
a  great  and  fruitful  age.  Society  was  refined  ;  the  position  of 
woman  improved;  private  fortunes  abounded,  and  private 
houses  possessed  works  of  art  which,  in  earlier  times,  would 
have  been  found  only  in  palaces  or  temples.     For  the  reverse 


§  314]  LITERATURE  287 

side,  there  was  corruption  in  high  places,  and  hungry  and 
threatening  mobs  at  the  base  of  society. 

Among  the  countless  cities,  all  homes  of  culture,  five  great 
intellectual  centers  appeared  —  Athens,  Alexandria,  Rhodes, 
Pergamos,  Antioch.  The  glory  of  Alexandria  extended  over 
the  whole  period,  which  is  sometimes  known  as  the  Alexan- 
drian age;  the  others  held  a  special  preeminence,  one  at  one 
time,  one  at  another.  Athens,  however,  always  excelled  in 
philosophy,  and  Rhodes  in  oratory.^ 

313.  Literature.  —  The  many-sided  age  produced  new  forms 
in  art  and  literature :  especially,  (1)  the  prose  romance,  a  story 
of  love  and  adventure,  the  forerunner  of  the  modern  novel; 
(2)  the  pastoral  poetry  of  Theocritus,  which  was  to  influence 
Virgil  and  Tennyson;  and  (3)  personal  memoirs.  The  old 
Attic  comedy,  too,  became  the  "New  Comedy"  of  Menander 
and  his  followers,  devoted  to  satirizing  gently  the  life  and 
manners  of  the  time. 

In  general,  no  doubt,  the  tendency  in  literature  was  toward 
critical  scholarship  rather  than  toward  great  and  fresh  crea- 
tion. Floods  of  books  appeared,  more  notable  for  style  than 
matter.  Treatises  on  literary  criticisj»n  abounded ;  the  science 
of  grammar  was  developed ;  and  poets  prided  themselves*upon 
writing  all  kinds  of  verse  equally  well.  Intellectually,  in  its 
faults,  as  in  its  virtues,  the  time  strikingly  resembles  our  own. 

314.  Painting  and  Sculpture.  —  Painting  gained  prominence. 
Zeux\s,  ParrMsius,  and  Apelles  are  the  most  famous  Greek 
names  connected  .with  this  art,  which  was  now  carried  to  great 
perfection.  According  to  popular  stories,  Zeuxis  painted  a 
cluster  of  grapes  so  that  birds  pecked  at  them,  while  Apelles 
painted  a  horse  so  that  real  horses  neighed  at  the  sight. 

Despite  the  attention  given  to  painting,  Greek  sculpture 
produced  some  of  its  greatest  work  in  this  period.  Multitudes 
of  splendid  statues  were  created — so  abundantly,  indeed,  that 
even  the  names  of  the  artists  are  not  preserved.  Among  the 
famous  pieces  that  survive,  besides  the  Dying  Gaul  and  the 

1  Caesar  and  Cicero  studied  oratory  at  Rhodes. 


288 


THE   GRAECO-ORIENTAL  WORLD 


IS 


Apollo  Belvidere  (§  290),  are  the  Venus  of  Milo  (Melos) 
the  Laocoon  group. 


Venus  of  Melos.  —  A  statue  now  in  the  Louvre. 

315.  Greek  philosophy  after  Socrates  had  three  distinct 
periods,  corresponding  to  the  three  chief  divisions  of  remain- 
ing Greek  history. 


m]  LITERATURE  289 

(For  the  period  of  Spartan  and   Theban  leadership.)     The 

ost  famous  disciple  of  Socrates  is  known  to  the  world  by  his 

nickname  Plato,  the  "  broad-browed."     His  name,  and  that  of 

his  pupil  and  rival,  Aristotle,  of  the  next  period,  are  among 

greatest  in  the  history  of  ancient  thought,  —  among  the 

ry  greatest,  indeed,  in  all  time.     Plato  taught  that  things 

e  merely  the  shadows  of  ideas,  and  that  ideas  alone  are  real, 
ut  this  statement  gives  a  very  imperfect  picture  of  his  beau- 
tiful and  mystical  philosophy  —  which  is  altogether  too  com- 
plex to  treat  here. 

(For  the  Macedonian  period.)  Aristotle,  on  the  other  hand, 
cared  more  about  things.  Besides  his  philosophical  treatises, 
he  wrote  upon  rhetoric,  logic,  poetry,  politics,  physics  and 
chemistry,  and  natural  history ;  and  he  built  up  all  the  knowl- 
edge gathered  by  the  ancient  world  into  one  complete  system. 
For  the  intellectual  world  of  his  day  he  worked  a  task  not 
unlike  that  of  his  pupil  Alexander  in  the  political  world. 
More  than  any  other  of  the  ancients,  too,  he  was  many-sided 
and  modern  in  his  way  of  thinking  (cf.  also  §§  285,  320). 

(For  the  period  after  Alexander.)  During  the  Wars  of  the 
Succession,  two  new  philosophical  systems  were  born, — 
Epicureanism  and  Stoicism.  Each  called  itself  highly  "  prac- 
tical." Neither  asked,  as  older  philosophies  had  done,  "  what 
is  true  ?  "  Stoicism  asked  (in  a  sense  following  Socrates),  — 
"What  is  right?"  and  Epicureanism  asked  merely,  "What 
is  expedient ?'v  One  sought  virtue;  the  other,  happiness, 
Neither  sought  knowledge.  These  two  "schools"  need  a 
somewhat  fuller  treatment  (§§  316^18). 

316.  EpiGurus  was  an  Athenian  citizen.  He  taught  that 
every  man  must  pursue  happiness  as  an  end,  but  that  the  highest 
pleasure  was  to  be  obtained  by  a  wise  choice  of  the  refined 
pleasures  of  the  mind  and  of  friendship,  —  not  by  gratifying 
the  lower  appetites.  He  advised  temperance  and  virtue  as 
means  to  happiness ;  and  he  himself  lived  a  frugal  life,  saying 
that  with  a  crust  of  bread  and  a  cup  of  cold  water  he  could 
rival  Zeus  in  happiness.     Under  cover  of  his  theories,  however, 


290  THE   GRAECO-ORIENTAL  WORLD  [§316 

some  of  his  followers  taught  and  practiced  a  grossness  which 
Epicurus  himself  would  have  earnestly  condemned. 


^^^^^^^^^^^^^1 

^H 

1 

i^ 

I^^^^^^H 

^s^^ 

^^^HM^^H^^ 

■^ 

jOM 

^ 

H|^I'  ^^I^H 

,,P 

■H^^^H| 

The  Laocoon  Group. 
A  representation  in  marble  of  an  incident  in  the  story  of  the  fall  of  Troy. 

The  Epicureans  denied  the  supernatural  altogether,  and  held 
death  to  be  the  end  of  all  things.  Epicureanism  produced  some 
lovable  characters,  but  no  exalted  ones. 


§319]  PHILOSOPHY  291 

317.  Zeno  the  Stoic  ^  also  taught  at  Athens.  His  followers 
made  virtue,  not  happiness,  the  end  of  life.  If  happiness  were 
to  come  at  all,  it  would  come,  they  said,  as  a  result,  not  as  an 
end.  They  placed  emphasis  upon  the  dignity  of  human  nature : 
the  wise  man  should  be  superior  to  the  accidents  of  fortune. 

The  Stoics  believed  in  the  gods  as  manifestations  of  one 
Divine  Providence  that  ordered  all  things  well.  The  noblest 
characters  of  the  Greek  and  Roman  world  from  this  time  be- 
longed to  this  sect.  Stoicism  was  inclined,  however,  to  ignore 
the  gentler  and  kindlier  side  of  human  life ;  and  with  bitter 
natures  it  merged  into  the  philosophy  of  the  Cynics,  of  whom 
Diogenes,  with  his  tub  and  lantern,  is  the  great  example.^ 

318.  New  Importance  of  Philosophy.  —  Both  Stoics  and  Epi- 
cureans held  to  a  wide  brotherhood  of  man.  This  teaching, 
no  doubt,  was  one  result  of  the  union  of  the  world  in  the  new 
Graeco-Oriental  culture.  Such  a  doctrine  would  have  been 
unthinkable  before  the  battle  of  Arbela.  Moreover,  for  the 
educated  classes^jilylosophy  now  took  the  place  of  religion  as  a 
guide  to  life.     The  philosophers  were  the  clergy  of  the  next  few 

mturies  much  more  truly  than  the  priests  of  the  temples  were. 
19.  Libraries  and  "  Museums  "  (  "  Universities '' ) .  —  The  clos- 
ing age  oi  Hellenistic  history  saw  the  forerunner  of  the  modern 
university.  The  beginning  was  made  at  Athens.  Plato  (§  315), 
by  his  will,  left  his  gardens  and  other  property  to  his  followers, 
organized  in  a  club.  Athenian  law  did  not  recognize  the  right 
of  any  group  ^^^^aleto  hold  property,  unless  it  were  a  re- 
ligious body.  ^^^Pi^  this  club  claimed  to  be  organized  for 
the  worship  of  \Mm[uses,  who  were  the  patrons  of  literature 
and  learning ;  and  the  name  Museum  was  given  to  the  institu- 
tion. This-was  the  first  endowed  academy,  and  the  first  union  of 
teachers  and  learners  into  a  corporation} 

1  Zeno  taught  in  the  painted  porch  {stoa)  on  the  north  side  of  the  market- 
place :  hence  the  name  of  his  philosophy.  See  also  the  description  of  the  map 
of  Athens  on  page  202.  ^  SpewaLxeport  r  the  otorieatrf  Diogerres. 

8  A  corporation  is  a  body  of  men  recognized  by  the  law  as  a  "  person  "  so 
far  as  property  rights  go. 


cen- 


292  THE   GRAECO-ORIENTAL  WORLD  [§320 

The  idea  has  never  since  died  out  of  the  world.  The  model 
and  name  were  used  a  little  later  by  the  Ptolemies  at  Alexan- 
dria in  their  Museum.  This  was  a  richly  endowed  institution, 
with  large  numbers  of  students.  It  had  a  great  library  of  over 
half  a  million  volumes  (manuscripts),  with  scribes  to  make 
careful  copies  of  them  and  to  make  their  meaning  more  clear, 
when  necessary,  by  explanatory  notes.  It  had  also  observa- 
tories and  botanical  and  zoological  gardens,  with  collections  of 
rare  plants  and  animals  from  distant  parts  of  the  world.  The 
librarians,  and  the  other  scholars  who  were  gathered  about  the 
institution,  devoted  their  lives  to  a  search  for  knowledge  and 
to  teaching;  and  so  they  corresponded  to  the  faculty  of  a 
modern  university. 

c- 

"The  external  appearance  [of  the  l^useum]  was  that  of  a  group  of 
buildings  which  served  a  common  purpose  —  temple  of  the  Muses,  library, 
porticoes,  dwellings,  and  a  hall  for  meals,  which  were  taken  together. 
The  inmates  were  a  community  of  scholars  and  poets,  on  whom  the  king 
bestowed  the  honor  and  privilege  of  being  allowed  to  work  at  his  expense 
with  all  imaginable  assistance  ready  to  hand.  .  .  .  The  managing  board 
was  composed  of  priests,  but  the  most  influential  post  was  that  of  libra- 
rian."—  Holm,  History  of  Greece^  IV,  307. 

One  enterprise,  of  incalculable  benefit  to  the  later  world,  shows  the 
zeal  of  the  Ptolemies  in  collecting  and  translating  texts.  Alexandria  had 
many  Jews  in  its  population,  but  they  were  coming  to  use  the  Greek 
language.  Philadelphus,  for  their  benefit,  had  the  Hebrew  Scriptures 
translated  into  Greek.  This  is  the  famous  JSeptuaaint  translation,  so 
called  from  the  tradition  that  it  was  the  work  of  j^^^^cholars. 


320.  Science  made  greater  strides  tha^^^r  before  in  an 
equal  length  of  time.  Medicine,  surgery,  bo^iny,  and  mechan- 
ics became  real  sciences  for  the  first  time.  Archimedes  of 
Syracuse  discovered  the  principle  of  the  lever,  and  of  specific 
gravity,  and  constructed  burning  mirrors  and  new  hurling 
engines  which  made  effective  siege  artillery.^  Euclid,  a  Greek 
at  Alexandria,  building  upon  the  old  Egyptian  knowledge,  pro- 
duced the  geometry  which  is  still  taught  in  our  schools  with 

1  See  Davis'  /fffffrffwff'r-"^"^   H,  No.  27. 


320] 


SCIENCE 


293 


little  addition.  Eratosthenes  (born  276  B.C.),  the  librarian  at 
Alexandria,  wrote  a  systematic  work  on  geography,  invented 
delicate  astroilomical  instruments,  and  devised  the  present 
way  of  measuring  the  circumference  of  the  earth — with 
results  nearly  correct.  A  little  later,  Aristarchus  taught  that 
the  earth  moved  round  the  sun ;  and  Hijoparchus  calculated 
eclipses,  catalogued  the  stars,  wrote  books  on  astronomy,  and 


founded  the  science  of  trigonometry.  Aristotle  had  already 
given  all  the  pi^s  of  the  sphericity  of  the  earth  that  are 
common  in  our  text-books  now  (except  that  of  actual  circum- 
navigation) and  had  asserted  that  men  could  probably  reach  Asia 
by  sailing  west  from  Europe.  The  scientific  spirit  gave  rise, 
too,  to  actual  voyages  of  exploration  into  many  regions ;  and 
daring  discoverers  brought  back  from  northern  regions  what 
seemed  wild  tales  of  icebergs  gleaming  in  the  cold  aurora  of 
the  polar  skies. 

The  lighthouse  built  by.  the  first  Ptolemy  on  the  island  of 
Pharos,  in  the  harbor  of  Alexandria,  shows  that  the  new 
civilization  had  begun   to  make  practical   use  of   science  to 


294  THE  GRAECO-ORIENTAL  WORLD  [§  321 

advance  human  welfare.  The  tower  rose  325  feet  into  the 
air,  and  from  the  summit  a  group  of  polished  reflecting  mirrors 
threw  its  light  at  night  far  out  to  sea.  It  seemed  to  the  Jew- 
ish citizens  of  Alexandria  to  make  real  once  more  the  old 
Hebrew  story  of  the  Pillar  of  Cloud  by  day  and  of  Fire  by 
night, —  to  guide  wanderers  on  the  wastes  of  waves.  "All 
night,"  said  a  Greek  poet,  "  will  the  sailor,  driving  before  the 
storm,  see  the  fire  gleam  from  its  top." 

321.  The  Greek  contributions  to  our  oij^i^zation  cannot  be 
named  and  counted,  as  we  did  those  from  the  preceding 
Oriental  peoples.  Egypt  and  Babylon  gave  us  some  very  im- 
portant outer  features,  —  garments,  if  we  choose  so  to  speak, 
for  the  body  of  our  civilization.  But  the  Greeks  gave  us  its  soul. 
This  is  the  truth  in  the  noble  sentences  quoted  at  the  head 
of  Greek  history  in  this  volume  (page  95):  "We  are  all 
Greeks,"  and  "  There  is  nothing  that  moves  in  the  world  to- 
day that  is  not  Greek  in  origin." 

Because  the  Greek  contributions  are  of  the  spirit,  rather 
than  of  the  body,  they  are  harder  to  describe  in  a  brief  sum- 
mary. One  supreme  thing,  however,  must  be  mentioned.  The 
Greeks  gave  us  the  ideal  of  freedom,  regulated  by  self-control, — 
freedom  in  thought,  in  religion,  and  in  politics. 


Keferences  for  Further  Study.  —  Special$lf$ suggested:  Davis' 
Headings,  Vol.  I,  Nos.  119-125  (19  pages,  mostly  from  Polybius,  Arrian, 
and  Plutarch,  the  three  Greek  historians  of  that  age). 

Additional:  Plutarch's  Lives  ("Aratus,"  "  Agis,"  "  Cleomenes," 
"  Philopoemen  ") ;  Mahaffy's  Alexander's  Empire. 

Exercise. — Review  the  various  confederacies, — Peloponnesian,  De- 
lian,  Olynthian,  Achaean,  noting  likenesses  and  contrasts.  Review  the 
period  from  Chaeronea  to  the  death  of  Alexander  by  "catch  words." 


§321]  REVIEW  EXERCISES  295 

REVIEW   EXERCISES  ON  PARTS  11  AND   III 

A.   Fact  Drills  on  Greek  History 

1.  The  class  should  form  a  Table  of  Dates  gradually  as  the  criti<$al 
points  are  reached,  and  should  then  drill  upon  it  until  it  says  itself  as  the 
alphabet  does.  The  following  dates  are  enough  for  this  drill  in  Greek 
history.    The  table  should  be  filled  out  as  is  done  for  the  first  two  dates. 

776  B.C.     First  recorded  Olympiad  338  b.c.  •^••*^^^'*^,  1*^ 

490    "       Marathon  222    "    ^♦•^    ^^^'^'J  ft^ 

405    "  ,.      •  146    "    yn^«*^-^^*^    ^ 


371 


tc^^*^^  l^rv****^ 


2.  Name  in  order  fifteen  battles,  between  776  and  146  b.c,  stating  for 
each  the  parties,  leaders,  result,  and  importance.  (Such  tables  also 
should  be  made  by  degrees  as  the  events  are  reached. ) 

3.  Explain  concisely  the  following  terms  or  names:  Olympiads, 
Ephors,  Mycenaean  Culture,  Olympian  Religion,  Amphictyonies,  Sappho. 
(Let  the  class  extend  the  list  several  fold.) 

B.   Topical  Reviews 

This  is  a  good  point  at  which  to  review  certain  "  culture  topics,"  — 
i.e.,  agriculture,  industrial  arts,  life  of  rich  and  poor,  philosophy,  litera- 
tyj-e,  ayjt,  religion,  science, — tracing  each  separately  from  the  dawn  of 
history.  <z«_-^<^-*^  . 

Make  a  table  showing  the  chief  divisions  of  Greek  history,  with  sub- 
divisions. 


t 


Julius  Caesar.  —  The  British  Museum  bust. 


PART   II 

Rome  and  the  West 


PART   IV 

EOME 

The  center  of  our  studies^  the  goal  of  our  thoughts^  the  point  to  lohich 
all  paths  lead  and  the  point  from  which  all  paths  start  again,  is  to  be 
found  in  Borne  and  her  abiding  power.  —  Freeman. 


CHAPTER   XIX 

THE   PLACE   OF   ROME   IN   HISTORY 

322.  Preceding  History.  —  Our  civilization  began  seven  thou- 
sand years  ago  in  the  fertile  valleys  of  Egypt  and  western 
Asia.  Slowly  war  and  trade  spread  it  around  the  eastern 
coasts  of  the  Mediterranean.  But  the  contributions  of  this 
Oriental  civilization  to  the  future  ivere  mainly  material.  About 
600  B.C.  the  Greeks,  in  their  Aegean  home  and  in  their  many 
settlements  scattered  along  all  the  Mediterranean  coasts,  be- 
came the  leaders  in  civilization.  They  made  marvelous 
advance  in  art,  literature,  philosophy,  and  in  some  sciences. 
Their  chief  contributions  were  intellectual.  After  about  three 
hundred  years,  under  Alexander  the  Great,  they  suddenly  con- 
quered the  East  and  formed  a  Graeco-Oriental  world. 

323.  The  historical  "  center  of  gravity  "  now  shifted  once  more  to 
the  West.  The  Italian  peninsula,  west  of  Greece,  had  long  had 
intercourse  with  Hellas  and  the  Orient.  Greek  cities  dotted  its 
southern  shores  ;  and  its  continuation  —  the  island  of  Sicily  — 
had  been  for  centuries  a  battleground  between  Greek  and  Car- 
thaginian. Italian  cities,  too,  traded  widely  in  the  eastern 
Mediterranean.  Italy  was  not  a  new  land  to  history ;  but, 
until  200  B.C.,  it  was  merely  an  outlying  fragment  of  the  world 

297 


298  ROME  [§  324 

of  history.  Then  it  suddenly  became  the  center  of  historical  in- 
terest. 

During  the  three  centuries  between  the  Persian  War  and 
the  Achaean  League,  one  of  the  Italian  cities  had  been  growing 
into  a  power  which  was  soon  to  become  the  master  of  the 
world,  and  to  make  new  advances  in  civilization.  This  power 
was  Rome. 

324.  Rome  stands  for  government  and  law,  as  distinctly  as 
Greece  stands  for  art  and  intellectual  culture.  The  master- 
work  of  Rome  was  to  make  empire  and  to  rule  it.  The 
Romans  themselves  recognized  this.  Their  poet  Virgil 
wrote :  — 

"  Others,  I  grant,  indeed,  shall  with  more  delicacy  mold  the  breathing 
brass  ;  from  marble  draw  the  features  to  the  life  ;  plead  causes  better  ; 
describe  with  a  rod  the  courses  of  the  heavens,  and  explain  the  rising 
stars.  (  To  rule  the  nations  with  imperial  sway  he  thy  care,  O  Boman. 
These  shall  be  thy  arts  :  to  impose  terms  of  peace,  to  spare  the  humbled, 
and  to  crush  the  proud." 

Rome  began  as  a  village  of  rude  shepherds  and  peasants  by 
the  bank  of  the  Tiber.  Her  history  is  the  story  of  the  growth 
of  a  village  into  a  city-state,  the  growth  of  that  city-state  into 
a  united  Italy,  and  the  further  growth  of  that  Italy  into  a 
world-state.  Rome  did  first  for  the  villages  of  its  surrounding 
hills  what  Athens  did  for  the  villages  of  Attica.  It  went  on 
to  do  for  all  Italy  what  Athens  had  tried  in  vain  to  do  for  all 
Greece.  Then  it  did  lastingly  for  all  the  Mediterranean  world 
what  Alexander  did  —  for  a  moment  —  for  the  eastern  half. 
Shortly  before  the  birth  of  Christ  it  had  organized  the  fringes 
of  the  three  continents  bordering  the  Mediterranean  into  one 
Graeco-Roman  society. 

The  Greeks,  aside  from  their  own  contributions  to  civiliza- 
tion, had  collected  the  arts  and  sciences  of  all  the  nations  of 
antiquity.  Rome  preserved  this  common  treasure  of  mankind, 
and  herself  added  laws  and  institutions  which  have  influenced 
all  later  time.  The  Roman  Empire,  says  the  historian  Free- 
man, is  the  central  "  lake  in  which  all  the  streams  of  ancient 


§3251  PLACE   IN  HISTORY  299 

history  lose  themselves,  and  which  all  the  streams  of  modern  his- 
tory flow  out  ofP 

325.  The  Roman  and  the  Greek.  —  It  was  not  Rome's  genius 
in  war,  great  as  that  was,  which  enabled  her  to  make  the  world 
Roman.  It  was  her  political  wisdom  and  her  organizing  power. 
The  Romans  were  stern  and  harsh,  but  they  were  also  just, 
obedient,  reverent  of  law.  They  were  a  disciplined  people, 
and  they  loved  order.  The  work  of  the  Greeks  and  that  of 
the  Romans  are  happily  related.  Each  is  strong  where  the  other 
is  iveak.  The  Greeks  gave  us  philosophy  and  art ;  the  Ro- 
mans, political  institutions  and  systems  of  law. 

"  The  Greeks  had  more  genius ;  the  Romans  more  stability.  .  .  .  They 
[the  Romans]  had  less  delicacy  of  perception,  .  .  .  but  they  had  more 
sobriety  of  character  and  more  endurance.  .  .  .  Versatility  belonged  to 
the  Greek,  virility  to  the  Roman."  —  Fisher,  Outlines  of  Universal 
History,  125. 

"  If  it  be  true,  as  is  sometimes  said,  that  there  is  no  literature  which 
rivals  the  Greek  except  the  English,  it  is  perhaps  even  more  true  that  the 
Anglo-Saxon  is  the  only  race  which  can  be  placed  beside  the  Roman  in 
creative  po\\rer  in  law  and  politics."  —  George  Burton  Adams. 


•CHAPTER   XX 
•THE  LAND  AND  THE  PEOPLES 

326.  Meaning  of  the  Name  "  Italy.''  —  Modern  Italy,  bounded 
by  the  Alps  and  the  sea,  is  made  up  of  two  distinct  halves, — : 
the  level  valley  of  the  Po  extending  from  east  to  west,  and  the 
slender  mountainous  peninsula  reaching  from  it  south  into  the 
Mediterranean.  But  until  about  27  b.c,  the  first  of  these  two, 
the  Po  valley,  was  always  considered  part  of  Gaul.  It  was 
called  Cisalpine  Gaul,  or  Oaul  this  side  the  Alps.  During  all 
early  Roman  history  the  name  Italy  belonged  not  to  this  valley, 
but  only  to  the  true  peninsula  with  the  Apennine  range  for  its 
backbone.     This  district  is  about  as  large  as  Alabama. 

Like  Greece,  Italy  was  specially  fitted  by  nature  for  the 
work  it  was  to  do.  In  particular,  there  were  three  ways  in 
which  its  geography  affected  its  history.  Each  of  these  calls 
for  a  paragraph  (§§  327-329). 

327.  Unity.  —  Italy  was  more  fit  than  Greece  for  internal 
union,  which  is  the  only  safe  basis  for  external  empire.  The 
geographical  divisions  are  larger,  and  less  distinct,  than  the  divi- 
sions in  Greece,  and  so  the  inhabitants  were  more  easily  united 
under  one  government.  The  fertile  plains  were  better  suited 
to  agriculture  and  grazing  than  were  the  lands  of  Greece, 
while  the  coast  lacked  the  many  harbors  and  the  island-studded 
sea  that  invited  the  earliest  Hellenes  to  commerce.  Civiliza- 
tion came  somewhat  later ;  but  the  foundations  of  empire  were 
more  securely  laid. 

328.  Direction  of  the  First  Expansion.  —  Geography  deter- 
mined also  the  direction  of  Italy's  first  conquests.  The  Apen- 
nines are  nearer  the  eastern  coast  than  the  western,  and  so,  on 
the  eastern  side,  the  short  rocky  spurs  and  swift  torrents  lose 

300 


§  331]  GEOGRAPHICAL  INFLUENCES  301 

themselves  quickly  in  the  Adriatic.  The  western  slope  is 
nearly  twice  as  broad';  here  are  rivers  and  fertile  plains,  and, 
as  a  result,  most  of  the  few  harbors  and  the  important  states. 
Thus  Italy  and  Greece  stood  hack  to  back  (§  85  d).  Greece 
faced  the  old  Oriental  civilizations.  Italy  faced  west  toward 
Spain,  and,  through  Sicily,  toward  Africa.  When  she  was 
ready  for  outside  work,  she  gave  herself  to  conquering  and 
civilizing  these  western  lands,  inhabited  by  fresh,  vigorous 
peoples.  Only  after  this  had  been  accomplished  did  she 
come  into  hostile  contact  with  the  Graeco-Oriental  world  —  ex- 
cept for  the  small  Greek  states  in  southern  Italy. 

329.  The  Central  Mediterranean  Land.  —  European  culture  be- 
gan in  the  peninsula  which  was  at  once  "  the  most  European 
of  European  lands  ''  and  also  the  European  land  nearest  to  the 
older  civilizations  of  the  East  (§§  84,  85).  Just  as  naturally, 
the  state  which  was  to  unite  and  rule  all  the  coasts  of  the  Mediter- 
ranean had  its  home  in  the  central  peninsula  which  divides  that 
inland  sea.  When  her  struggle  for  empire  began,  her  central 
position  enabled  Italy  to  cut  off  the  Carthaginian  power  in 
Africa  and  Spain  from  its  allies  in  the  East  and  to  conquer  her 
enemies  one  by  one. 

Exercise. —  Map  study:  note  that  Liguria,  Gallia  Cisalpina,  and 
Venetia  are  outside  the  true  Italy  (§  326)  ;  fix  the  position  of  Etruria, 
Latium,  Cain^fumia,  Samnium,  and  the  Sahines;  observe  that  the  Arnus 
(Arno),  in  Etruria,  the  Tiber ^  between  Etruria  and  Latium,  and  the 
Zms,  between  Latium  and  Campania,  are  the  most  important  rivers. 
Their  basins  were  early  homes  of  culture  in  Italy. 

330.  A  Mingling  of  Races.  —  For  some  centuries  in  the  pe- 
riod we  are  to  study,  Italy  was  the  mistress  of  the  world.  Be- 
fore that  time,  as  since,  she  had  been  overrun  by  invaders.  In 
prehistoric  times,  the  fame  of  her  fertility  and  beauty  had 
tempted  swarm  after  swarm  of  barbarians  across  the  Alps  and 
the  Adriatic ;  and  already  at  the  opening  of  history  the  land 
held  a  curious  mixture  of  races. 

331.  Chief  Divisions.  —  The  center  of  the  peninsula  was  the 
home  of  the  Italians^  who  were  finally  to  give  their  language 


302 


ROME 


[§331 


and  law  to  the  whole  land.  They  fell  into  two  branches. 
The  western  Italians  were  lowlanders,  and  were  called  Latins. 
Their  home  was  in  Latium.  The  eastern  and  larger  section 
of  Italians  were  highlanders,  and  were  again  subdivided  into 
Sabines,  Samnites,  Volscians,  and  so  on. 

The  more  important  of  the  other  races  were  the  Greeks  in 
the  south  and  the  Gauls  and  Etruscans  in  the  north.     The 


Remains  of  an  Etruscan  Wall  and  Arch  at  Sutri. 

Greeks  (of  Magna  Graecia)  have  been  referred  to  in  earlier 
pages.  The  Gauls  held  the  Po  valley.  They  were  merely  a 
portion  of  the  Gauls  from  beyond  the  Alps,  and  remained 
rude  barbarians  until  a  late  period. 

The  Etruscans  were  a  mysterious  people  — "  the  standing 
riddle  of  history."  At  an  early  time  they  had  held  the  Po  and 
all  the  western  coast  from  the  Alps  to  the  Greek  cities  of  the 
south.  But  before  exact  history  begins,  the  Latins  and  the 
Samnites  of  Campania  had  thrown  off  their  yoke  and  driven 
them  from  all  lands  south  of  the  Tiber,  while  the  Gauls  had 


§331]  PEOPLES  OP  ITALY  303 

expelled  them  from  the  Po  valley.  Thus  they  had  become 
restricted  to  the  central  district,  Etruria,  just  across  the  Tiber 
from  the  Latins. 

The  Etruscans  remained,  however,  the  most  civilized  people 
in  Italy  until  the  Greek  settlements  began.  They  were  mighty 
and  skillful  builders,  as  their  many  interesting  ruins  show. 
They  had  a   system  of  writing,  and   have  left  multitudes  of 


Etruscan  Tombs  at  Orvieto. 

inscriptions,  in  a  language  to  which  scholars  can  find  no  key. 
They  became  celebrated  early  for  their  work  in  bronze  and 
iron,  and  they  were  the  first  people  in  Italy  to  engage  in  com- 
merce. But  before  they  sent  out  trading  ships  themselves, 
they  welcomed  those  of  the  Phoenicians,  and  perhaps  those  of 
the  Cretans.  Their  early  tombs  contain  many  articles  of  Egyp- 
tian and  Phoenician  and  early  Greek  workmanship,  brought 
them  by  these  early  traders,  who  doubtless  taught  them  many 
arts.  The  Etruscans,  in  turn,  ivere  Rome^s  first  teachers,  before 
that  task  fell  to  the  Greeks  of  south  Italyv.i  Etruscan  builders 


304 


ROME 


[§331 


reared  the  walls  of  early  Rome,  drained  her  marshes,  and 
fringed  the  Tiber-side  with  great  quays.  The  Roman's  dress 
(the  toga),  his  house,  his  favorite  amusements  (the  cruel  sports 
of  the  amphitheater),  and  much  of  his  religion  (especially  the 


THE  PEOPLES 
OF  ITALY 


divination  and  soothsaying)  were  Etruscan  in  origin;  while 
from  the  same  source  he  learned  his  unrivaled  power  to  build 
for  all  time.^ 


1  There  are  many  survivals  of  the  ancient  Etruscan  paganism  and  divina- 
tion to-day  among  the  Tuscan  peasantry.  The  ancient  method  of  discovering 
the  will  of  the  gods  by  examining  the  entrails  of  animals  (offered  in  sacrifice) 
was  very  similar  —  even  in  little  details  —  to  the  custom  of  the  old  Babylo- 
nians. It  seems  almost  certain  that  this  and  other  Etruscan  "  charms  "  must 
have  come,  in  some  way,  from  Babylonia ;  cf .  §  49. 


333] 


GEOGRAPHICAL  ADVANTAGES 


305 


332.  "  Fragments  of  Forgotten  Peoples." — Besides  these  four  great 
races — Italians,  Greeks,  Etruscans^  and  Gauls — whom  'Rome  was  finally 
to  fuse  into  one  strong  and  noble  nation,  there  were  also  fragments  of 
earlier  peoples  in  ancient  Italy.  In  the  southern  mountains  were  the 
lapygians ;  in  the  marshes  of  the  northeast,  the  Veueti ;  and,  in  the 
extreme  northwest,  between  the  Alps  and  the  sea,  the  wild  Ligurians. 
These  last  were  rude  hill-men,  who  had  fought  savagely  for  their  crags 
and  caves  with  Etruscans  and  Gauls,  and  were  long  to  harass  the  Roman 
legions  with  guerilla  warfare.  Later,  they  furnished  Rome  an  admirable 
light  infantry. 

333.  Geographical  Advantages  of  Rome.  —  At  first  Rome  was 
simply  one  of  many  Italian  towns.  Her  rise  to  greatness 
rested,  in  part,  at  lea^t,  upon  four  geographical  conditions. 

a.  Rome  is  the  central  city  of  the  peninsula,  and  so  had  advan- 
tages for  consolidating  Italy  like  those  enjoyed  by  Italy  after- 
ward for  unifying  the  Mediterranean  coasts.  It  was  not  by 
accident  that  Mediterranean  'do- 
minion fell  to  the  central  city  of 
the  central  peninsula. 

b.  The  Tiber  was  the  one  navi- 
gable river  of  Italy.  In  old  times 
ships  sailed  up  the  river  to  Rome, 
while  barges  brought  down  to  her 
wharves  the  wheat  and  wine  of  the 
uplands.  The  site  had  the  ad- 
vantages of  a  port,  but  was  far 
enough  from  the  coast  to  be  safe 
from  sudden  raids  by  pirates. 
There  is  no  doubt  that  Rome^s  greatness  in  Latium  was  largely 
due  to  her  commercial  site.^ 

c.  Early  Rome  was  a  "mark  state''  of  the  Latins;  that  is,  it 
borderejd  upon  hostile  peoples.  Just  across  the  Tiber  lay  the 
Etruscans,  and  in  the  eastern  mountains  dwelt  the  Sabines,  — 
rude  hi^hlanders,  fond  of  raiding  their  richer  neighbors  of  the 

The  Romans  were  the  champions  of  the  Latins  against 


ROME      <P;^-m^ 

AND  VICINITY      "**^  ^^^"5 


Plains. 


1 :  ktommsen,  I,  59-62,  has  a  striking  account  of  the  Tiber  traffic. 


306  ROME  [§  333 

both  these  foes.  Thus  they  came  to  excel  the  other  Latins  in 
war.  Their  position  was  favorable,  also,  to  some  mingling  of 
tribes ;  and  Roman  traditions  assert  that  such  a  mingling  did 
take  place  (§  335). 

d.  Home  was  "  the  city  of  the  seven  hills.^'  Italian  towns,  like 
the  Greek  (§  103),  had  their  origin  each  in  some  acropolis,  or 
hill  fortress ;  and  even  in  Latium  there  were  many  settlements, 
hke  Alba  Louga  or  Praeneste,  that  frowned  from  more  formid- 
able heights  than  those  held  by  Rome.  But  nowhere  else  was 
there  in  the  midst  of  a  fertile  plain  a  group  of  hills.  The  impor- 
tance of  this  will  be  shown  soon  (§  338). 


For  Further  Reading.  — Davis'  Headings,  Vol.  II,  No.  1,  gives  a  de- 
scription of  Italy  and  its  peoples  by  an  old  Roman  writer.  An  excellent 
brief  modern  account  is  to  be  found  in  Howe  and  Leigh,  1-19. 


CHAPTER   XXI 

LEGENDARY  HISTORY 

The  two  pages  of  this  chapter  are  more  suitable  for  reading 
in  class  than  for  ordinary  recitation. 

334.   Old  Writers  and  Sources.  —  The  Romans  had  no  Homer  * 

for  their  early  civilization ;  and  they  did  not  begin  to  write 
the  history  of  their  city  until  about  200  B.C.,  —  more  than  two 
centuries  after  Herodotus  and  Thucydides  wrote  the  history 
of  Greece.  Even  then  the  first  histories  were  meager  skele- 
tons. To  make  even"  such  a  story  for  the  earlier  centuries  of 
Roman  life,  the  first  Roman  historians  found  only  two  kinds 
of  material  —  scant  official  records  knd  unreliable  family  chron- 
icles.   - — " " '  * 

The  records  comprised  only  lists  of  magistrates,  with  brief  notices  of 
striking  events  and  of  peculiar  phenomena,  like  an  eclipse.  Even  these 
barren  records  had  been  destroyed  up  to  the  year  390  b.c.  (when  the 
Gauls  sacked  the  city),  and  had  been  restored,  imperfectly,  from  memory. 

The  great  clans  fed  their  pride  by  family  histories,  and  especially  by 
historical  funeral  orations  (§  397)  ;  but  these  were  all  based  upon  oral 
tradition,  which  was  readily  distorted  by  inventions  and  wild  exaggera- 
tions, to  suit  family  glory. 

Erom  such  sources,  early  in  the  second  century  b.c,  Fabius 
Pictor  (§  624)  wrote  the  first  connected  history  of  Rome.  He 
and  his  successors  (mostly  Greek  slaves  or  adventurers)  trimmed 
and  patched  their  narratives  ingeniously  to  get  rid  of  gross 

1  Some  modern  scholars,  however,  believe  that  there  must  have  been  a 
copious  ballad  literature  among  the  people,  from  which  early  historians  could 
draw.  Macaulay's  Lays  of  Ancient  Rome  was  an  attempt  to  reproduce  such 
ballads  as  Macaulay  thought  must  once  have  existed.  A  criticism  of  this 
idea  may  be  found  in  Ihne's  Early  Rome,  18,  19. 

307 


308  ROME  [§335 

inconsistencies,  filled  the  many  gaps  by  borrowing  freely  from 
incidents  in  Greek  history,  and  so  produced  an  attractive  story. 
These  early  works  are  now  lost ;  but,  two  hundred  years  later, 
they  furnished  material  for  Livy  and  Dionysius,  whose  accounts 
of  the  legendary  age  were  accepted  as  real  history  ^  until  after 

1800  A.D. 

335.  Legends  of  Regal  Rome. — According  to  the  legendary  story, 
Rome  was  ruled  from  753  to  610  b.c.  by  seven  successive  kings.  The 
founder,  Bomulus,  was  the  son  of  Mars  (God  of  War)  and  of  a  Latin 
princess.  As  a  babe  he  had  been  exposed  to  die,  but  was  preserved  and 
suckled  by  a  wolf.  He  grew  up  among  rude  shepherds ;  with  their  aid 
he  built  a  city  on  the  Palatine  Mount  above  the  old  wolf's  den ;  here  he 
gathered  about  him  outlaws  from  all  quarters,  and  these  men  seized  the 
daughters  of  a  Sabine  tribe  for  wives.  This  led  to  war,  and  finally  to 
the  union  of  the  Romans  and  the  Sabines,  who  then  settled  upon  one  of 
the  neighboring  hills.  Romulus  organized  the  people  into  tribes,  curias, 
and  clans ;  appointed  a  Senate ;  conquered  widely  ;  and  was  finally 
taken  up  to  heaven  by  the  gods  in  a  thunderstorm,  or,  as  some  thought, 
was  killed  by  jealous  aristocrats.  Numa.,  the  next  king,  elected  after  a 
year's  interregnum,  established  religious  rites,  and  gave  laws  and  arts  of 
peace,  which  were  taught  him  by  the  nymph  Egeria  in  a  sacred  grove  by 
night.  Tullus  Hostilius,  a  warlike  conqueror,  is  a  shadowy  Romulus, 
and  Ancus  Marcius  is  a  faint  copy  of  Numa.  The  fifth  king  was  Tarquin 
the  First,  an  Etruscan  adventurer,  who  was  succeeded  by  Servius  Tullius, 
son  of  a  slave  girl.  Servius  reorganized  the  government,  and  was  fol- 
lowed by  a  second  Tarquin,  Tarquin  the  Proud,  whose  oppression  led  to 
his  expulsion  and  to  the  establishment  of  a  Republic.  The  last  three 
sovereigns  were  "tyrants"  in  the  Greek  sense.  They  favored  the  com- 
mon people  (the  plebs)  against  the  aristocratic  patricians,  extended  the 
sway  of  Rome,  and  constructed  great  and  useful  works. 

336.  Modem  Scholars  and  these  Legends.  —  To  scholars  of 
the  time  of  the  American  Revolution,  Romulus, and  Tarquin 
were  as  real  as  Queen  Elizabeth  or  Christopher  Columbus. 
Early  in  the  nineteenth  century,  however,  scholars  began  to 
inquire  into  inconsistencies  in  the  Roman  narrative.  Such 
investigation  soon  forced  the  world  to  give  up  the  old  history. 

1  Livy  himself  spoke  modestly  of  the  unreliability  of  much  of  his  material 
for  the  early  period ;  but  later  writers  repeated  his  story  without  his  cautions. 


§336]  EARLY  LEGENDS  309 

No  one  now  regards  the  stories  of  the  kings  as  history.  In- 
deed, no  one  pretends  to  know  more  than  a  general  outline  of 
Roman  history  before  390  b.c.  ;  and  for  a  century  after  that 
date  the  details  are  very  uncertain.  Since  1900  a.d.,  however, 
excavations  have  taught  us  much.  The  opinions  of  modern 
scholars  regarding  this  early  period  will  be  stated  briefly  in 
the  next  chapter. 


CHAPTER   XXII 

CONCLUSIONS   ABOUT   ROME   UNDER   THE   KINGS 

THE    GROWTH   OF   THE  CITY 

337.  Early  Latium  contained  thirty  Latin  tribes,  each 
settled  around  some  hill-fort.  At  first,  Rome  was  by  no  means 
the  most  important  of  these  centers.  In  the  early  days  the 
leading  settlement  was  Alba  Longa  (the  Long  White  City), 
which  was  the  head  of  a  rude  Latin  union,  —  like  a  Greek  am- 
phictyony  (§  119),  but  somewhat  more  political  in  character. 

338.  The  Union  of  the  Seven  Hills  at  Rome.  —  The  oldest  part 
of  Rome  seems  to  have  been  a  settlement  on  the  crest  of  the 
Palatine^  a  square  hill  and  the  central  one  of  the  group  of  low 
hills  on  the  south  side  of  the  Tiber.  Some  village  had  held 
a  place  there  from  the  Stone  Age  of  the  Latins,  —  at  least  1200 
years  before  Christ,  —  and  it  is  still  possible  to  trace  solidly 
built  walls  of  this  "  square  town "  belonging  to  a  prehistoric 
date.^  This  citadel  served  as  a  military  outpost  of  the  Latins, 
to  hold  the  Tiber  frontier  against  the  Etruscans  on  the  north 
bank. 

Early  settlements  were  made  also  on  at  least  two  other  of 
the  seven  hills,  —  the  Quirinal  and  the  Caelian.  Roman  tra- 
dition says  that  one  of  these  towns  was  founded  by  an  invad- 
ing tribe  of  Sabines,  and  the  other  by  a  conquering  Etruscan 
tribe.  No  doubt,  there  was  a  long  period  of  war  between  the 
three  hill-forts,  with  occasional  truces,  during  which  the  towns- 
men met  for  trade  on  the  common  ground  of  the  marshes  between 
the  hills.  Finally,  the  three  settlements  were  united  into  one 
state,  with  the  tribes  on  an  equal  footing,  one  with  another. 

1  The  historic  Romans  believed  that  their  city  was  founded  in  753  B.C.,  and 
they  dated  all  events  from  that  year.  Excavations  show  that  they  might 
have  claimed  much  greater  antiquity. 

310 


§338] 


GROWTH  OF  THE  CITY 


311 


Then  the  low  ground  between  these  hills  became  the  place 
for  political  assemblies  (Comitium),  and  for  the  common  market 
place  (Forum) ;  and  the  steep  Capitoline,  a  little  to  one  side, 


ROME 

under  the  Kings 


1.  Citadel  (Arx).  4.  Citadel  at  Janiculum.      T.  Senate  House  (Curia). 

2.  Templeof  Jupiter  fCapitolinus).      5.  "  Wall  of  Kopiulus."       8.  Comitium. 

3.  "  Quays  of  the  Tarquins."  6.  Temple  of  Vesta. 

became  the  common  citadel.  The  later  kings  (the  "  tyrants  " 
perhaps)  drained  the  marshes  and  inclosed  all  the  seven  hills 
within  one  wall,  taking  in  also  much  open  space  for  further  city 
growth.  Until  a  few  years  ago,  the  remains  of  a  great  drain 
(Cloaca  Maxima)  and  of  a  massive  wall  were  thought  to  be- 


312 


ROME  UNDER  THE   KINGS 


[§338 


long  to  these  early  works  ;  but  they  are  now  supposed  to  be  of 
later  date,  replacing  the  ruder  structures  of  the  kings.     The 


So-CAiiLED  Wall  of  SERvros.  This  wall  was  thirteen  feet  thick  and  fifty- 
feet  high.  It  consisted  of  a  huge  rampart  of  earth,  faced  on  each  side  by  a 
wall  of  immense  stones  fitted  together  without  mortar.  A  part  of  this 
colossal  structure  has  recently  been  uncovered  on  the  Aventine. 

present  remains,  however,  belong  to  a  very  early  period,  and 
are  pictured  in  these  pages. 


The  gain  from  this  union  was  not  merely  in  physical  power.  That  was 
the  least  of  it.  Early  societies  are  fettered  rigidly  by  custom,  so  that  the 
beginnings  of  change  are  inconceivably  slow.    In  Rome,  the  union  of 


§339] 


GROWTH  OF  THE  CITY 


313 


distinct  societies  broke  this  bondage  at  a  period  far  earlier  than  common. 
Necessity  compelled  the  three  tribes  to  adopt  broader  views  of  their  re- 
lations toward  one  another.  They  became  accustomed  to  variety  of  cus- 
toms, and  they  found  how  to  live  together  peaceably  even  when  their 
ways  differed.  Compromise  took  the  place  of  inflexible  custom.  Thus 
began  the  process  of  association  that  was  later  to  unite  Italy,  and  Rome 
was  started  upon  the  development  of  her  marvelous  system  of  law. 


"^  -^^b^: 

^^         -r^**-"                   "f 

Cloaca  Maxima.    As  it  appeared  before  a  recent  restoration. 

339.  Growth  beyond  the  Walls.  — The  territory  of  the  city 
must  still  have  been  for  a  while  only  a  narrow  strip  along  the 
river,  limited  on  every  side  by  the  stream  or  by  the  lands  of 
other  towns.  But  before  the  year  500  b.c,  war  with  the 
neighboring  Sabines,  Etruscans,  and  Latins  had  produced 
great  expansion.  Rome  had  come  to  hold  a  third  of  Latium  and 
to  control  the  whole  south  hank  of  the  Tiber  from  the  sea  to  the 
highlands  (about  eighteen  miles  either  way  from  the  city). 
At  the  Tiber  mouth,  Ostia,  the  first  Roman  colony,  had  been 


314  ROME  UNDER  THE   KINGS  [§340 

founded  for  a  port ;  and,  on  the  noHh  side  of  the  river,  Rome 
had  seized  Mount  Janiculum  and  fortified  it  against  the  Etrus- 
cans. Several  of  the  conquered  Latin  towns  had  been  razed 
and  their  inhabitants  brought  to  Rome.  Even  Alba  Longa 
had  been  destroyed,  and  Rome  had  succeeded  to  the  headship 
of  the  Latin  co7ifederacy. 

EARLY   ROMAN   SOCIETY 

340.  Homes.  —  The  first  Romans,  when  not  fighting,  were 
farming  or  shepherding  their  flocks.  Their  life  was  plain  and 
simple.  Their  houses  were  like  those  of  the  primitive  people  all 
about  the  Mediterraneau  (§  95),  —  small  huts,  often  only  one 
room,  with  no  chimney  or  window.  The  open  door  and  an 
opening  in  the  peaked  roof  let  out  the  smoke  from  the  hearth 
fire,  and  let  in  light.  Daylight  entered  through  the  open  door, 
and  a  slight  cavity  directly  below  the  roof-opening  received  the 
rain. 

341.  Religion  centered  about  the  home  and  the  daily  tasks. 
Eor  each  house  the  door  had  its  protecting  god  Janus,  two- 
faxjed,  looking  in  and  out;  and  each  hearth  fire  had  the  goddess 
Vesta.  When  the  cit^  grew  powerful,  it  had  a  city  Janus, 
and  a  city  Vesta.  In  the  ancient  round  temple  of  Vesta,  the 
holy  fire  of  the  city  was  kept  always  bright  by  the  priestesses 
(Vestal Virgins),  who  had  to  keep  pure  in  thought  and  act,  that 
they  might  not  pollute  its  purity.  For  the  fire  to  go  out,  or 
be  defiled  in  any  way,  would  mean  disaster  or  ruin  for  the  city. 

Next  to  the  house  gods  came  the  gods  of  the  farm  :  Tellus 
(Earth),  the  deity  in  the  soil;  Saturn,  the  god  of  sowing;  Ceres, 
the  goddess  who  made  the  grain  grow ;  Venus,  another  god- 
dess of  fruitfulness ;  and  Terminus,  a  god  who  dwelt  in  each 
boundary  pillar,  to  preserve  the  bounds  of  the  farm  —  and, 
later,  to  guard  the  boundaries  of  the  state. 

The  early  Romans  had  also  an  ancestor  worship  at  each  fam- 
ily tomb,  and  each  Latin  tribe  had  its  ancestral  or  at  least  its 
patron  deity.  The  war-god.  Mars,  father  of  the  fabled  Rom- 
ulus, was  the  special  god  of  Rome.     At  the  head  of  all  the 


§341] 


EARLY  SOCIETY 


315 


tribal  gods  of  Latiuin  stood  Jupiter  (Father  Jove)  ;  and  when 
Rome  became  the  central  Latin  power,  Jupiter  became  the  cen- 
ter of  the  Roman  religion. 

The  later  Romans  borrowed  some  of  the  Greek  stories  about 
the  gods/  to  establish  a  sort  of  relationship  among  their 
deities:  but  they  lacked  imagination  and  poetic  feeling,  and 


An  Early  Roman  Coin  (As)  .    The  head  is  a  representation  of  Janus ;  the 
reverse  side  shows  the  prow  of  a  ship. 

they  could  not  create  a  rich  and  beautiful  mythology,  as  the 
Greeks  had  done. 

The  Roman  gods  were  less  like  men  than  the  Greek  gods 
were.  They  remained  vague  and  misty.  In  consequence  Ro- 
man religion  seems  to  us  a  "  dreary  round  of  ceremonies,"  with 
little  of  adoration,  no  poetry,  and  no  love.  As  a  matter  of 
prudence,  the  will  of  the  gods  was  sought  out  by  a  study  of 
omens.  Worship  consisted  of  a  strict,  observance  of  ceremo- 
nies. Divine  favor  could  be  lost  by  failure  to  use  precise 
gestures  in  a  service,  or  by  the  omission  or  addition  of  a  single 
word.  On  the  other  hand,  the  intricacies  of  the  worship  had 
somewhat  the  value  of  a  conjurer's  charm.  If  the  ceremony 
was  carried  through  in  the  proper  manner,^  it  almost  compelled 
the  aid  of  the  gods. 

1  For  the  correspondence  of  Greek  and  Roman  gods,  see  §  111. 

2  Munro's  Source  Book ,  page  9,  No.  9,  a,  6. 


316  EARLY  ROME  [§342 

342.  Pontiffs  and  Augurs.  —  Under  these  conditions  there 
grew  up  in  Rome  (as  in  other  Italian  towns)  two  important 
"  colleges  "  of  city  priests,^  — pontiffs  and  augurs. 

a.  The  pontiffs  had  general  oversight  of  the  state  re- 
ligion; and  they  were  also  the  guardians  of  human  science. 
Their  care  of  the  exact  dates  of  religious  festivals  made  them 
the  keepers  of  the  calendar  and  of  the  rude  records  of  the 
city  (§  334).  They  had  oversight  also  of  weights  and  meas- 
ures ;  and  they  themselves  described  their  knowledge  as  "  the 
science  of  all  things  human  and  divine." 

b.  The  gods  at  Rome  manifested  their  will  not  by  oracles  but 
by  omens,  or  auspices.  These  auspices  were  sought  especially  in 
the  conduct  of  birds,  and  in  the  color  and  size  of  the  entrails 
of  animals  (§  331,  note).  The  interpretation  of  such  signs 
became  a  kind  of  science,  in  the  possession  of  a  college  of 
augurs. 

343.  Political  Value.  —  The  Roman  religion  became  a  mighty 
political  instrument.  No  public  act  (vote,  election,  or  battle) 
could  be  begun  without  divine  approval.  If  the  gods  were 
properly  consulted  concerning  a  proposed  measure  and  had 
manifested  their  approval,  then,  the  Romans  felt,  they  were 
under  obligation  to  see  it  carried  through.^ 

The  thrifty  Roman  mind  drove  hard  bargains,  too,  with  the 
gods.  The  soothsayers  called  for  fresh  animals  until  the  en- 
trails gave  the  signs  desired  by  the  ruling  magistrate,  and 
then  the  gods  were  just  as  much  bound  as  if  they  had  shown 
favor  at  the  first  trial.  The  sky  was  watched  until  the  desired 
birds  did  appear,  and,  in  the  later  periods,  tame  birds  were  kept 
to  give  the  required  indications. 

The  priests  and  augurs,  too,  were  the  servants  of  the  state, 
not  its  masters.  They  did  not  make  a  distinct  hereditary  class, 
but  were  themselves  warriors  and  statesmen ;  and,  as  priests, 
they  acted  only  at  the  command  of  the  civil  magistrate.     The 

1  A  "  college  "  is  simply  a  **  collection  "  of  persons.  The  members  of  each 
college  held  office  for  life,  and  themselves  filled  vacancies  in  their  number. 

2  Munro's  Source  Book,  16,  illustrates  this  point.  ' 


§345]  SOCIAL  CLASSES  317 

augurs  sought  no  omen,  and  made  no  announcement,  except 
when  directed  to  do  so.^ 

344.  Patricians  and  Plebeians.  —  The  descendants  of  the 
original  three  tribes  (§  338)  formed  "the  Roman  people/'  in 
a  strict  sense.  The  tribesmen  were  patricians  (men  "with 
fathers  ").  For  a  long  time,  they  were  the  only  citizens  —  along 
with  the  clans  and  families  whom  they  "  adopted  "  from  time  to 
time.     They  alone  could  vote  or  hold  office  or  sue  in  th'e  courts. 

But,  like  the  Greek  cities,  Italian  cities  contained  many 
non-citizens.  In  Rome  this  class  was  especially  large,  partly 
because  the  city  had  brought  within  its  walls  many  clans  from 
conquered  cities,  and  partly  because  adventurers  and  refugees 
thronged  naturally  to  a  prosperous  commercial  center.  These 
non-citizens  were  plebeians  (or  the  plebs).  Some  of  them 
were  rich ;  but  none  of  them  had  any  part  in  the  religion,  or 
law,  or  politics  of  the  city.  They  could  not  intermarry  with 
citizens.  Policy  and  custom  required  the  city  to  protect  their 
lives  and  property  ;  but  they  had  no  absolute  security 
against  an  unscrupulous  patrician.  TJieir  struggle  to  win  rights 
and  privileges  makes  the  early  political  history  of  Rome. 

345.  Patrician  society  was  organized  in  familiesj  dans 
(gentes),  and  curias. 

a.  The  family  counted  far  more  than  in  Greece.  The 
Roman  father  had  a  peculiar  power  over  his  sons  and  grand- 
sons as  long  as  he  livedj  even  when  they  were  grown  men  and 
perhaps  in  the  ruling  offices  of  the  city.  When  his  son  took 
a  wife,  she,  too,  leaving  her  own  family,  came  under  his  con- 
trol. His  own  daughters  passed  by  marriage  from  his  hand 
under  that  of  some  other  house-father.  Roman  law  recognized 
no  relationship  through  females.  The  father  ruled  his  house- 
hold, and  the  households  of  his  male  descendants,  as  priest, 
judge,  and  king.  He  could  sell,  or  slayi  his  wife,  unmarried 
daughter,  grown-up  son,  or  son's  wife ;  and  all  that  was  theirs 
was  his.     No  appeal  lay  from  him  to  any  higher  judge.     In 

1  Munro's  Source  Book,  12,  has  a  good  illustration  of  the  power  of  augurs. 


318  EARLY  ROME  [§346 

practice,  however,  the  father  was  influenced  somewhat  by  near 
relatives  and  by  public  opinion  and  religious  feeling.  A  man 
was  declared  accursed  if  he  sold  a  married  son  into  slavery, 
though  no  law  could  punish  him.  It  is  a  curious  fact  that, 
despite  the  legal  slavery  of  women,  the  Roman  matrons  had  a 
dignity  and  public  influence  unknown  in  Greece. 

b:  The  Roman  gentes  correspond  to  the  Greek  clans.  In 
patrician  Rome  there  were  300  of  these  units. 

c.  The  300  clans  were  grouped  in  30  curias}  In  early 
historical  times,  the  curias  were  the  most  important  division 
of  the  people,  both  for  worship  and  for  government.  Each  curia 
possessed  its  own  religious  festivals,  its  own  priest,  its  temple 
and  sacred  hearth.  In  the  political  Assembly  of  the  people 
the  curia  was  the  unit  for  voting. 

346.  The  patrician  government  had  three  parts,  —  king, 
Senate,  and  Assembly  (as  in  Homeric  Greece).  The  king 
stood  to  the  state  as  the  father  to  the  family,  and  was  some- 
what more  important  than  the  early  Greek  kings  were. 

The  Senate  seems  to  have  been  originally  a  council  of  the  300 
chiefs  of  the  clans.  In  historic  Rome  it  long  kept  the  number 
300,  but  the  kings  won  the  power  to  fill  vacancies.  The  Senate 
could  advise  the  king,  and  it  could  veto  any  change  in  old  custom. 

When  a  king  died  before  his  successor  had  been  appointed,  there  was 
an  interregnum  ("interval  between  kings").  The  Senators  ruled  by 
turiTSTtor  five  days  each,  as  inter-reges  ("kings  for  an  interval").  The 
first  inter-rex  was  chosen  by  lot.  Each  one  then  named  his  successor, 
and  any  one  after  the  first  could  nominate  a  permanent  king.  No  election 
could  take  place  except  upon  such  nomination.  Each  inter-rex  for  his 
brief  rule  kept  the  kingly  power  in  full. 

The  Assembly  was  a  meeting  of  the  patricians  in  curias.  It 
met  only  at  the  call  of  the  king.  Its  approval  was  necessary 
for  offensive  war  and  for  any  change  in  old  customs,^  and  for 

1  These  precise  figures  suggest  that  there  had  been  some  artificial  rearrange- 
ment of  these  natural  units  —  such  as  that  ascribed  to  Romulus. 

2  Early  societies  have  very  little  law-making.  This  process  of  definitely 
changing  an  old  custom,  on  rare  occasions,  corresponds  to  modern  legislation. 


ORGANIZATION   BY  CENTURIES  319 

the  adoption  of  new  clans  ;  and,  after  an  interregnum,  it  elected 
a  king  on  the  nomination  of  some  inter-rex.  The  early 
Assembly  did  not  debate :  it  only  listened  to  the  king's  words. 

TWO   PREHISTORIC   REVOLUTIONS 

347.  Plebeians  gain  Some  Rights.  —  The  first  great  change 
in  the  Roman  government  was  the  partial  admission  of  the 
})lebeians.  Legend  asserts  that  this  was  the  work  of  Servius. 
Certainly  the  change  was  connected  with  a  reform  of  the 
Roman  army. 

Originally,  the  army  was  made  up  of  "  the  Roman  people  " 
—  the  patricians  and  their  immediate  dependents.  But  as 
the  plebeians  grew  in  numbers,  the  king  needed  their  service 
in  war.  Toward  the  close  of  the  period  of  the  kings,  Rome 
was  a  city  of  eighty  thousand  or  one  hundred  thousand  people. 
According  to  the  legend,  Servius  called  upon  eighteen  hundred 
of  the  wealthiest  citizens  to  serve  as  cavalry  (equites  or  knights), 
and  then,  for  infantry  service,  divided  all  other  landowners,  pZ^6e- 
iavi  and  patrician,  into  five  classes,  according  to  their  wealth. 

Eight  thousand  had  property  enough  so  that  they  could  be 
required  to  provide  themselves  with  complete  armor.  They 
made  the  front  ranks  of  the  phalanx.  Behind  them  stood  the 
second  and  third  classes,  less  completely  equipped,  but  still 
ranking  as  "  heavy-armed."  The  poorer  fourth  and  fifth 
classes  served  as  light-armed  troops.  Each  of  the  five  classes 
was  subdivided  into  centuries,  or  companies  of  100  men  each. 
In  all  there  were  193  centuries,  —  a  fighting  force  of  nearly 
20,000  men. 

In  early  society  the  obligation  to  fight  and  the  right  to  vote 
go  together  (cf.  §  137).  Questions  of  peace  and  war  and  the 
election  of  military  officers  were  naturally  referred  to  the  war 
host.  Thus,  gradually  the  army  of  centuries  became  in  .peace 
an  Assembly  of  Centuries,  which  took  to  itself  all  the  political 
powers  of  the  old  Assembly  of  Curias. 

348.  Aristocratic  Character  Maintained.  —  The  army  grad- 
ually changed  its  form,  but  the  political  Assembly  of  Centuries 


320  EARLY  ROME  [§349 

crystallized  in  the  original  shape.  In  this  way,  the  patricians 
maintained  most  of  their  power.  As  the  population  increased, 
the  poorer  classes  grew  in  numbers  faster  than,  the  rich ;  but 
they  did  not  gain  political  weight  because  the  number  of  cen- 
turies was  not  changed.  The  centuries  of  the  lower  classes  came 
to  contain  many  more  than  a  hundred  men  each,  while  those  of  the 
knights  and Jirst  class  contained  far  less;  but  each  century,  full 
or  skeleton,  still  counted  one  vote. 

Thus  the  knights  and  the  first  class  (98  of  the  193  centuries), 
even  after  they  had  come  to  be  a  small  minority  of  the  people, 
could  outvote  all  the  rest.  They  still  voted  first,  too,  just  as 
when  they  stood  in  the  front  ranks  for  battle ;  and  so  often- 
times they  settled  a  question  without  any  vote  at  all  by  the 
other  classes.  And  since  the  knights  and  the  first  class  must 
have  remained  largely  patrician,  it  is  clear  that  in  disputes 
between  the  patricians  and  plebeians  the  aristocratic  party 
could  rule. 

None  the  less  it  was  a  great  gain  that  the  position  of  a  man 
was  fixed,  not  by  birth  and  religion,  but  by  his  wealth.  The 
arrangement  of  the  centuries  still  prevented  complete  political 
equality ;  but  the  Jirst  great  barrier  against  the  rise  of  democracy 
ivas  broken  down. 

349.  "  Tyrants."  —  A  second  great  change  took  place  about  the 
year  500.  This  was  the  disappearance  of  kingship.^  Probably 
many  more  than  seven  kings  ruled  at  Rome.  The  last  three 
(as  the  legends  suggest)  were  probably  "tyrants,"  supported 
by  the  plebeians  against  the  patricians.  Thus  the  overthrow 
of  kingship  seems  to  have  been  an  aristocratic  victory. 

350.  Expulsion  of  the  "Tyrants."  —  The  later  Romans  be- 
lieved that  the  last  Tarquin  oppressed  the  people  and  that  the 
cruel  deeds  of  his  son  finally  roused  the  people  to  fury,  so  that 
they  drove  the  family  from  Rome,  abolished  the  kingship,  and, 
in  place  of  a  kiiig  for  life,  chose  two  consuls  for  a  year.  This 
revolution  is  ascribed  to  the  year  510,  —  the  same  year  in 
which  the  Pisistratids  were  finally  driven  from  Athens.     But 

1  Compare  these  early  revolutions  with  those  at  Athens  (§§  1.34-137). 


§352]  CONSULS  AND  SENATE  321 

while  the  Greek  story  is  strictly  historical,  the  Roman  is  mere 
legend.  In  after  centuries  the  Romans  hated  the  name  king, 
and  the  feeling  was  created  largely  by  the  stories  of  Tarquin's 
cruelty.  Probably,  however,  these  stories  were  the  inventions 
of  the  aristocrats  long  after  the  "expulsion."^  Certainly 
"  king "  did  not  at  once  become  a  detested  name.  At  Rome, 
as  at  Athens  (§  134),  there  remained  a  king-priest  (rex  sacro- 
rum),  whose  wife  also  kept  the  title  of  queen  (regina).  The 
legends  themselves  represent  another  Tarquin  (Lucius  Tar- 
quinius  Collatinus)  as  one  of  the  first  two  consuls ;  nor  is  there 
any  evidence  that  at  first  the  consuls  ruled  only  for  one  year. 
All  that  we  really  know  is,  that,  in  prehistoric  Rome,  the  aris- 
tocratic patricians  in  some  way  reduced  and  Jinally  abolished 
kingship. 

"  The  struggle  was  doubtless  longer  and  sharper,  and  the  new  consti- 
tution more  gradually  shaped,  than  tradition  would  have  us  believe. 
Possibly,  too,  this  revolution  at  Rome  was  but  part  of  a  wide-spreading 
wave  of  change  in  Latium  and  central  Italy,  similar  to  that  which  in 
Greece  swept  away  the  old  heroic  monarchies."  — Pblham,  Outlines  of 
Roman  History,  41. 

351.  The  Consuls  have  been  called  ^^ joint  kings  for  one  year.^^ 

The  kingship  had  become  elective,  and  it  was  divided  between 
two  men.  The  term  of  office,  too,  was  finally  limited  to  one 
year.  But  for  that  year  the  new  consuls  were  "kings,"  nearly 
in  full.  They  called  and  dissolved  Assemblies  at  will.  They 
alone  could  propose  measures  or  nominate  magistrates.  They 
filled  vacancies  in  the  Senate.  They  ruled  the  city  in  peace, 
and  commanded  the  army  in  war. 

352.  Practical  Checks.  —  In  practice,  however,  three  impor- 
tant checks  appeared  upon  the  power  of  the  consuls.  (1)  Either 
consul  might  find  any  of  his  acts  absolutely  forbidden  by  his 

1  Students  should  tell  some  of  these  stories  as  they  are  given  in  Livy :  for 
instance,  Lake  Regillus,  Brutus  and  his  sons,  Horatius  at  the  Bridge,  and  the 
Porsenna  anecdotes.  The  second  and  third  of  these  are  reproduced  in  Davis' 
Readings,  Vol.  II,  Nos.  7  and  8.  This  is  a  good  place  for  the  student,  who  has  not 
before  done  so,  to  become  acquainted  with  Macaulay's  Lays  of  Ancient  Rome. 


322  EARLY   ROME  [§353 

colleague.  (2)  When  they  laid  down  their  office,  they  became 
responsible  to  the  centuries  and  the  courts  for  their  past  acts. 
(3)  Their  short  term  made  them  dependent  upon  the  advice  of 
the  permanent  Senate,  —  against  whose  will  it  became  almost 
impossible  for  them  to  act. 

A  fourth  limitation  was  less  important.  The  kings  had  held  power  of 
life  and  death,  without  appeal ;  but  one  of  the  early  consuls,  Valerius 
Puhlicola,  secured  a  law  that  if  a  consul  condemned  a  citizen  to  death, 
he  must  permit  an  appeal  to  the  Assembly — except  in  war,  when  he 
kept  the  old  power  in  full. 

353.  The  Senate's  Gain.  —  Moreover,  the  relation  of  the 
Senate  to  a  one-year  consul  was  very  different  from  its  old 
subordinate  relation  to  a  life-king.  The  king  had  been  jeal- 
ous of  its  powers;  the  consul's  highest  ambition  was  to  get 
into  its  ranks.  Its  advice  became  more  and  more  a  command, 
until,  in  fact,  it  became  the  main  part  of  the  government. 

354.  The  Dictatorship.  —  In  time  of  peril,  the  division  of 
power  between  two  consuls,  with  the  possibility  of  a  deadlock, 
might  easily  be  fatal  to  the  city.  The  remedy  was  found  in 
temporary  revivals  of  the  qld  kingship  under  a  new  name. 
Either  consul,  at  the  request  of  the  Senate,  might  appoint 
a  dictator.  This  officer  was  absolute  master  of  Rome,  save 
that  his  term  of  office  could  not  exceed  six  months.  He  was 
the  two  consuls  in  one,  with  half  their  length  of  office.  He 
had  power  of  life  and  death  in  the  city  as  in  the  army  ;  and 
he  could  not  be  questioned  for  his  acts  even  when  he  had  laid 
down  his  powers.     He  coidd  not,  however,  nominate  a  successor. 


For  Further  Reading.  —  Davis'  Beadings,  Vol.  II,  Nos.  2-6,  illus- 
trate various  phases  of  Roman  religion  ;  Pelham's  Outlines,  15-17,  treats 
of  the  proofs  of  separate  settlements  on  the  seven  hills. 

Additional  readings  of  value  on  the  matter  of  this  chapter  may  be 
found  in  Ihne's  Early  Borne,  chs.v-ix,  Tighe's  Boman  Constitution,  chs. 
ii-iii.  Fowler's  City  State,  chs.  ii-iii.  Students  are  advised  to  read  one  of 
these.  The  best  treatment  of  the  consulship  is  Ihne's  Early  Borne,  chs. 
x-xii. 


V? 


CHAPTER  XXIir 

CLASS   STRUGGLES   IN  THE  REPUBLIC,   510-367  B.C. 

355.  The  Expulsion  of  the  Kings  followed  by  Class  Conflicts.  — The 
first  century  and  a  half  of  the  Republic  was  a  stern  conflict  between 
patricians  and  plebeians.  Torn  and  distracted  by  the  internal  struggle, 
Rome  made  little  gain  externally,  and  indeed  for  a  time  she  lost  terri- 
tory. 

The  peculiar  mark  of  the  long  internal  struggle  was  the  absence  of  extreme 
violence.  The  vehement  class  conflicts  in  Greek  cities  were  marked  by 
bloody  revolutions  and  counter-revolutions  ;  the  contest  in  Rome  was  car- 
ried on  "  with  a  calmness,  deliberation,  and  steadiness  that  corresponded 
to  the  firm,  persevering,  sober,  practical  Roman  character."  When  the 
victory  of  the  plebs  was  once  won,  the  result  was  correspondingly  per- 
manent. 

THE   POSITION   OF  THE   CLASSES   AFTER  510   B.C. 

356.  A  Patrician  Oligarchy.  —  TJie  overthroiv  of  the  kings  was 
in  no  sense  a  democratic  movement.  It  left  Rome  an  oligarchy. 
The  last  kings  had  leaned  upon  the  lower  orders.  The  ple- 
beians found  themselves  the  losers  in  politics,  in  law,  and  in 
property  rights,  by  the  change. 

a.  They  could  hold  no  ojfice  ;  they  could  control  only  a  mi- 
nority of  votes  in  the  Assembly ;  and  they  had  no  way  even  to 
get  a  measure  considered.  At  best,  they  could  vote  only  upon 
laws  proposed  by  patrician  magistrates,  and  they  could  help 
elect  only  patrician  officers,  who  had  been  nominated  by  other 
patricians.  The  patrician  Senate,  too,  had  a  final  veto  upon 
any  vote  of  the  centuries ;  and,  in  the  last  resort,  the  patrician 
consuls  could  always  fall  back  upon  the  patrician  augurs  to 
prevent  a  possible  plebeian  victory.^ 

1  The  augurs  could  prevent  a  vote  by  declaring  the  auspices  unfavorable. 

323 


324  EARLY  ROME,   510-367  B.C.  [§  357 

h.  In  law  suits  there  was  a  like  loss  to  the  plebeians.  The 
kings  had  found  it  to  their  interest  to  see  justice  done  the  plebs, 
but  now  law  became  again  a  patrician  possession.  It  was  un- 
written, and  to  the  plebs  almost  unknown.  It  was  easy,  there- 
fore, in  any  dispute  for  a  patrician  to  take  shameful  advantage. 

c.  The  laws  regarding  debt  were  cruelly  severe,^  and  here 
the  patricians  found  their  opportunity  for  oppression.  The 
plebeians  were  liable  to  fall  into  debt  for  two  reasons,  — which 
require  separate  treatment  (§§  357,  358). 

357.  The  patricians  now  robbed  the  plebeians  of  their  share  in 
the  public  land.  When  Rome  conquered  a  hostile  city,  she 
took  away  a  half  or  a  third  of  its  territory.  The  kings  had 
sometimes  settled  colonies  of  landless  plebeians  upon  such  land, 
but  the  greater  portion  of  the  new  territory  became  a  common 
pasture  ground.  It  belonged  to  the  state,  and  a  small  tax  was 
paid  for  the  right  to  graze  cattle  upon  it. 

Strictly,  even  under  the  kings,  only  the  patricians  had  the 
right  to  use  this  grazing  land,  but  the  kings  had  extended  the 
privilege  to  the  plebs  also.  The  patricians  now  resumed  their 
sole  right,  and  thus  reduced  to  painful  straits  the  poorer 
plebeians  who  had  eked  out  a  scanty  income  from  their  small 
farms  by  such  aid.^  At  the  same  time,  the  sending  out  of  col- 
onies of  landless  plebeians  was  stopped,  partly  because  little 
land  was  won  now  for  a  long  time,  and  partly  because  the 
patricians  insisted  upon  keeping  for  themselves  any  that  was 
secured.' 

358.  The  conditions  of  warfare,  also,  bore  more  heavily  upon 
the  small  farmer  than  upon  the  great  landlord.  The  farmer  was 
called  away  frequently  to  battle ;  he  had  no  servants  to  till  his 
fields  in  his  absence ;  and  his  possessions  were  more  exposed 

1  See  the  extracts  in  Munro's  Source  Book,  54,  55. 

2  To  make  matters  worse,  the  patrician  officers  ceased  to  collect  the  grazing 
tax.  Thus  the  public  land  was  enjoyed  by  the  patricians  as  private  property, 
without  purchase  or  tax,  while,  as  a  result,  the  tax  on  plebeian  farms  had  to 
be  increased,  to  supply  the  falling  off  to  the  treasury. 

3  An  excellent  brief  treatment  of  the  public  land  is  given  in  Tighe,  82-88, 
and  in  Mommsen,  I,  343-346. 


§362]  CLASS  STRUGGLES  325 

to  hostile  forays  than  were  the  strongly  fortified  holdings  of 
his  greater  neighbor.  Thus  he  might  return  to  find  his  crops 
ruined  by  delay  or  his  homestead  in  ashes,  and  he  could  no 
longer  apply  to  the  king  —  the  patron  of  the  plebs  —  for 
assistance. 

359.  Results.  —  Thus,  more  and  more,  the  plebeians  were 
forced  to  borrow  tax  money  from  patrician  money  lenders  or 
to  get  advances  of  seed  corn  and  cattle  from  a  neighboring 
patrician  landlord.  The  debtor's  land  and  his  person  were  both 
mortgaged  for  payment.  On  failure  to  pay,  the  plebeian 
debtor  became  the  property  of  the  creditor.  He  was  compelled 
thereafter  to  till  his  land  (no  longer  his)  for  the  creditor's  ben- 
efit ;  or,  if  he  refused  to  accept  this  result,  he  was  cast  into  a 
dungeon,  loaded  with  chains,  and  torn  with  stripes. 

360.  Dissatisfaction  of  the  Rich  Plebeians. —  To  be  sure,  there 
were  many  plebeians  who  were  rich  in  goods  and  lands,  but 
they,  too,  were  bitterly  dissatisfied.  This  was  true  especially 
of  the  descendants  of  the  ruling  families  of  the  conquered  Latin 
towns  whose  populations  had  been  removed  to  Rome.  These 
men  were  aggrieved  because  they  were  not  allowed  to  hold 
office  or  to  intermarry  with  the  old  Roman  families.  Thus 
they  became  the  natural  leaders  and  organizers  of  the  mass  of 
poorer  plebeians. 

THE  STRUGGLE 

361.  Objects.  —  The  struggle  of  the  plebeians  to  right  these 
wrongs  filled  a  century  and  a  half  (510-367  b.c).  At  first 
the  masses  clamored  for  relief  from  the  cruel  laws  regarding 
debt,  and  for  a  share  in  the  public  lands.  The  leaders  cared 
more  for  equality  with  the  patricians  in  the  law  courts  and 
for  social  equality  and  political  office.  Gradually  the  whole 
body  of  the  plebeians,  also,  began  to  demand  these  things  because 
they  found  that  whatever  economic  rights  they  won  were  of  no 
value,  so  long  as  the  laws  were  carried  out  only  by  patrician  officials. 

362.  Methods.  —  Livy  (§  334)  gives  a  graphic  story  of  the  first 
great  clash  between  the  classes  (497  b.c).     Probably  the  story 


326 


EARLY   ROME,  510-367  B.C. 


l§  362 


is  essentially  correct.     (It  is  given  in  full  in  Davis'  Headings, 
II,  No.  9.)     It  may  be  summed  up  briefly  as  follows  :  — 

The  plebs,  driven  to  despair  by  the  cruelty  of  patrician  creditors,  refused 
to  serve  in  a  war  against  the  Volscians,  until  the  consul  won  them  over 
by  freeing  all  debtors  from  prison.  But  when  the  army  returned  victo- 
rious, the  other  consul  refused  to  recognize  his  colleague's  acts  ;  he  arrested 


Bridge  over  the  Anio  To-day,  on  the  road  from  Rome  to  the 

Mount." 


Sacred 


the  debtors  again,  and  enforced  the  law  with  merciless  cruelty.  On  a 
renewal  of  the  war,  the  betrayed  plebs  again  declined  to  fight ;  but  finally 
Manius  Valerius  (of  the  great  Valerian  house  "that  loves  the  people 
well ")  was  made  dictator,  and  him  they  trusted.  Victory  again  followed  ; 
but  Valerius  was  unable  to  get  the  consent  of  the  Senate  to  his  proposed 
changes  in  the  law.  So  the  plebeian  army,  still  in  battle  array  outside  the 
gates,  marched  away  to  a  hill  across  the  Anio,  some  three  miles  from 
Rome,  where,  they  declared,  they  were  going  to  build  a  Rome  of  their  own. 
The  "  strike  "  brought  the  patricians  to  some  real  concessions  (§  363),  and 
the  plebs  returned  from  the  ' '  Sacred  Mount. ' ' 

This  story  resembles  that  of  later  conflicts.     Once  more,  at 
least,  during  foreign  war,  the  plebeian  army  "  struck,"  and  on 


§362]  CLASS  STRUGGLES  327 

other  occasions  it  j)repared  to  do  so.  Between  these  great  crises, 
there  was  much  bitter  strife,  with  a  few  bloody  conflicts  in  the 
city  streets.  Sometimes  the  plebs  succeeded  in  driving  a 
patrician  consul  into  exile,  after  his  term  of  office ;  and  at 
least  one  plebeian  leader,  Genucius,  fell  a  victim  to  patrician 
daggers.  The  patricians  were  especially  bitter  toward  any  of 
their  own  order  who  were  great-souled  enough  and  brave  enough 
to  dare  take  the  side  of  the  people. 

The  first  such  hero  was  Spurias  Cassius.  He  had  served 
Rome  gloriously  in  war  and  in  statesmanship  (§  373).  Finally, 
as  consul,  he  proposed  a  reform  in  the  selfish  patrician  manage- 
ment of  the  public  lands.  The  patricians  raised  the  cry  that 
he  was  trying  to  win  popular  favor  so  as  to  make  himself  tyrant. 
The  foolish  plebeians  allowed  themselves  to  be  frightened  by 
the  charge :  they  deserted  their  champion,  and  he  was  put  to 
death.  Under  like  conditions,  two  other  heroes,  Spurius  Maelius 
and  Marcus  Manlius,  the  man  who  had  saved  Rome  from  the 
Gauls  (§  375),  fell  before  like  charges.  Sometimes  the  latei- 
aristocratic  historians  blackened  the  memory  of  such  "traitors  " 
even  further.  There  was  Ai^pius  Claudius,  who  joined  the  ple- 
beians, in  451  B.C.,  in  an  effort  to  secure  fixed  written  laws 
(§  364).  He  was  put  to  death  by  the  patricians,  and  his  over- 
throw was  afterward  represented  as  the  work  of  a  popular 
rising.  Claudius, 'said  the  patrician  story,  seized  the  free  maid 
Virginia  as  his  slave  girl ;  her  father,  Virginius,  a  popular  offi- 
cer, to  save  her  from  such  shame,  slew  her  with  his  own  hand, 
and  then  called  upon  the  army  to  avenge  his  wrongs  ;  his  com- 
rades marched  upon  the  tyrants  and  overthrew  them. 

The  story  of  Virginia  has  become  so  famous  that  the  student  ought  to 
know  it.  We  cannot  tell  whether  or  not  there  is  any  truth  in  it.  Possi- 
bly Claudius  did  put  the  cause  of  the  people  in  danger  by  selfish  tyranny, 
and  gave  the  patricians  a  handle  against  him  ;  but  in  any  case  we  may  be 
sure  this  was  not  the  real  cause  of  his  overthrow  ;  and  the  popular  rising, 
we  know,  was  directed,  not  against  him,  but  at  his  patrician  murderers 
who  were  trying  to  cheat  the  people  out  of  their  previous  gains.  (See 
Ihne,  Early  Borne,  176.) 


328  EARLY  ROME,   510-367  B.C.  [§363 

The  other  most  instructive  feature  of  the  contest  is  the  way 
in  which  the  aristocratic  class  by  trick  and  superior  skill,  over 
and  over  again,  took  back  with  one  hand  what  they  had  been 
forced  to  surrender  with  the  other ;  so  that  the  masses  had  to 
win  their  cause  many  times,  to  really  secure  the  fruits  of  victory. 

Tlie  stejys  by  ivhich  the  plebs  rose  to  equality  with  the  patricians 
are  treated  in  the  folloicing  sections  {S63-372). 

363.  Tribunes.  —  The  first  secession  gave  the  plebs  the  right 
to  choose  tribunes,  with  power  to  protect  oppressed  plebeians 
against  cruel  laws.  It  was  agreed  that  the  tribunes  should 
have  the  right  to  stop  any  magistrate  in  any  act  by  merely 
calling  out  veto  ("I  forbid") — just  as  one  consul  could 
"veto"  another.  This  veto  could  be  exercised  only  within  the 
city  (not  in  war),  and  by  the  tribunes  in  person.  Hence  a  trib- 
une's door  was  left  always  unlocked,  so  that  a  plebeian  in 
trouble  might  have  instant  admission. V  At  first  two  tribunes 
were  elected  each  year.  Later  the  number  was  increased  to  ten. 
The  person  of  a  tribune  was  declared  sacred ;  and  a  curse  was 
invoked  upon  any  man  who  should  interfere  with  their  acts  — 
which,  however,  did  not  save  the  tribune  Genucius  from 
assassination  (§  362). 

At  the  close  of  a  patrician  consul's  term  of  office,  too,  the 
tribune  could  impeach  him,  and  bring  him  up  for  trial  before 
the  Assembly,  for  offenses  against  the  people.  The  power  of 
veto,  too,  was  extended  until  a  tribune  could  forbid  even  the 
putting  of  a  question  to  vote  in  the  Assembly ;  and  from  a 
seat  just  outside  the  Senate  door  he  could  stop  any  proceeding 
in  that  body  by  crying  out  a  loud  veto.  Thus  the  tribunes 
could  bring  the  whole  patrician  government  to  a  standstill. 

"  Absolute  prohibition  was  in  the  most  stern  and  abrupt  fashion  op- 
posed to  absolute  command  ;  and  the  quarrel  was  settled  (?)  by  recog- 
nizing and  regulatmg  the  discord." — Mommsen,  I,  354,  355. 

364.  Written  Laws.—  About  460  b.c.  the  plebeians  began  to 
demand  written  laws.  (Compare  with  the  Athenian  demands, 
before  Draco.)     The  patricians  opposed  the  demand  furiously  j 


§365]  CLASS  STRUGGLES  329 

but  after  a  teu-y ear  contest  a  board  of  ten  men  (Decemvirs) 
was  elected  to  put  the  laws  into  writing.  Their  laws  were 
engraved  on  twelve  stone  tables,  in  short,  crisp  sentences,  and 
set  up  where  all  might  read  them. 

These  "  Laws  of  the  Twelve  Tables  "  were  the  basis  of  all 
later  Roman  law.  Like  the  first  written  laws  at  Athens,  they 
were  very  severe,  and  were  for  the  most  part  simply  old 
customs  reduced  to  writing.  The  new  thing  about  them  was 
that  they  were  now  known  to  all,  and  that  they  applied  to 
plebeian  and  patrician  alike.^ 

365.  The  Assembly  of  Tribes.  —  At  some  early  date  (legend 
says  in  the  days  of  Servius),  the  city  and  its  territory  outside 
the  walls  had  been  divided  into  twenty-one  "wards,"  or  "tribes," 
for  the  military  levy.  Like  the  "tribes"  of  Clisthenes  at 
Athens,  these  tribes  were  territorial,  and  had  nothing  to  do 
with  the  three  patrician  blood  tribes.  In  some  way  the  meet- 
ing of  the  inhabitants  of  these  local  units  grew  into  a  regular 
"  Assembly."  The  plebeians,  who  had  no  complete  organiza- 
tion in  clans  and  curias,  made  use  of  this  new  Assembly  of 
Tribes  for  purposes  of  government.  It  was  here  they  chose 
their  tribunes,  and  adopted  their  plans,  and  passed  decrees 
(plebiscita)  binding  upon  all  of  their  order.  The  tribunes  called 
this  Assembly  together  and  presided  over  it,  as  the  consuls  did 
with  the  Assembly  of  Centuries.  Probably  a  patrician  had 
a  right  to  attend  the  meeting  of  the  "tribe"  in  which  he 
lived  ;  but  at  this  stage  he  would  not  care  to  do  so. 

The  plebeians,  finding  themselves  helpless  in  the  Assembly 
of  Centuries,  begail  to  insist  upon  bringing  oppressive  patrician 
consuls  for  trial  before  this  Assembly  of  Tribes.  Then,  a  little 
later,  they  demanded  that  the  plebiscites  of  their  Assembly 
should  be  law,  binding  upon  the  whole  state,  just  as  the  decrees 
of  the  Assembly  of  Centuries  were.  This  point  they  finally 
carried,  though  the  Senate  kept  a  veto  upon  the  decrees  of 
both  Assemblies. 

1  See  extracts  in  Munro's  Source  Book,  54-55. 


330  EARLY   ROME,   510-367  B.C.  [§366 

Thus  a  half  century  of  conflict  had  failed  indeed  to  admit  the  plebeians 
into  the  patrician  state ;  but  it  had  instead  set  up  a  double  state,  —  a 
\  plebeian  state  over  against  the  old  patrician  state  ;  Assembly  of  Tribes 
^  and  its  tribunes  over  against  the  Assembly  of  Centuries  and  its  consuls. 
There  was  no  real  arbiter  between  the  two  states,  and  no  check  upon 
civil  war  except  the  Roman  moderation  and  preference  for  constitutional 
methods.     The  next  work  was  to  fuse  these  two  governments  into  one. 


I.  Social  Fusion.  —  The  plebeians  used  their  new  powers  to 
win  further  victories.  Soon  after  its  recognition,  the  Assem- 
bly of  Tribes  decreed  that  j)lebeians  should  have  the  right  to 
marry  with  patricians.  Then  the  Senate  was  forced  to  ap- 
prove this  plebiscite  by  the  threat  of  another  secession. 

From  this  time,  the  two  orders  began  to  mix  in  social  matters, 
and  this  prepared  the  way  for  political  fusion.  Those  patri- 
cians who  had  plebeian  relatives  were  not  likely  to  oppose 
bitterly  the  demands  of  that  class  for  political  honors.  Still 
the  final  contest  was  a  long  one.  About  the  same  time  (445 
B.C.)  the  plebeians  began  a  seventy-eight-year  struggle  for  ad- 
mission to  the  office  of  the  consul  (§§  367  ff.). 

367.  Consular  Tribunes.  —  In  445  the  tribes  voted  that  the 
people  should  be  allowed  to  choose  a  plebeian  for  one  of  the 
consuls.  The  Senate  refused  to  allow  the  "  religious  "  office  of 
consul  to  be  "  polluted,"  but  they  offered  a  compromise.  Ac- 
cordingly it  was  decided  to  have  no  consuls  in  some  years,  but 
instead  to  elect  military  tribunes  with  consular  power,  and  this 
office  was  to  be  open  to  both  patricians  and  plebeians. 

368.  Censors.  —  At  the  same  time,  with  their  old  stronghold  threat- 
ened, the  patricians  prepared  an  inner  fortress  for*defense  of  their  priv- 
ileges. A  new  office,  the  censorship,  was  created,  to  take  over  the  religious 
part  of  the  consul's  duty  and  his  most  important  powers.  To  this  office, 
only  patricians  could  be  elected.  Every  fifth  year  two  censors  were  chosen, 
with  power  to  revise  the  lists  of  the  citizens  and  of  the  Senate,  By 
their  mere  order  they  could  deprive  any  man  of  citizenship,  or  degrade 
a  senator.     They  also  exercised  a  general  moral  oversight  over  the  state. ^ 

1  Ihne's  Early  Rome,  184-189,  has  an  admirable  treatment  of  the  censors. 
Either  censor  could  veto  action  by  the  other.  Their  tremendous  power  was 
used  commonly  with  moderation,  and  not  for  partisan  ends. 


§371]  *   CLASS  STRUGGLES  331 

369.  Patrician  Maneuvers.  —  It  had  been  left  to  the  Senate 
to  decide  each  year  whether  consuls  or  consular  tribunes  should 
be  elected.  The  Senate  used  this  authority  to  secure  the 
election  of  consuls  (who,  of  course,  had  to  be  patricians)  twenty 
times  out  of  the  next  thirty-live  years.  And  even  when  con- 
sular tribunes  were  chosen,  the  patrician  influence  in  the 
Assembly  of  Centuries  kept  that  ottice  for  their  own  order 
every  time  for  almost  half  a  century. 

370.  The  Licinian  Laws,  367  B.C.  —  In  400,  399,  and  396,  how- 
ever, the  plebeians  won  in  the  election  of  the  consular  tribunes, 
and  thereafter  they  never  lost  ground.  An  invasion  by  the 
Gauls  in  390  (§  375)  almost  ruined  Rome  and  thrust  aside 
party  conflict  for  a  time ;  but  in  377  the  linal  campaign  began. 
Under  the  wise  leadership  of  the  tribune  Licinius  Stolo,  the 
whole  body  of  plebeians  united  flrmly  on  a  group  of  measures. 
These  were  proposed  to  the  Assembly  by  Licinius,  and  are 
known  as  the  Licinian  Rogations. 

The  three  most  important  demands  were :  — 

(1)  that  the  office  of  consul  should  be  restored,  and  that  at 
least  one  consul  each  year  should  be  a  plebeian ; 

(2)  that  no  citizen  should  hold  more  than  500  jugera  of  the 
public  lands  (an  acre  is  nearly  two  jugera) ; 

(3)  that  payment  of  debts  might  be  postponed  for  three 
years,  and  that  the  interest  already  paid  should  be  deducted 
from  the  amount  of  the  debt. 

The  first  measure  was  what  the  leaders,  like  Licinius,  cared  most  for. 
The  second  and  third  secured  the  support  of  the  masses.  These  meas- 
ures, also,  were  wise  and  helpful.  The  one  regarding  debts  had  been 
made  necessary  by  the  distress  that  followed  the  invasion  by  the  Gauls. 
The  land  acts  were  not  acts  of  confiscation,  from  any  point  of  view.  Like 
the  early  attempt  of  Spurius  Cassius  (§  362),  they  were  a  righteous  effort 
to  recover  the  people's  property  from  wealthy  patrician  squatters. 

371.  Final  Victory  of  the  Plebs. — T'he  proposal  of  these  re- 
forms was  followed  by  ten  years  of  bitter  wrangling.  Each 
year  the  plebeians  reelected  Licinius  and  passed  the  decrees 
anew  in  the  Assembly  of  the  Tribes.     Each  time  the  Senate 


332  EARLY  ROME,   510-367  B.C.  (§372 

vetoed  the  measures.  Then  the  tribunes,  by  their  veto  power, 
prevented  the  election  of  magistrates  during  the  year,  and  so 
left  the  state  without  any  regular  government.^  At  last  the 
patricians  tried  to  buy  off  the  masses,  by  offering  to  yield  on 
the  matters  of  debts  and  lands  if  they  would  drop  the  demand 
regarding  the  consulship.  But  Licinius  succeeded  in  holding 
his  party  together  for  the  full  program  of  reform  ;  arid,  in  367, 
the  Senate  gave  way  and  the  plebeian  decrees  became  law. 

372.  Political  Fusion  completed,  367-300  B.C.  —  The  long 
struggle  was  practically  over,  and  the  body  of  the  patricians 
soon  accepted  the  result  with  good  grace.  Just  at  first,  to  be 
sure,  they  tried  again  to  save  something  from  the  wreck  .by 
creating  a  third,  and  patrician,  consul  —  called  the  praetor  — 
for  supreme  judicial  control  in  the  city.^  But  all  such  devices 
were  in  vain.  Plebeian  consuls  could  nominate  plebeians  for 
other  offices.  A  plebeian  secured  the  office  of  dictator  in  356 ; 
another  became  censor  in  351,  and  one  was  chosen  praetor  in 
337.  In  300  even  the  sacred  colleges  of  pontiffs  and  augurs 
were  thrown  open  to  them. 

Appointments  to  the  Senate  were  commonly  made  from  those 
who  had  held  office,  and  so  that  body,  also,  gradually  became 
plebeian.  By  the  year  300,  the  old  distinction  between  patri- 
cians and  plebeians  had  practically  died  out. 


For  Further  Reading.  —  Specially  recommended :  Davis'  Headings, 
II,  Nos.  9  and  10  (which  have  been  noticed  in  footnotes  and  text 
above)  ;  Ihne's  Early  Borne,  135-151,  165-190  ;  or  How  and  Leigh, 
52-58,  65-77,  91-94. 

Additional :  Pelham's  Outlines,  54-69,  gives  in  compact  form  a  some- 
what different  view  of  these  class  struggles. 

1  During  the  peril  of  a  foreign  attack,  however,  they  withdrew  from  this 
extreme  ground  and  permitted  consuls  to  be  chosen.  Read  Livy's  account  of 
the  long  contest  in  Davis'  Readings,  II,  No.  10. 

2  The  consul  had  had  three  functions,  religious,  civil,  and  military.  As  the 
plebs  gained  ground,  the  patricians  first  reserved  the  religious  duties  to  the 
patrician  censor,  and  now  the  chief  civil  powers  to  the  patrician  praetor,  in- 
tending to  share  with  the  plebs  only  the  military  office. 


CHAPTER   XXIV 

THE   UNIFICATION   OF   ITALY,   367-266   B.C. 

PROGRESS   BEFORE   3(57    B.C. 

^373.   Gains  under  the  Kings,  and  the  Reaction  to  449  b.c. — 

The  story  of  Rome's  early  wars  is  full  of  patriotic  legends,' 
but  the  general  trend  of  her  growth  is  fairly  clear.  Under 
the  kings  she  had  conquered  widely ;  but,  after  510,  the  Latin 
towns  became  independent  again  and  much  territory  was  seized 
]3y  the  Etruscans.  For  the  next  sixty  years  Rome  fought  for 
life.  Etruscan,  Volscian,  and  Sabine  armies  often  appeared 
under  her  very  walls,  and  many  times  the  peril  was  made  more, 
deadly  by  the  fierce  conflict  of  classes  within  the  city. 

In  493,  it  is  true,  the  Latin  league  was  united  to  Rome,  by 
treaty ,2  as  an  equal  ally,  and  so  a  bulwark  was  provided 
against  the  Volscians  (map,  page  305).  But  the  chief  danger 
lay  in  the  Etruscans,  and  from  this  enemy  Rome  was  saved, 
mainly,  by  outside  events.  Just  at  this  time  the  Gauls  of  the 
north  broke  the  power  of  Etruria  on  land,  and  the  tyrants  of 
Syracuse  (§  181)  shattered  her  superiority  on  the  sea. 

374.  The  Period  449-367  :  Slow  Gains  —  After  the  decemvirs 
(§  364),  when  the  bitterest  internal  dissensions  were  past,  Rome 
began  to  make  steady  gains.  By  slow  degrees  she  became 
again  the  mistress  of  the  Latin  league;  and,  in  396,  after 
fourteen  long  wars,  she  finally  destroyed  Veii,  a  dangerous 
rival,  only  a  few  hours'  walk  distant,  in  Etruria.  Here  she 
began   the   merciless   policy    which  she  was  to  show  toward 


1  The  story  of  Cincinnatus  (§409)  is  given  in  Davis'  Readings,  II,  No.  11. 
Special  report  :  a  Roman  triumph  (see  especially  Munro's  Source  Book,  38-40). 

2  This  important  treaty  was  the  work  of  Spurius  Cassius  (§  362). 

333 


334  ROMR  BECOMES  MISTRESS  OF  ITALY        [§375 

many  rival  capitals   in   time   to  come,  by   exterminating  the 
population  and  laying  waste  the  site  of  the  city. 

375.  The  Gauls.  —  Six  years  later  the  city  was  again  for  a 
time  in  danger  of  utter  destruction.  In  390,  a  horde  of  Gauls, 
who  had  overrun  Etruria,  defeated  the  Roman  army  in  the 
battle  of  the  AUia,  twelve  miles  from  the  walls,  and  cut  it  off 
from  the  city.  Fortunately,  the  barbarians  squandered  three 
days  in  pillage,  and  so  gave  time  to  save  Rome.     The  sacred 


The  City  Skal  of  Syracuse. 
(A  coin  of  480  B.r.) 


A  CitiN  OF  Syracuse  about 
4(X)  B.C. 


fire  was  hastily  removed ;  the  helpless  inhabitants  fled ;  and 
a  small  garrison,  under  the  soldier  Marcus  Manlius  (§  362), 
garrisoned  the  Capitoline  citadel. 

The  Gauls  sacked  the  rest  of  the  city  and  held  it  seven 
months.  But  their  host  was  ravaged  by  the  deadly  malaria 
of  the  Roman  plain  (which  has  more  than  once  been  Rome's 
best  protection)  ;  they  had  little  skill  or  patience  for  a  regular 
siege  ;  and  finally  they  withdrew  on  the  payment  of  a  ransom.^ 


THE   REAL   ADVANCE,    367-266   B.C. 

376.  United  Rome  and  her  Rapid  Growth. — Rome  recovered 
rapidly  from  the    Gallic   conquest;  and   the  slow   growth  of 


1  Special  reports  :  the  sack  of  the  city  ;  the  geese  of  the  capitol  ;  Brennus, 
the  Gallic  chief,  and  his  sword  at  the  scales  ;  the  later  fiction  of  the  Roman 
victory.    See  Davis'  Readings,  II,  Nos.  12,  13. 


§379]        CHAMPION  OF   ITALIAN  CIVILIZATION         335 

territory  up  to  this  time  contrasts  strikingly  with  the  swift 
advance  that  was  to  come  in  the  next  hundred  years.  The 
difference  was  due  mainly  to  the  difference  in  internal  con- 
ditions. The  long  strife  of  classes  closed  in  367  B.C.  (§  871). 
The  process  of  amalgamation  that  had  originally  merged  the  three 
separate  hill  tqwjis  into  the  patrician  state  had  at  length  fused  this 
patrician  state  and  the  iieiver  plebeian  state  into  one  Moman  peo2ole. 
Now  this  united  Rome  turned  to  the  work  of  uniting  Italy.  TJiis 
task  filled  a  century. 

377.  The  Champion  of  Italian  Civilization.  —  Other  states  in 
Italy  had  suffered  by  the  Gauls  as  much  as  Eome,  or  more. 
Rome  at  once  stood  forth  as  the  champion  of  Italian  civiliza- 
tion against  the  barbarians.  After  her  own  immediate  peril 
was  past,  she  followed  up  the  invaders  of  Italy  in  strenuous 
campaigns,  until  they  withdrew  to  the  Po  valley.  In  like  man- 
ner, she  was  soon  to  be  recognized  as  the  champion  of  the  civi- 
lized lowland  Italians  against  the  more  savage  Italian  tribes  of 
the  Apennine  valleys  (§  331).  It  was  in  such  ways  that 
Rome  at  first  earned  her  right  to  empire. 

378.  The  Lowlands  of  Central  Italy.  —  The  Latin  towns  had 
seized  the  opportunity  of  the  Gallic  invasion  to  throw  off  Ro- 
man leadership ;  but  another  short  war  made  Rome  again  the 
mistress  of  Latium.  The  southern  half  of  Etruria,  too,  was 
soon  seized ;  and  on  both  north  and  south  the  new  acquisitions 
were  garrisoned  by  Roman  colonies. 

Next  Campania  was  added.  The  cities  of  that  fertile  plain 
were  being  ravaged  by  the  rude  "  Hill  '^  Samnites,  and  so  they 
appealed  to  Rome  for  aid.  Rome  repulsed  the  mountain  tribes ; 
and,  in  return,  the  cities  of  the  Campanian  plain  became  her 
tributaries. 

379.  The  Last  Latin  Revolt.  —  Now  that  the  Samnites  seemed 
no  longer  dangerous,  the  Latins  once  more  broke  into  revolt. 
This  was  the  great  Latin  War  of  838  B.C.  In  the  end,  the  ris- 
ing was  crushed  and  the  Latin  league  dissolved.  Its  public 
land  became  Roman.  Some  of  its  cities  were  brought  into  the 
Roman  state,  —  their  inhabitants  being  listed  as  citizens  in  the 


336  ROME  BECOMES  MISTRESS  OF  ITALY        [§380 

Roman  "tribes."  The  less  fortunate  cities  were  bound  to 
Rome  as  subjects,  each  by  its  separate  ti'eaty,  and  they  were  al- 
lowed no  intercourse  with  one  another  (except  through  Rome) 
either  in  politics  or  in  trade. 

380.  Last  Struggle  for  Central  Italy :  Samnite  Wars.  —  The 
leadership  of  central  Italy  now  lay  between  Rome,  the  great 
city-state  of  the  lowlands,  and  the  warlike  Samnite  tribes,  which 
were  spread  widely  over  the  southern  Apennines.  The  deci- 
sive struggle  between  the  two  began  in  326,  and  lasted,  with 
brief  truces,  to  290  B.C.  Both  combatants  were  warlike,  and 
they  were  not  unequally  matched.  The  Samnites  trusted 
partly  for  defense  to  their  mountain  fastnesses ;  and  Rome 
found  safety  in  the  chains  of  fortress  colonies  she  had  been 
building  (§  384). 

Early  in  the  war  (321  b.c)  the  Samnites  won  an  overwhelm- 
ing victory.  The  whole  Roman  army  was  entrapped  at  the 
Caudine  Forks  in  a  narrow  pass  between  two  precipices.  The 
Samnite  leader,  Pontius,  made  a  treaty  with  the  consuls  by 
which  the  Romans  were  to  withdraw  all  their  posts  from  Sam- 
nium  and  to  stop  the  war.  He  then  let  the  captives  go,  after 
sending  them  "under  the  yoke,"^  The  fruits  of  the  victory, 
however,  were  lost,  because  the  Romans  refused  to  abide  by 
the  treaty. 

According  to  the  Boman  story,  the  Senate  declared  that  only  the  Ro- 
man Assembly,  not  the  consuls  alone,  had  power  to  make  such  a  treaty. 
In  place  of  their  rescued  army,  they  delivered  to  the  Samnites  the  two 
consuls,  naked  and  in  chains,  saying,  through  the  herald:  "These  men 
have  wronged  you  by  promising,  without  authority,  to  make  a  treaty  with 
you.  Therefore  we  hand  them  over  to  you."  Then  one  of  the  consuls 
(who  is  said  to  have  suggested  the  whole  plan)  pushed  against  the  Roman 
herald,  and  said,  "  I  am  now  a  Samnite,  and,  by  striking  the  Roman  her- 
ald, I  have  given  the  Romans  the  right  to  make  war  upon  the  Samnites." 
The  Romans  pretended  that  these  forms  released  them  from  all  obliga- 
tion, and  resumed  the  war. 

1  This  humiliation  consisted  in  obliging  the  captives  to  come  forth  one  by 
one,  clad  only  in  shirts,  and  pass,  with  bowed  head,  between  two  upright 
spears  upon  which  rested  a  third. 


381] 


SAMNITE  WARS 


337 


\l 


U 


J.^' 


A  Coin  of  Pyrrhus. 


Then  the  Saniiiites  built  up  a  great  alliance,  which  soon  came 
to  contain  nearly  all  the  states  of  Italy,  together  witli  the  Cisal- 
pine Gauls.  But,  using  to  the  full  the  advantage  of  her  central 
position  (§  333),  Rome  beat  these  foes,  one  by  one,  before  they 
could  unite  their  forces ;  and  at  the  close  of  the  long  conflict 
(290  B.C.)  she  had  become  mistress  of  all  the  true  peninsula, 
except  the  Greek  cities  of  the  south. 

381.  War  with  Pyrrhus.  —  Ten  years  later  began  the  last  great 
war  for  territory  in  Italy.  The  Greek  cities  at  this  moment 
were  harassed  by  neigh- 
boring mountaineers,  and 
they  called  in  Roman  aid, 
as  Campania  had  done 
sixty  years  before.  Thus 
Roman  lordship  became 
established  throughout 
the  south,  except  in  Tar- 
entum.  That  great  city  wished  to  keep  her  independence,  and 
sought  help  from  Pyrrhus,  the  chivalrous  king  of  Epirus. 

Pyrrhus  was  one  of  the  most  remarkable  of  the  Greek  mili- 
tary adventurers  who  arose  after  the  death  of  Alexander.  He 
came  to  Italy  with  a  great  armament  and  with  vast  designs. 

He  hoped  to  unite 
the  Greek  cities 
of  Magna  Graecia 
and  Sicily,  and 
then  to  subdue 
Carthage,  the  an- 
cient enemy  of 
Hellenes  in  the 
West.  That  is. 
Coin  OF  Pyrrhus,  struck  in  Sicily.  ^^    planned    to 

l)lay  in  western  Hellas  and  in  Africa  the  part  already  played 
by  Alexander  in  eastern  Hellas  and  in  Asia. 

Pyrrhus  knew  little  of  Rome ;  but  at  the  call  of  Tarentum 
he  found  himself  engaged  as  a  Greek  champion  with  this  new 


338  ROME  BECOMES  MISTRESS  OF  ITALY        [§381 

power.  He  won  some  victories,  chiefly  through  his  elephants, 
which  the  Romans  had  never  before  encountered.  Then  most 
of  southern  Italy  deserted  Rome  to  join  him  ;  but,  anxious  to 
carry  out  his  wider  plans,  he  offered  a  favorable  peace.  Under 
the  leadership  of  an  aged  and  blind  senator,  Appius  Claudius,^ 
defeated  Rome  answered  haughtily  that  she  would  treat  with 
no  invader  ivhile  he  stood  upon  Italian  soil.  Pyrrhus  chafed  at 
the  delay,  and  finally  hurried  off  to  Sicily,  leaving  his  victory 
incomplete.  The  steady  Roman  advance  called  him  back, 
and  a  great  Roman  victory  at  Beneve7itu7n  ( 275  b.c.  )  ruined 
his  dream  of  empire  and  gave  Rome  that  sovereignty  of  Italy 
which  she  had  just  claimed  so  resolutely.  In  266,  she  rounded 
off  her  work  by  the  conquest  of  that  part  of  Cisalpine  Gaul 
which  lay  south  of  the  Po. 


For  Further  Reading.  —  Specially  recommended :  Davis'  Headings, 
II,  Nos.  13-15 ;  and  Pelham's  Outlines,  68-97  (the  best  compact  treat- 
ment of  the  conquest  of  Italy). 

Additional:  There  is  an  excellent  brief  summary  of  Rome's  method  in 
Smith's  Home  and  Carthage,  27. 

Exercise.  —  (1)  Review  the  growth  of  Rome,  510-266  b.c,  by  catch- 
words (see  p.  186),  with  the  important  dates.  (2)  Make  a  list  of  terms 
for  rapid  explanation  (see  p.  162),  from  chapters  xix-xxiv,  especially 
from  chapter  xxiii. 

^See  the  story  from  Livy  iji  Davis'  Readings,  II,  No.  15.  For  Appius 
Claudius,  see  also  §§  395,  399  a,  aud  402. 


CHAPTER   XXV 

UNITED   ITALY  UNDER   ROMAN   RULE 

Rome  and  Subject  Italy.  —  Italy  now  contained  some  5,000,000 
people.  More  than  a  fourth  of  these  (some  1,400,000)  were  Roman 
citizens.  The  rest  were  subjects,  outside  the  Roman  state.  These  fig- 
ures do  not  include  slaves  ;  but  there  were  not  yet  many  slaves  in  Italy. 

THE    ROMAN    STATE 

383.  Classes  of  Citizens.  —  It  had  come  to  pass  that  the  major- 
ity of  Koman  citizens  did  not  live  at  Rome.  Large  parts  of 
Latium  and  Etruria.  and  Campania  had  become  "  suburbs  "  of 
Rome  (although  in  the  midst  even  of  these  districts  there  were 
many  subject  communities);  and  other  towns  of  Roman  citizens 
were  found  in  distant  parts  of  Italy.  Indeed,  partly  because  of 
differPMce  in  place  of  residence,  the  citizens  fall  into  three  classes: 
(1)  the  inhabitants  of  Rome  itself,  (2)  members  of  Roman  colo- 
nies^ and  (3)  members  of  Roman  municipia  (§§  384,  385). 

384.  Colonies.  —  From  an  early  date  (§  339)  Rome  had  planted 
colonies  of  her  citizens  about  the  central  city  as  military  posts. 
The  colonists  and  their  descendants  kept  all  the  rights  of  citizens. 
Each  colony  had  control  over  its  local  affairs  in  an  Assembly  of 
its  own ;  but  in  order  to  vote  upon  matters  that  concerned  the 
state  the  colonists  had  to  come  to  Rome  at  the  meeting  of  the 
Assembly  there.  This,  of  course,  was  usually  impossible. 
Representative  government  had  not  been  worked  out;  and  hence  it 
was  not  possible  for  all  the  people  of  a  large  state  to  have  an 
equal  opportunity  to  attend  meetings  of  the  Assembly  and  to  take 
part  in  political  affairs. 

385.  Municipia.  —  While  Rome  ruled  parts  of  her  conquests 
as  subject  communities,  there  were  also  many  conquered  towns 
which  she  iricorporated  into  the  state  in  full  equality.     This  had 

339  — — 


340  ROME  AND  UNITED  ITALY  [§386 

become  the  case  with  most  of  the  Latin  cities,  with  the  Sabine 
towns,  and  with  some  other  communities. 

A  town  so  annexed  to  the  Eoman  state  was  called  a  muni- 
cipium.  Like  a  Roman  colony,  the  inhabitants  of  a  muni- 
cipium  managed  their  own  local  affairs,  and,  by  coming  to 
Rome,  they  could  vote  in  the  Assembly  of  the  Tribes  upon  all 
Roman  and  imperial  questions.  They  had  also  all  the  other 
rights  of  citizens.  The  municipia  and  the  colonies  differed 
chiefly  in  the  matter  of  origin. 

Besides  the  colonies  and  municipia,  there  were  also  many  small  hamlets 
of  Roman  citizens  settled  upon  the  public  lands  in  distant  parts  of  Italy. 
The  dwellers  in  such  hamlets  kept  their  citizenship  in  Rome  itself  or  in 
some  colony  or  municipium,  according  to  their  origin. 

The  municipia  represent  a  political  advance,  —  a  new  contribution  to 
empire-making.  Athens  had  had  cleruchies  corresponding  to  the  Roman 
colonies  (§§  148,206),  but  she  had  never  learned  to  give  citizenship  to 
conquered  states.  Therefore  Rome,  by  266  B.  c,  had  a  "  citizen  "  body 
five  times  as  large  as  Athens  ever  had.  Later,  Rome  extended  the  prin- 
ciple of  municipia  to  distant  parts  of  Italy,  and  finally  even  more  widely. 

386.  Organization  in  "Tribes."  —  To  suit  this  expansion  of 
the  state,  the  twenty-one  Roman  "  tribes"  (§  365)  were  in- 
creased gradually  to  thirty -five,  —  four  in  the  city,  the  rest  in 
adjoining  districts.  At  first  these  were  real  divisions  of  ter- 
ritory, and  a  man  changed  his/'  tribe  "  if  he  changed  his  resi- 
dence. At  the  point  we  have  reached,  however,  this  was  no 
longer  true.  A  man,  once  enrolled  in  a  given  tribe,  remained 
a  member,  no  matter  where  he  lived,  and  his  son  after  him ;  and 
as  new  communities  were  given  citizenship,  they  were  enrolled 
in  the  old  thirty-five  tribes,  —  sometimes  whole  new  municipia, 
far  apart,  in  the  same  tribe.  Each  tribe  kept  its  one  vote  in 
the  Assembly. 

387.  Privileges  and  Burdens  of  Citizens.  —  Rome  and  her 
citizens  owned  directly  one  third  the  land  of  Italy.  All  Roman 
citizens,  too,  had  certain  valued  rights,  as  follows  :  — 

a.  Private  Bights:  (1)  the  right  to  acquire  property,  with 
the  protection  of  the  Roman  law,  in  any  of  Rome's  possessions ; 


§389J  ROMAN  SUBJECTS  341 

and  (2)  the  right  of  intermarriage  in  any  Roman  or  subject 
community. 

b.  Public  rights:  (1)  the  right  to  vote  in  the  Assembly  of  the 
Tribes ;  (2)  the  right  to  hold  any  offices ;  and  (3)  the  right  to 
appeal  to  the  Assembly  if  condemned  to  death  or*  to  bodily 
punishment. 

In  return  for  these  privileges,  the  citizens  furnished  half  the 
army  of  Italy  and  paid  all  the  direct  taxes. 

THE   SUBJECTS 

388.  Three  Classes  of  Subjects.  —  Rome  was  not  yet  ready  to  give  up 
the  idea  of  a  city-state;  and  so,  beyond  a  certain  limit,  all  new  acquisi- 
tions of  territory  were  necessarily  reduced  to  some  form  of  subjection. 
Outside  the  Roman  state  was  subject -Italy,  in  three  main  classes,  Latin 
Colonies,  Prefectures,  and   '^Allies. " 

389.  The  Latin  Colonies.  —  Highest  in  privilege  among  the 
subjects  stood  the  Latins.  This  name  did  not  apply  now  to 
the  old  Latin  towns  (nearly  all  of  which  had  become  muni- 
cipia),  but  to  a  new  kind  of  colonies  sent  out  by  Rome  after 
338,  far  beyond  Latium. 

These  colonists  were  not  granted  citizenship,  as  were  the 
Roman  colonies,  but  only  the  Latin  right ,  based  on  the  rights 
enjoyed  by  the  towns  of  the  Latin  Confederacy  under  the 
ancient  alliance  with  Rome  (§  373).  That  is,  their  citizens 
had  t\iQ  private  rights  of  Romans  ;%nd  they  might  acquire  full 
public  rights  also,  and  becojn^'^K^man  citizens  in  all  respects, 
by  reinoving  to  Rome  and  eni'olUnglin  one  of  the  tnbes.  At  first 
this  removal  was  permitted  to  ani  member  of  a  Latin  colony 
who  left  a  son  in  his  own  city  to  ftpresent  him ;  but  in  the  later 
colonies  the  privilege  was  restricted  m  those  ivho  had  held  some  mag- 
istracy in  the  colony.  In  local  affairs,  like  the  Roman  colonies 
and  the  municipia,  the  Latin  colonies  had  full  self-government. 

The  poorer  landless  citizenjof  Rome  could  well  afford  the 
slight  sacrifice  of  citiaeflsKip^at  came  from  joining  a  Latin 
colony,  in  return  for  the  gain  they  secured  as  the  aristocracy 
of  a  new  settlement.     There  were  thirty-five  Latin  colonies  in 


342  ROME  AND  UNITED  ITALY  [§390 

Italy  before  the  Carthaginian  invasion  (§  439).  They  num- 
bered originally  from  three  hundred  to  six  thousand  male  colo- 
nists each,  and  they  grew  by  drawing  in  settlers  from  the 
Italian  populations  about  them.  They  are  notable  in  three 
respects :  — 

a.  They  were  a  chief  instrument  in  Romanizing  Italy  in 
language  and  institutions.  Inscriptions  show  that  they  copied 
the  Roman  city  constitution,  even  to  such  names  as  consuls 
and  tribunes. 

h.  From  a  military  point  of  view,  like  the  Roman  colonies, 
they  were  garrisons,  protecting  the  distant  parts  of  the  penin- 
sula against  revolt  or  invasion.  An  enemy  could  rarely  assail 
their  walls  successfully ;  and  he  was  rash  indeed  to  pass  on, 
leaving  them  to  fall  upon  his  rear. 

c.  Politically,  they  added  a  new  element  of  elasticity  to  the 
rigid  system  of  citizenship  common  in  ancient  states.  They 
formed  a  link  between  full  citizens  and  j^^rmanent  subjects. 

390.  The  class  of  prefectures  was  the  least  enviable,  but  it 
was  very  small.  It  consisted  of  three  or  four  conquered  towns, 
too  deep  offenders  to  warrant  them  in  asking  either  the  "  Latin 
right"  or  "alliance."  Apparently,  they  were  all  old  muni- 
cipia,  which  had  been  degraded  in  punishment  for  rebellion. 
They  bore  all  the  burdens  of  Roman  citizenship,  and  some  of 
them  had  part  of  the  jirivate  rights;  but  they  had  no  self-govern- 
ment. Alone  of  all  cities  in  Italy,  they  had  their  local  govern- 
ment administered  for  them  by  prefects  sent  out  from  Rome. 

391.  The  Italian  "Allies."  —  Most  numerous  of  all  the  in- 
habitants of  Italy  stood  the  mass  of  subject  Greeks,  Italians, 
and  Etruscans,  under  the  ^'general  name  of  Italian  Allies. 
These  cities  ranked  in  privilege  next  to  the  Latin  colonies; 
but  among  themselves  they  differed  greatly  in  condition.  Each 
one  was  bound  to  Rome  by  its  separate  treaty,  and  these  treaties 
varied  widely.  None  of  the  "  Allies,"  however,  had  either  the 
private  or  public  rights  of  Rom^s,  and  they  were  isolated  jeal- 
ously one  from  another;  but  in  general  they  bore  few  burdens 
and  enjoyed  local  self-government  and  Roman  protection. 


full  rights,  but  able  to  exercise  political  power  only 
by  coming  to  Rome  to  the  Assembly, 


§394]  ROMAN  POLICY  343 

392.  The  following  table  shows  the  gradations  of  Italian  communities, 
and  the  way  in  which  one  class  merged  into  another. 

1.  Rome 

2.  Roman 

Colonies 
and 
Municipia 

3.  Latin  Colonies :  private  rights  of  Roman  citizens,  and  possibility  of 
acquiring  full  citizenship. 

4  "Allies":  local  self-government  and  Roman  protection;  lightly 
burdened,  but  no  Roman  rights. 

5.   Prefectures  :  no  self-government. 

ROME   AND    HER    SUBJECTS:  SUMMARY 

393.  Advantages  and  Restrictions  of  the  Subjects.  —  No  one  of 

the  ''subject  cities''  (Latin  colony,  raunicipium,  or  prefecture) 
had  any  one  of  the  three  great  rights  of  making  war,  concluding 
treaties,  or  coining  money.  With  the  exception  of  the  small  class 
of  prefectures,  they  did  retain  nearly  complete  self-government 
in  other  matters.  Each  kept  its  own  Assembly,  Senate,  and 
magistrates ;  and,  in  general,  each  retained  its  own  law  and 
custom.  They  paid  no  tribute,  except  to  provide  their  small 
share  of  troops  for  war. 

Thus  where  Rome  refused  to  confer  citizenship,  she  did, 
with  rare  insight  and  magnanimity,  lessen  burdens  and  leave 
local  freedom.  At  the  same  time  she  bestowed  order,  tran- 
quillity, and  prosperity.  The  calamities  of  great  wars  strike 
our  imagination ;  but  they  cause  infinitely  less  suffering  than 
the  everlasting  petty  wars  of  neighbors,  with  pillage  and 
slaughter  diffused  everywhere.  Roman  supremacy  put  a 
stop  to  these  endless  and  wasting  feuds.  Moreover,  so 
far  as  Italy  was  concerned,  the  field  of  conflict,  even  in  Rome's 
great  wars,  was  thenceforth  to  be  mostly  beyond  her  borders. 

394.  Rome's  Policy.  —  The  citizens  enrolled  in  the  thirty-five 
Roman  tribes  were  the  rulers  of  Italy.  None  others  possessed 
any  of  the  imperial  power.  They,  or  their  officers,  decided 
upon  war  and  peace,  made  treaties,  issued  the  only  coinage 


344  ROME  AND  UNITED  ITALY  [§394 

permitted,  and  fixed  the  number  of  soldiers  which  the  subject 
cities  must  furnish  for  war. 

It  should  be  noted  that  there  are  two  phases  of  the  Roman 
genius  for  rule,  —  one  admirable  and  the  other  mean  but  effec- 
tive. 

a.  Incorporation  and  TderafKe.  Rome  grew  strong  first  by 
a  wise  and  generous  incorporation  of  her  conquests.    With  this 


The  Appian  Wat  To-day,  with  Ruins  of  the  Aqueduct  of  Claudius 
IN  the  Background.  The  Aqueduct  was  carried  for  long  distances  on 
arches.  It  was  built  nearly  four  centuries  later  than  the  Appian  Way. 
See  pp.  468,  490. 

strength,  she  won  widei?  physical  victories.  And  over  her  sub- 
jects she  won  also  spiritual  dominion  by  her  intelligence,  jus- 
tice, and  firmness,  and  especially  by  a  marvelous  toleration  for 
local  customs  and  rights. 

h.  Jealousy  and  Isolation.  At  the  same  time,  Rome  strictly 
isolated  the  subject  communities  from  one  another.  She  dis- 
solved all  tribal  confederacies ;  she  took  skillful  advantage  of 


§395]  ROMAN   ROADS  345 

the  grades  of  inferiority  that  she  had  created  among  her  de- 
pendents to  foment  jealousies  and  to  play  off  one  class  of  com- 
munities against  another.  Likewise,  within  each  city,  she  set 
class  against  class,  on  the  whole  favoring  an  aristocratic  organ- 
ization. In  politics  as  in  war,  the  policy  of  her  statesmen 
was  ^^  Divide  and  conquer.'^ 

Thus  Rome  combined  the  imperial  system  of  Athens  (with 
improvements)  with  phases  of  that  of  Sparta.  The  general  re- 
sult was  admirable.  The  rule  of  Rome  in  Italy  was  not  an 
absolutism,  as  it  was  to  be  later  over  more  distant  conquests. 
The  whole  Italian  stock  had  become  consolidated  under  a  lead- 
ing city.  In  form,  and  to  a  great  degree  in  fact,  Italy  was  a 
confederacy;  but  it  was  a  confederacy  with  all  the  connecting 
lines  radiating  from  Rome  —  a  confederacy  under  a  Queen-city. 
The  allies  had  no  connection  with  each  other  except  through 
the  head  city.  Even  the  physical  ties  —  the  famous  roads  that 
marked  her  dominion  and  strengthened  it  —  "  all  led  to  Rome." 

395.  The  Roman  roads  were  a  real  part  of  the  Roman  system 
of  government.  They  were  bonds  of  union.  Rome  began  her 
system  of  magnificent  roads  in  312  b.c.  by  building  the  Via 
Appia  to  the  new  possessions  in  Campania.  This  was  the 
work  of  the  censor  Appius  Claudius  (§  402).  Afterward  all 
Italy,  and  then  the  growing  empire  outside  Italy,  was  traversed 
by  a  network  of  such  roads.  Nothing  was  permitted  to  obstruct 
their  course.  Mountains  were  tunneled ;  rivers  were  bridged ; 
marshes  were  spanned  for  miles  by  viaducts  of  masonry. 

The  construction  was  slow  and  costly.  First  the  workmen 
removed  all  loose  soil  down  to  some  firm  strata,  preferably  the 
native  rock.  Then  was  laid  a  layer  of  large  stones,  then  one 
of  smaller,  and  at  least  one  more  of  smaller  ones  still, — all 
bound  together  —  some  two  feet  in  thickness  —  by  an  excel- 
lent cement.  The  top  was  then  carefully  leveled  and  smoothly 
paved  with  huge  slabs  of  rock  fitted  to  one  another  with  the 
greatest  nicety.  These  roads  made  the  best  means  of  com- 
munication the  world  was  to  see  until  the  time  of  railroads. 
They  were  so  carefully  constructed,  too,  that  their  remains,  in 


346  ROME  AND  UNITED  ITALY  [§395 

good  condition  to-day,  still "  mark  the  lands  where  Rome  has 
ruled."  They  were  designed  for  military  purposes ;  but  they 
helped  other  intercourse  and  held  Italy  together  socially.  (Of. 
§  77,  for  Persian  roads.) 


For  Further  Reading  in  these  Divisions  (The  Roman  State  and  the 
Subjects)  :  Specially  recommended,  Pelham's  OutJineft,  97-107. 


CHAPTER  XXVI 

GOVERNMENT  OF  THE  ROMAN  REPUBLIC 

396.  The  officers  of  chief  dignity,  from  least  to  greatest 
were  :  — 

Aediles  (two),  with  oversight  over  police  and  public  works ; 

Praetors  (two),  with  the  chief  judicial  power  ; 

Consuls  (two),  commanders  in  war  and  leaders  in  foreign 
policy  ; 

Censors  (two),  §  368  ; 

Dictator  (one),  in  critical  times  only  (§  354). 

These  five  were  called  curule  offices,  because  the  holders, 
dividing  among  them  the  old  royal  power,  kept  the  right  to 
use  the  curule  chair  —  the  ivory  "  throne  "  ^  of  the  old  kings. 
There  were  also  the  two  inferior  aediles,  the  eight  quaestors  (in 
charge  of  the  treasury  and  with  some  judicial  power),  and  the 
ten  tribunes.  This  last  office,  though  less  in  dignity  than 
the  curule  offices,  was  perhaps  most  important  of  all.  The 
tribune's  old  duties  were  gone ;  buj  he  had  become  a  political 
leader,  and  he  kept  his  tremendous  power  of  veto. 

Except  the  censor  these  officers  held  authority  for  only  one 
year  (the  dictator  for  only  a  half-year),  but  they  exercised 
great  power.  'The  magistrate  still  called  and  adjourned  As- 
semblies as  h.e  liked  ;  he  alone  could  put  proposals  before 
them  ;  and  he  controlled  debate  and  amendment. 

397.  A  new  aristocracy  had  appeared,  composed  of  the  descend- 
ants of  curule  officers.  Each  such  official,  by  law,  transmitted 
to  his  descendants  the  right  to  keep  upon  the  walls  of  their 
living  rooms  the  wax  masks  of  ancestors,  and  to  carry  them  in 


1  This  symbol  of  dignity  was  very  simple,-^  much  in  the  character  of  an 
ivory  camp-stool. 

347 


348 


THE   ROMAN  REPUBLIC,   200  B.C. 


[§397 


a  public  procession  at  the  funeral  of  a  member  of  the  family. 
A  chief  part  of  such  a  funeral  was  an  oration  commemorating 


ITAIjY 
About  200  B.  C. 

TO  SHOW 

Roman  Colonies         * 
and  Roman  Roads  == 


the  virtues  and  deeds  of  the  ancestors,  whose  images  were  pres- 
ent.^ Families  with  this  privilege  were  called  nobles  (nobiles). 
Before  the  year  300  b.c,  the  nobles  began  to  be  jealous  of 
the  admission  of  "  new  men  "  to  their  ranks ;  and  their  united 
influence  soon  controlled  nearly  all  curule  elections  in  favor  of 


1  See  Davis'  Readings,  II,  No.  19,  on  Roman  state  funerals. 


§  399]  GOVERNMENT  349 

some  member  of  their  own  order.  To  make  this  easier,  they 
secured  a  law  fixing  the  order  in  which  these  offices  could  be 
attained.  No  one  could  be  elected  aedile  until  he  had  held  the 
quaestorship,  nor  praetor  till  he  had  been  aedile,  nor  consul 
till  he  had  been  praetor.  Then  the  nobles  had  to  watch  the 
elections  only  of  the  first  rank  of  officers.  By  controlling  these, 
they  could  control  admission  to  their  order.^  Thus  all  the 
nobles  became  practically  an  hereditary  oligarchy  of  a  feiv  hun- 
dred families.  And  since  senators  had  to  be  appointed  from 
those  who  had  held  curule  offices,  each  "noble"  family  was 
sure  to  have  a  senator  among  its  near  relatives,  if  not  in  its  own 
home.      "  Nobles  "  became  equivalent  to  the  Senatorial  order. 

398.  The  Assemblies.  —  The  Assemblies  by  curias,  by  cen- 
turies, and  by  tribes  continued  to  exist  side  by  side;  but  the 
center  of  gravity  had  shifted  again,  —  as  once  before  from  the 
curias  to  the  centuries,  so  now  from  the  centuries  to  the  tribes. 
The  political  function  of  the  Curiate  Assembly  had  become 
purely  formal  in  very  early  times  (§  346).  The  Genturiate 
Assembly  continued  to  elect  consuls,  censors,  and  praetors ; 
but  its  law-making  power  and  the  choice  of  all  other  officers 
had  passed  to  the  Assembly  of  Tribes.  Of  course,  as  this 
change  took  place,  the  rich  cifizens  took  their  place  in  this 
Assembly ;  '^  but  in  deciding  the  vote  of  a  tribe,  each  member, 
rich  or  poor,  counted  like  any  other  member. 

399.  Changes  in  the  Assemblies.  —  During  the  century  between 
the  Licinian  Laws  and  the  war  with  Pyrrhus,  three  or  four 
legal  reforms  were  adopted,  to  make  the  political  Assemblies 
more  powerful  and  more  democratic. 

a.  In  312,  a  reforming  censor,  Appius  Claudius,  enrolled  the 
landless  citizens  in  the  tribes.     Up  to  this  time,  only  land- 

1  Davis'  Readings,  II,  No.  14  (section  on  the  Aedileship  of  Flavins),  illus- 
trates the  hostility  of  the  aristocrats  to  the  "  new  men,"  and  gives  also  the 
story  of  democratic  reforms.  See,  too,  Dr.  Davis'  introduction  to  No.  14.  For 
a  compact  modern  treatment,  see  Pelham's  Outlines,  170-172. 

2  A  descendant  of  an  old  patrician  family  now  belonged  to  all  three  Assem- 
blies ;  a  plebeian  belonged  to  the  Assembly  of  Centuries  and  to  the  Assembly 
of  Tribes. 


350  THE   ROMAN   REPUBLIC,   200  B.C.  [§400 

holders  had  had  a  voice  there.  Appius  carried  this  extension  of 
the  franchise  unconstitutionally,  in  defiance  of  the  veto  of  his 
colleague.  The  aristocratic  party  did  not  venture  to  undo  the 
act,  but  they  did  modify  it :  a  few  years  later  another  censor 
put  all  the  landless  class  into  the  four  city  tribes  alone,  so  that 
the  city  poor  might  not  outvote  the  rural  landowners.^ 

b.  About  the  same  time  a  change  took  place  in  the  Centuri- 
ate  Assembly,  by  which  each  of  the  Jive  classes  (§  348)  secured 
an  equal  voice,  and  wealth  lost  most  of  its  supremacy. 

c.  In  287,  after  some  dissension  and  a  threatened  secession, 
the  Hortensian  Law  took  from  the  Senate  its  veto  upon  the  plebi- 
scites of  the  tribes.  Somewhat  earlier  the  Senate  had  lost  all 
veto  over  the  elections  in  the  centuries. 

These  changes  made  Rome  a  democracy,  in  law;  but 
in  practice  they  were  more  than  counterbalanced  by  the  way 
in  which  the  nobles  controlled  the  Senate  and  the  curule 
offices. 

400.  The  Senate.  —  Indirectly,  the  Senate  had  been  made 
elective.  The  censors  were  required  to  fill  vacancies  in  that 
body  first  from  those  who  h^d  held  curule  offices,  and  ordinarily 
this  left  them  little  choice.  The  senatorial  veto  upon  the  As- 
semblies, too,  had  been  taken  away.  So  far  as  written  law  was 
.Concerned,  the  Senate  was  only  an  advisory  body. 

N^one  the  less  it  loas  really  the  guiding  force  in  the  government. 
It  contained  the  wisdom  and  experience  of  Rome.  The  pres- 
sure of  constant  and  dangerous  wars,  and  the  growing  com- 
plexity of  foreign  relations  even  in  peace,  made  it  inevitable 
that  this  far-seeing,  compact,  experienced  body  should  assume 
authority  which  in  theory  belonged  to  the  clumsy,  inexperienced 
Assembly.  ^^Rome^''  says  Ihne,  ^^  became  a  complete  aristocracy 
with  democratic  forms;  or,  as  Mommsen  puts  it,  "While  the 
burgesses  [citizens]  acquired  the  semblance,  the  Senate  ac- 
quired the  substance,  of  power." 

Each   magistrate   expected,  after  his   brief  term  of  office, 

1  Davis'  Readings,  II,  No.  14.  gives  Livy 's  aristocratic  account  of  this  contest. 


§  402]  GOVERNMENT  351 

to  become  permanently  a  member  of  the  Senate.  Therefore 
he  guarded  its  dignity  and  dreaded  its  anger.  Thus,  as 
the  magistrate  controlled  the  Assemblies,  so  the  Senate  con- 
trolled the  magistrate.  No  consul  would  think  of  bringing 
a  law  before  the  people  without  the  previous  approval  of  the 
Senate  (so  that  indirectly  that  body,  rather  than  the  Assembly, 
had  become  the  real  legislature.)  As  a  last  resort,  it  could 
usually  count  upon  one  or  more  of  the  ten  tribunes,  and  could 
block  any  action  it  disliked  by  his  veto.  No  officer  would  draw 
money  from  the  treasury  without  the  Senate's  consent.  It 
declared  and  managed  wars.  It  received  ambassadors  and  made 
alliances.  And  certainly,  for  over  a  hundred  years,  by  its 
sagacity  and  energy,  this  "assembly  of  kings "^  justified  its 
usurpation,  earning  Mommsen's  epithet,  —  "the  foremost 
political  corporation  of  all  time." 

401.  Democratic  Theory  and  Aristocratic  Practice.  —  In  theory  the 
Democracy  was  supreme  through  its  popular  Assemblies.  In  practice 
the  Aristocrats  controlled  the  government  through  their  monopoly  of  the 
curule  o£G.ces  and  of  the  all-directing  Senate. 

This  condition  began  before  the  Pyrrhic  War,  or  about  300  B.C.,  and 
it  lasted  nearly  three  himdred  years.  During  the  first  part  of  this  time 
(until  about  200  B.C.)  the  rule  of  the  nobles,  though  marked  sometimes 
by  a  narrow  class  spirit,  was  patriotic,  vigorous,  and  beneficent.^  After  the 
year  200,  it  became  both  weak  and  selfish.  Then  power  slipped  from  the  inca- 
pable Aristocracy  into  the  hands  of  military  chiefs,  —  the  forerunners  of  the 
Empire  m  520  n.). 

402.  Excursus :  a  Democratic  Aristocrat.  —  The  greatest 
name  in  this  period  of  Roman  history  is  that  of  Appius  Clau- 
dius, the  censor  of  the  years  312-307.  The  Claudian  gens 
were  of  the  proudest  patrician  rank,  but,  like  the  Valerii 
(§  362),  they  too  "  loved  the  people  well."  It  was  an  earlier 
Appius  Claudius  who  carried  through  the  reforms  of  the  Decem- 
virs (§  362).      This  later  Appius,  also,  was  reviled  by  Livy, 

1  This  was  the  description  of  the  Senate  which  an  ambassador  from  Pyrrhus 
(§  382)  carried  back  to  his  master.  ^^See  Davis'  Readings,  II,  No.  18. 


352  THE  ROMAN   REPUBLIC,   200  B.C.  [§402 

who  wrote  for  the  aristocrats ;  but,  even  in  the  story  of  his 
foes,  he  stands  out  as  a  great,  progressive  statesman.  As  cen- 
sor, he  built  the  first  Roman  aqueduct,  to  bring  pure  water  to 
Rome  from  the  mountains  twelve  miles  away,  and  he  con- 
structed the  Appian  Way  (§  395),  the  first  of  the  famous  Ro- 
man roads.  In  order  to  carry  through  these  important  public 
works,  he  kept  his  office  during  the  whole  five  years,  until  the 
next  appointment,^  greatly  to  the  wrath  of  the  aristocracy. 

More  important  still  were  the  social  and  political  reforms  of 
Appius.  He  filled  the  vacancies  in  the  Senate  with  plebeians 
(the  old  distinction  had  not  then  died  out),  and  even  with  the 
sons  of  f  reedmen ;  and  he  gave  the  landless  citizens  of  Rome 
political  power  by  enrolling  them  in  the  "  tribes"  (§  399). 
No  doubt,  he  aided  the  valuable  law-reforms  of  the  aedile  Fla- 
vins (§  399,  note),  who,  Livy  tells  us,  owed  his  election  to  the 
strength  Appius  had  given  to  the  democratic  faction. 

At  some  time  after  the  expiration  of  his  censorship  Appius 
became  blind.  His  aristocratic  foes  called  this  a  punishment 
from  the  gods,  in  return  for  his  attacks  upon  the  "  constitution 
of  the  fathers."  But  the  blind  old  man,  years  after  his  cen- 
sorship, could  still  dominate  the  policy  of  Rome  upon  occasion. 
It  was  he  who  checked  the  Senate  when  it  was  about  to  make 
peace  with  Pyrrhus  after  the  early  Roman  defeats,  first  enun- 
ciating clearly  the  Roman  claim  to  supremacy  in  all  Italy. 
Appius  also  was  a  lover  of  learning.  He  made  a  collection  of 
legal  decisions ;  and  his  written  speeches  and  wise  maxims  were 
much  quoted  in  later  Rome. 


For  Further  Reading  on  the  Republican  constitution  :  Specially  rec- 
ommended: Davis'  Headings,  II,  No.  17  (the  account  of  Polybius, 
a  scholarly  Greek  historian  who  wrote  about  150  b.c.)  ;  and  Pelham's 
Outlines,  159-167  (Senate),  167-172  (curule  officers). 


1  Censors  were  appointed  each  five  years.  Customarily,  they  performed 
their  duties,  and  laid  down  their  office,  by  the  close  of  the  first  eighteen 
months.  But  there  was  no  way  to  compel  one  to  shorten  his  term  in  this  way- 


CHAPTER    XXVII 

THE   ARMY 

403.  The  Flexible  Legion.  —  The  instrument  with  which  the 
Roman  state  conquered  the  world  can  best  be  surveyed  at  this 
point,  although  the  changes  noted  in  §  406  took  place  some- 
what later. 

The  Roman  army  under  the  kings  was  similar  to  the  old 
Dorian  organization.  In  Italy,  as  in  Greece,  the  "  knights  "  of 
very  early  times  had  given  way,  before  history  fairly  begins, 
to  a  dense  hoplite  array,  usually  eight  deep.  In  Greece  the 
next  step  was  to  deepen  and  close  the  ranks  still  further 
into  the  massive  Theban  and  Macedonian  phalanx.  In  Italy, 
instead,  they  were  broken  up  into  three  successive  lines,  and 
each  line  was  divided  further  into  small  companies.  The  com- 
panies  were    usually   six 

men  deep  with  twenty  in     'DH  =0=— 

each  rank ;    and  between  Iron  Head  of  a  Javelin. 

each  two  companies  there     (Such  a  head  was  about  three  feet  long,  and 
was  a  space  equal  to  the        ^^,8  fitted  into  a  wooden  shaft  of  about 
front  of  a  company.    Thus,         the  same  length.    Each  soldier  of  the  two 
^      "  '        front  rows  of  companies  earned  two  jave- 

if  one  line  fell  back,  the       uns.) 

companies  of  the  line  be- 
hind could  advance  through  the  intervals.  Within  a  company, 
too,  each  soldier  had  about  twice  the  space  permitted  in  the 
phalanx.  The  front  rank  of  companies  contained  the  raw  re- 
cruits. Experienced  soldiers  made  up  the  second  line  of  com- 
panies. The  third  line  contained  only  veterans,  and  was 
usually  held  in  reserve,  to  deliver  a  decisive  blow  at  a  critical 
moment  in  the  battle.* 


1  The  legion  usually  had  ten  "  companies  "  in  each  of  its  three  lines.  Can 
the  student  draw  a  diagram  of  a  legion  in  battle  array,  from  the  description 
above  ? 

353 


354  THE   ROMAN   REPUBLIC,   200  B.C.  [§  404 

The  arms  of  legion  and  phalanx  differed  also.  The  phalanx 
depended  upon  long  spears.  While  it  remained  unbroken  and 
could  present  its  front,  it  was  invulnerable ;  but  if  disordered 
by  uneven  ground,  or  if  taken  in  flank,  it  was  doomed.  The 
legion  used  the  hurling  javelin  to  disorder  the  enemy's  ranks 
before  immediate  contact  (as  moderns  have  used  musketry), 
and  the  famous  Roman  short  sword  for  close  combat  (as  mod- 
erns, till  recently,  have  used  the  bayonet).  Flexibility,  indi- 
viduality, and  constancy  took  the  place  of  the  collective  lance 
thrust  of  the  unwieldy  phalanx.^  For  defensive  armor,  a 
legionary  wore  (1)  a  bronze  helmet;  (2)  a  corselet,  of  interwoven 
leather  straps,  about  the  body,  holding  a  plate  of  iron  ;  (3)  a 
short  leather  skirt,  strengthened  with  metal  plates,  hanging 
lower  than  the  corselet ;  (4)  metal  greaves  on  the  legs ;  and 
(5),  on  the  left  arm,  an  oblong  shield  with  a  convex  surface, 
to  make  the  weapons  of  the  enemy  glance  off. 

The  legion  numbered  about  five  thousand,  and  was  made  up 
of  Roman  citizens.  Each  legion  was  accompanied  by  about 
five  thousand  men  from  the  Allies.  These  auxiliaries  served 
on  the  wings  of  the  legion  as  light-armed  troops,  and  they 
furnished  also  whatever  cavalry  the  army  had.  The  strength 
of  the  Roman  army,  however,  lay  in  the  infantry  and  especially 
in  the  legions. 

404.  The  Roman  camp  was  characteristic  of  a  people  whose 
colonies  were  garrisons.  Where  the  army  encamped  —  even  if 
for  only  a  single  night  —  there  grew  up  in  an  hour  a  fortified 
city,  with  earth  walls  and  regular  streets.^  This  system 
allowed  the  Romans  often  "  to  conquer  by  sitting  still,"  declin- 
ing or  giving  battle  at  their  own  option ;  while,  too,  when  they 

1  The  reserve  line  of  the  legion  carried  spears  instead  of  javelins.  The  two 
great  fighting  instruments,  legion  and  phalanx,  were  not  to  come  into  final 
conflict  until  after  200  b.c.  Meantime  they  remained  supreme  in  the  East 
and  West  respectively. 

2  The  importance  of  these  camps,  as  the  sites  and  foundation  plans  of  cities 
over  Europe,  is  shown  by  the  frequency  of  the  Roman  word  castra  (camp)  in 
English  place-names,  as  in  Chester,  Rochester,  Winchester ,  Dorchester,  Man- 
chester, etc. 


400] 


THE   ROMAN  ARMY 


355 


did  fight,  they  did  so  "  under  the  walls  of  their  city,"  with  a 
fortified  and  guarded  refuge  in  their  rear. 

405.   Discipline.^  —  The  terrible  discipline  of  early  times  re- 
mained.    Without  trial,  the  general  could  scourge  or  behead 


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The  Roman  Camp. 

any  man  serving  in  his  camp.  Still  more  fearful  was  the 
practice  of  decimating  a  faulty  corps  (putting  to  death  every 
tenth  man). 

406.   Changes  with  Extension  of  Service :  a  Professional  Army; 
Proconsuls.  —  Rome  now  began  a  long  series  of  great   wars, 

1  An  interesting  extract  from  Polybius  is  given  in  Munro's  Source  Book, 
28.29. 


350  THE   ROMAN   REPUBLIQ,  200  B.C.  (§406 

waged,  for  the  most  part,  outside  Italy.  Great  changes  re- 
sulted in  the  army.  Service  with  the  legions  long  remained 
the  highest  duty  of  the  citizen,  and  each  man  between  the  ages 
of  seventeen  and  forty-six  was  liable  to  active  duty.  But, 
alongside  this  citizen  army,  there  was  to  grow  up  a  professional 
army.  New  citizen  legions  were  raised  each  year  for  the  sum- 
mer campaigns,  as  before,  though  more  and  more,  even  in  these 
legions,  the  officers  were  veterans  and  were  becoming  a  pro- 
fessional class ;  but  the  legions  sent  to  Sicily,  Spain,  or  Africa 
were  kept  under  arms  sometimes  for  many  years. ^ 

Such  facts  led  to  another  change,  with  important  political 
consequences.  To  call  home  a  consul  each  year  from  an  un- 
finished campaign  in  these  distant  wars  became  intolerably 
wasteful.  The  remedy  was  found  in  prolonging  the  command- 
er's term,  under  the  title  of  proconsul.  This  office  was  destined 
to  become  the  strongest  force  in  the  Republic  and  a  chief  step 
toward  the  coming  Empire. 

1  In  particular,  the  long  struggle  in  Spain  during  the  War  with  Hannibal 
and  after  it  (§§  447,  456)  operated  in  this  way.  Twenty  thousand  soldiers 
were  required  for  that  province  each  year  for  half  a  century.  There  soon 
grew  up  a  practice  of  settling  such  veterans,  upon  the  expiration  of  their  serv- 
ice, in  military  colonies  in  the  provinces  where  they  had  served  —  the  lands 
thus  given  them  being  regarded  as  a  kind  of  service  pension.  In  this  way 
communities  of  Roman  citizens  were  to  be  spread  over  the  provinces,  to  Ital- 
ianize the  world,  as  a  like  system  of  colonization  had  already  Romanized 
Italy. 


CHAPTER   XXVIII 

ROMAN   SOCIETY,    367-200   B.C. 

407.  The  Noblest  Period.  —  From  367  to  about  200  b.c.  is 
the  period  of  greatest  Roman  vigor.  The  old  class  distinctions 
(between  patrician  and  plebeian)  had  died  out.  A  new  aris- 
tocracy of  office,  was  growing  up,  but  it  was  still  in  its  best  age, 
its  "age  of  service."  There  was  soon  to  come  a  new  class 
struggle  between  rich  and  poor  —  but  this  had  not  yet  begun. 

It  was  the  Roman  people  of  these  two  splendid  centuries  who 
made  Rome  the  mistress  first  of  Italy  and  then  of  the  world. 
That  conquest  was  not  completed  in  this  period;  but  it  was 
really  decided  by  the  events  of  these  years.  The  final  steps 
were  carried  out  by  an  inferior  Rome ;  for  the  conquests  —  be- 
yond Italy  —  were  no  sooner  started  than  they  began  to  work 
woeful  changes  in  the  conquering  people.  """We  stop,  therefore, 
at  this  point  to  survey  Roman  society  —  as  we  have  just  done 
with  the  Roman  government  —  at  its  noblest  stage. 

408.  Industries.  —  The  Roman  citizens,  in  the  main,  were 
still  yeomen  farmers,  who  worked  hard  and  lived  plainly. 
Each  such  farmer  tilled  his  few  acres  with  his  own  hands  and 
the  help  of  his  own  sons.  Each  eighth  day,  he  came  to  the 
city  with  a  load  of  produce  for  the  "market."  The  early 
practice  of  raising  cattle  had  given  way  largely  to  the  culti- 
vation of  wheat,  barley,  garden  vegetables,  and  fruit;  but 
horses,  cattle,  sheep,  and  hogs  still  counted  in  the  farm  produce. 
Many  modern  garden  vegetables  were  not  yet  known,  and  the 
Roman  variety  was  certainly  no  larger  than  the  Egyptian  of 
a  much  earlier  time  (§  17)  ;  but  we  read  frequently  of  beans, 
onions,  turnips,  cabbages,  and  of  such  fruits  as  figs,  olives, 
apples,  plums,  and  pears. 

357 


358  THE   ROMAN  REPUBLIC  TO  200  B.C.  [§  409 

In  the  city  itself  (as  no  doubt  in  all  Italian  towns),  the 
craftsmen  were  organized  in  '^unions"  (gilds).  These  gilds 
were  not  for  the  purpose  of  raising  wages,  as  with  us,  nor 
mainly  for  improving  the  character  of  the  work,  as  in  later 
centuries  in  Europe.  They  were  associations  for  friendly  in- 
tercourse, and,  to  some  extent,  for  mutual  helpfulness  among 
the  members  in  times  of  misfortune.  They  illustrate  the  ex- 
traordinary Roman  capacity  for  organizatipnand  group  action, 
—  in  marked  contrasTToTfie^individuality  of  Gre^'liTe^  Xe- 
gend  tells  us  that  King  Numa  organized  the  gilds  of  carpenters, 
shoemakers,  dyers,  laundrymen,  potters,  coppersmiths,  and 
flute  players.  Certainly  these  gilds  were  very  ancient  at  Rome. 
AVeavers  and  bakers  were  to  appear  a  little  later;  but  during 
this  period  these  industries  were  carried  on  in  each  household. 
The  oldest  gild  known  to  us  —  that  of  the  flute  players,  who 
furnished  music  for  the  sacred  festivals  —  is  the  only  one,  so 
far  as  we  know,  which  ever  entered  upon  a  strike  for  greater 
privileges.     (See  Davis'  Readings^  II,  No.  14.) 

Commerce  (trade  to  other  lands)  paid  huge  profits  to  the  suc- 
cessful merchants  (those  who  did  not  too  often  lose  vessels  by 
shipwreck  or  pirates).  The  few  rich  Romans  still  disdained 
the  business  for  themselves,  but  they  had  begun  to  use  their 
capital  in  it  through  their  slaves  or  former  slaves  (freedmen). 

409.  Wealth.  —  There  were  few  citizens  of  great  wealth  or  in 
extreme  poverty.  The  rapid  gains  of  territory,  after  367,  made 
it  possible  to  relieve  the  city  poor  by  grants  of  land  or  by  send- 
ing them  out  in  colonies.  Still,  the  attitude  of  the  Roman 
landed  citizen  toward  the  merchant,  the  small  shopkeeper,  and 
the  artisan  was  not  unlike  that  of  the  Athenian  gentleman 
(§  237).  But  the  Roman  "  gentleman  "  of  this  age  was  not  yet 
a  mere  owner  of  farms,  like  the  Athenian  of  Pericles'  time :  he 
was  himself  the  farmer. 

The  legend  of  the  patrician  Cincinnatus  ^  of  the  fifth  century 
(called  from  the  plow  on  his  three-acre  farm  to  become  dicta- 

1  §  350,  note. 


§411]  SOCIETY,  INDUSTRIES,   MORALS  359 

tor  and  save  Rome  from  the  Aequians,  and  returning  to  the 
plow  again,  all  in  sixteen  days)  is  more  than  matched  by  the 
sober  history  of  Manius  Curio,  the  conqueror  of  the  Samnites 
and  of  Pyrrhus. 

This  great  Roman  was  a  Sabine  peasant  and  a  proud  aristo- 
crat. Plutarch  tells  us  that,  though  he  had  "  triumphed "  ^ 
thrice,  he  continued  to  live  in  a  cottage  on  a  little  three-acre 
plot  which  he  tilled  with  his  own  hands.  Here  the  Samnite 
ambassadors  found  him  dressing  turnips  in  the  chimney  corner, 
when  they  came  to  offer  him  a  large  present  of  gold.  Curio 
refused  the  gift :  "  A  man,"  said  he,  "  who  can  be  content  with 
this  supper  hath  no  need  of  gold ;  and  I  count  it  glory,  not  to 
possess  wealth,  but  to  rule  those  who  do." 

410.  Money.  —  The  oldest  Roman  word  for  money  (pecunid) 
came  from  the  word  for  herd  (pecus).  This  points  to  a  time 
when  payments  were  made  chiefly  in  cattle,  as  with  many  serai- 
barbaric  tribes  in  modern  times.  But  before  definite  Roman 
history  begins,  a  copper  coinage  had  been  introduced.  Even 
before  the  coinage,  the  Romans  had  "  estimated  "  in  copper  (aes), 
counting  by  the  pound  weight.  Silver  was  not  used  either  for 
money  or  for  household  purposes  until  after  the  union  of  Italy  ; 
and  even  at  a  later  date  a  senator  was  struck  from  the  list  by  a 
reforming  censor,  because  he  owned  ten  pounds  of  silver  plate. 

411 .  Home  and  Manner  of  Life.  —  The  family  and  religion  as  yet 
showed  little  change  from  the  early  state  described  in  §§  340, 
341.  The  house  had  added  rooms  on  sides  and  rear,  and  open- 
ings for  windows ;  but  it  was  still  exceedingly  simple,  like  the 
life  within.  A  plain  table,  wooden  couches,  and  a  few  stools, 
and  simple  cooking  utensils  comprised  the  furniture.  Artificial 
warmth  and  light  were  secured  by  "  braziers  "  and  lamps,  like 
those  of  the  Greeks  (§  233).  The  Roman  took  his  chief  meal 
at  midday  (not  in  the  evening,  as  the  Greeks  did).  In  early 
times,  the  main  food  was  a  "porridge"  of  ground  meal  boiled 
in  water.     Pork,  especially  in  the  form  of  sausage,  was  the 

1  Special  report  :  a  Roman  "  triumph."    See  Munro's  Source  Book,  38-40. 


360  THE  ROMAN  REPUBLIC  TO  200  B.C.  [§412 

favorite  meat.  Bread,  from  ground  wheat  or  barley,  was  baked 
in  flat,  round  cakes.  Water  or  milk  was  the  common  drink, 
but  wine  mixed  with  water  was  coming  into  general  use,  after 
the  fashion  of  the  Greeks.  The  Romans  who  conquered 
Pyrrhus  and  Hannibal  were  a  frugal,  temperate  people. 

412.  Dress  was  as  simple  as  the  food.  The  Roman  kept  the 
primitive  loin  cloth  of  linen.  Over  this  he  drew  a  short-sleeved 
woolen  shirt  {tunic)  falling  to  the  knees.  This  made  the  com- 
mon dress  of  the  house,  workshop,  and  field.  In  public  the 
Roman  wore  an  outer  garment  —  a  white  woolen  blanket, 
thrown  about  him  in  graceful  folds.  This  was  the  famous 
Roman  toga.  For  defense  against  rain  or  cold,  sometimes  a 
cloak  also  was  worn.  Women  wore  a  long  and  a  short  tunic, 
and  for  the  street,  a  blanket-wrap.  Foot-gear  was  like  that  of 
the  Greeks.  Stockings  and  hats  were  alike  unknown.  Women 
were  fond  of  jewelry,  —  rings,  bracelets,  pins,  and  chains  ;  and 
each  man  wore  a  seal-ring.  Members  of  the  senatorial  fam- 
ilies wore  also  broad  gold  rings. 

413.  Education  was  elementary.  Until  seven,  the  children 
were  in  the  mother's  care.  After  that  age,  boys  went  to  a  pri- 
vate school,  taught  by  some  Greek  slave  or  freedman.  As  in 
Greece,  the  pupil  was  attended  by  a  "pedagogue."  He  learned 
merely  to  read,  write,  and,  in  a  limited  degree,  to  compute 
with  Roman  numerals.  The  only  textbook  was  the  Twelve 
Tables,  which  were  learned  by  heart.  Physical  training  was 
found  in  athletic  games  in  the  Campus  Martins  (p.  311),  where 
the  young  Romans  contended  in  running,  wrestling,  and  in  the 
use  of  the  spear,  sword,  and  javelin.  The  Roman  took  his  ex- 
ercise, not  in  regular  gymnasium  training,  like  the  Greeks  or 
the  modern  German,  but  more  like  the  English  and  Americans. 
For  amusements,  there  were  chariot  races  and  the  theater ;  but 
the  racers  and  actors  were  slaves  or  freedmen,  not  Romans. 
The  Roman  and  the  Greek  views  of  the  stage  and  of  athletic 
contests  were  at  opposite  poles. 

414.  Science  and  Learning.  —  Literature,  under  Greek  influence, 
was  just  beginning  at  the  close  of  the  period.     So,  too,  with 


§415]  SOCIETY,   INDUSTRIES,   MORALS  361 

art.  Roads,  bridges,  and  aqueducts  were  built  in  the  last  half 
of  the  period  on  a  magnificent  scale ;  and  the  use  of  the  round 
arch  was  so  developed  that  we  often  speak  of  that  architectural 
feature  as  "  the  Roman  arch." 

415.  Roman  morals  and  ideals  are  revealed  in  much  of  the 
preceding  story.  The  finest  thing  in  Roman  character  was 
the  spirit  of  self-immolation  for  Rome,  —  the  willingness  to 


A  Boxing  Match. 

sink  personal  or  party  advantage  for  the  public  weal.  Next  to 
this,  and  allied  to  it,  is  the  capacity  for  organization,  for  work- 
ing together  for  a  common  end.  Roman  history  is  not  the 
history  of  a  few  brilliant  leaders:  it  is  the  story  of  a  people. 

Undue  praise  has-been  given  sometimes  to  the  stern  excellence 
of  early  Rome.  It  is  cheap  moralizing  to  point  out  the  barbaric 
virtues  of  a  rude  society  in  comparison  with  the  luxury  of 
refined  times,  and  omit  more  important  considerations.  The 
real  picture  is  by  no  means  without  shadows.  The  Roman  was 
abstemious,  haughty,  obedient  to  law,  self-controlled.  His 
ideal  was  a  man  of  iron  will  and  stern  discipline,  devoted  to 
Rome,  contemptuous  of  luxury,  of  suffering,  and  even  of  human 
sympathy  if  it  conflicted  with  his  duty  to  the  state.     His  model 


362  THE   ROMAN   REPUBLIC   TO  200  B.C.  [§416 

was  still  the  first  consul,  Brutus,  who  in  legend  sent  his  guilty 
sons  to  the  block  unmoved  ;  ^  and  the  great  Latin  war  (338  b.c.) 
furnished  a  historical  consul,  Manlius,  who,  as  Livy  tells  us, 
gloomily  executed  his  gallant  son  for  a  glorious  act  of  insubor- 
dination.2 

With  such  men  for  her  heroes,  it  is  not  strange  that  Rome 
made  some  peculiar  boasts.  For  instance,  the  noble  Samnite, 
Pontius,  the  victor  of  Caudine  Forks,  had  magnanimously 
spared  the  Roman  army  (§  380)  ;  but  when  he  became  prisoner 
in  turn,  Rome  saw  only  cause  for  pride  in  basely  dragging  him 
through  the  city  in  a  triumph,  and  then  starving  him  to  death 
in  a  dungeon.  The  Romans  were  coarse,  cruel,  and  rapacious, 
as  well  as  lofty-minded,  brave,  and  obedient. 

416.  The  Beginning  of  Greek  Influence.  —  In  manners  and  in 
morals  Rome  was  a  fair  type  of  the  Italians  proper.  The 
Etruscans  and  Greeks  were  softer  and  more  luxurious,  with 
more  abject  poverty  among  the  masses. 

After  the  war  with  Pyrrhus,  the  connection  with  Magna 
Graecia  introduced  Greek  culture  into  Roman  society,  and 
wealth  and  luxury  began  slowly  to  appear.  At  first  the  Romans 
as  a  whole  did  not  show  to  advantage  under  the  change.  Too 
often  it  seemed  only  to  veneer  their  native  coarseness  and  bru- 
tality. At  the  same  time,  with  the  better  minds,  it  did  soften 
and  refine  character  into  a  more  lovable  type  than  Italy  had 
so  far  seen :  and,  from  this  time,  Greek  art  and  thought  more 
and  more  worked  upon  Roman  society. 

This  change  certainly  is  not  to  be  mourned.  ,  It  was  not  this  that 
ruined  Rome.  It  was  the  manifold  results  of  world-€mpire,  soon  to  fol- 
low. The  old  Roman  training  had  made  citizens  fit  to  grapple  with 
the  problems  of  uniting  Italy  into  one  nation,  and  of  ruling  and  protecting 
that  home  land.  But  Roman  training  and  character  broke  down  utterly 
before  the  vastly  more  complex  problems  and  temptations  of  foreign 
conquests. 

1  §  350,  close.  2  Special  report. 


CHAPTER   XXIX 

THE  WINNING  OF  THE  WEST,  264-146  B.C. 

THE   RIVALS  — ITALY   AND  CARTHAGE 

417.  Italy  in  264  B.C.  was  one  of  five  great  Mediterranean 
states.  When  she  completed  the  union  of  Italy  (§  381),  Alex- 
ander the  Great  had  been  dead  nearly  fifty  years.  The  long 
Wars  of  the  Succession  had  closed,  and  the  dominion  of  the 
eastern  Mediterranean  world  was  divided  between  the  three 
great  Greek  kingdoms,  Syria,  Egypt,  and  Macedonia,  with  their 
numerous  satellites  (§§  289,  292  ff.).  In  the  western  Mediterra- 
nean Carthage  held  undisputed  sway.  Now,  between  the  three 
powers  of  the  East  and  the  single  mistress  of  the  West  stood 
forth  a  new  state,  Roman  Italy,  destined  to  absorb  them  all. 

The  struggle  for  supremacy  between  these  five  Mediterranean 
powers  filled  the  next  hundred  and  twenty  years.  The  first  half 
of  the  period  went  to  Roman  conquests  in  the  West  at  the  expense 
of  Carthage. 

418.  Carthage  the  Natural  Rival  of  Rome  in  the  West.  —  Car- 
thage and  Rome  had  been  allied,  just  before,  against  Pyrrhus, 
their  common  enemy.  But  that  gallant  adventurer  had  seen 
that  they  were  natural  rivals ;  and,  as  he  abandoned  the  West, 
he  exclaimed  longingly,  "  How  fair  a  battlefield  we  are  leaving 
for  the  Romans  and  Carthaginians !  "  In  less  than  ten  years 
the  hundred-year  conflict  began. 

Carthage  was  an  ancient  Phoenician  colony,  on  the  finest  har- 
bor in  North  Africa.  Her  government,  in  form,  was  a  republic, 
somewhat  like  Rome,  but  in  reality  it  was  a  narrow  oligarchy 
controlled  by  a  few  wealthy  families.  She  was  now  at  the 
height  of  her  power.  Polybius  (§  462)  called  her  the  richest  city 
in  the  world.     To  her  old  naval  supremacy  she  had  added  a  vast 

363 


364 


ROMAN   EXPANSION  BEYOND  ITALY 


[§419 


land  empire,  including  North  Africa/  Sardinia,  Corsica,  half 
of  Sicily,  and  the  coasts  of  Spain.  The  western  Mediterranean 
she  regarded  as  a  Punic  ^  lake :  foreign  sailors  caught  tres- 
passing there  were  cast  into  the  sea.  But  the  Greeks  of  South 
Italy  had  traded  in  those  waters  for  five  hundred  years;  and 
Rome,  now  mistress  and  protector  of  those  cities,  was  bound 


Gade 


^'  THC  DOMINIONSOF 

1/  ROME    AND   CARTHAGE 

At  the  Beginning  of  the  Punic  Wars 

B.C.  264 

^  Dominions  of  Rome      pMJil  Dominions  of  Carthage 

,       aCALE  OF   MILE8      , 

0  100        200       300       400        500 


soon  to  defend  their  trading  rights  against  this  "  closed  door  " 
of  Carthaginian  policy. 

419.  Carthaginian  Character.  —  Her  Roman  foes  represented 
Carthage  as  wanting  in  honesty ;  and  with  biting  irony  they 
invented  the  term,  "  Punic  faith,"  as  a  synonym  for  treachery. 
Carthage  herself  is  "  a  dumb  actor  on  the  stage  of  history." 
She  once  had  poetry,  oratory,  and  philosophy,  but  none  of  it 
escaped  Roman  hate,  to  tell  us  how  Carthaginians  thought  and 
felt.  Rome  wrote  the  history;  but,  even  from  the  Roman 
story,  the  charge  of  faithlessness  and  greed  is  most  apparent 
against  Rome. 

1  In  Africa  aloue  Carthage  ruled  three  hundred  cities,  and  her  territory 
merged  into  the  desert  where  tributary  nomads  roamed. 

2  "  Punic  "  is  another  form  for  "  Phoenician,"  and  is  used  as  a  shorter  ad- 
jective for  "  Carthaginian." 


§422]  WINNING  THE  WEST,  264-146  B.C.  365 

However,  the  civilization  of  Carthage  was  of  an  Oriental 
type  (§  80).  Her  religion  was  the  cruel  and  licentious  wor- 
ship of 'the  Phoenician  Baal  and  Astarte.  Her  armies  were  a 
motley  mass  of  mercenaries.  And  though,  like  the  mother 
Phoenician  states,  she  scattered  wide  the  seeds  of  a  material 
culture,  like  them,  also,  she  showed  no  power  of  assimilating 
inferior  nations.  The  conquests  of  Rome  were  to  be  Roman- 
ized; hut  six  centuries  of  Punic  rule  had  left  the  Berber  tribes 
of  Africa  (§  10)  wholly  outside  Carthaginian  society. 

420.  The  contrast  between  the  political  systems  of  the  two 
rivals  is  equally  striking.  Even  her  nearest  and  best  subjects 
Carthage  kept  in  virtual  slavery.  Says  Momnisen  {History  of 
Rome,  II,  155)  :  — 

"  Carthage  dispatched  her  overseers  everywhere,  and  loaded  even  the 
old  Phoenician  cities  with  a  heavy  tribute,  while  her  subject  tribes  were 
practically  treated  as  state  slaves.  In  this  way  there  was  not  in  the 
compass  of  the  Carthagino-African  state  a  single  community,  with  the  ex- 
ception of  Utica,  that  would  not  have  been  politically  and  materially  bene- 
fited by  the  fall  of  Carthage  ;  in  the  Romano-Italic,  there  was  not  one 
that  had  not  much  more  to  lose  than  to  gain  in  rebelling  against  a  gov- 
ernment which  was  careful  to  avoid  injuring  material  interests,  and  which 
never,  at  least  by  extreme  measures,  challenged  political  opposition." 

421.  The  Issue  at  Stake. — Thus,  whatever  our  sympathy 
for  Carthage  and  her  hero  leaders,  we  must  see  that  the  victory 
of  Rome  was  necessary  for  the  welfare  of  the  human  race. 
Tlie  struggle  was  the  conflict  of  Greece  and  Persia  repeated  by 
more  stalwart  actors  on  a  western  stage. 

The  conflict  consists  of  a  series  of  three  wars.  The  second  is  the 
decisive  struggle,  to  which,  it  is  often  said,  the  first  and  third  stand 
merely  as  prologue  and  epilogue. 

THE   FIRST  PUNIC    WAR    (THE   WAR  FOR   SICILY) 

422.  The  occasion  for  the  First  Punic  War  was  found  in  Sicily. 
When  Rome  conquered  South  Italy,  she  came  necessarily  into 
relations  with  the  Greeks  in  that  island.    Sicily  is  really  a  con- 


366  ROMAN  EXPANSION  BEYOND  ITALY  [§422 

tinuation  of  the  Italian  peninsula.  It  reaches  to  within  ninety 
miles  of  the  African  coast.  A  sunken  ridge  on  the  bed  of  the 
sea  shows  that  it  once  joined  the  two  continents,  and  it  still 
forms  a  stepping-stone  between  them.  For  this  middle  land, 
European  and  African  struggled  for  centuries.  For  two  hun- 
dred years  now  it  had  been  divided,  Syracuse  holding  the 
eastern  half,  Carthage  the  western. 

While  Eome  was  still  busy  with  the  Pyrrhic  war,  an  event 
happened  which  renewed  the  conflict  for  Sicily  and  was  finally 
to  draw  Rome  in  as  a  chief  actor.     A  band  of  Campanian  mer- 


C/OIN   OF   HiKRO    II   OF   SYRACUSE. 

cenaries,  on  their  way  home  from  service  under  the  tyrant  of 
Syracuse,  seized  the  city  of  Messana,  murdering  all  the  men 
and  taking  possession  of  their  wives  and  goods.  The  robbers 
called  themselves  Mamertines  ("  Sons  of  Mars  "),  and  for  several 
years,  from  their  walled  stronghold,  they  ravaged  and  plun- 
dered the  northeast  corner  of  Sicily.  Now,  in  265,  they  were 
hard  pressed  by  Hiero  II,  the  ruler  of  Syracj^,  and  one  fac- 
tion called  in  Carthage  while  another  party  appealed  to  Rome 
for  protection. 

Both  Syracuse  and  Carthage  were  allies  of  Rome,  and  it  was 
not  easy  for  that  state  to  find  excuse  for  defending  the  robbers. 
The  desire  to  check  Carthage  and  to  extend  Roman  power,  how- 
ever, outweighed  all  caution  as  well  as  all  moral  considera- 
tions. And,  indeed,  there  was  real  danger  in  Carthage  estab- 
lishing herself  in  Messana,  close  to  the  Italian  coast.     Even  so, 


§  425]  WINNING  THE   WEST,   264-146  B.C.  367 

the  Senate  could  come  to  no  decision ;  but  the  people,  to  whom 
it  referred  the  question,  voted  promptly  to  send  troops  to 
Sicily;  arid,  in  264,  Roman  legions  for  the  first  time  crossed  the 
seas.  The  war  with  Carthage  that  followed  is  known  as  the 
Fiy^st  Punic  War. 

423.  Strength  of  the  Parties.  —  Carthage  was  mistress  of  an 
empire  huge  but  scattered  and  heterogeneous.  Rome  was  the 
head  of  a  small  but  compact  nationality.  Each  state  con- 
tained, or  ruled  over,  about  5,000,000  people.  The  strength  of 
Carthage  lay  in  her  wealth  and  in  her  navy.  Her  weak  points 
were  :  the  jealousy  felt  by  the  ruling  families  at  home  toward 
their  own  successful  generals ;  the  difficulty  of  dealing  with 
her  mercenaries  ;  the  danger  of  revolt  among  her  Libyan  sub- 
jects ;  and  the  fact  that  an  invading  army,  after  one  victory,  would 
find  no  resistance  outside  her  walls,  since  her  jealousy  had  leveled 
the  defenses  of  her  tributary  towns  in  Africa. 

Eome  was  strong  in  the  patriotism  and  vigor  of  her  people, 
in  the  discipline  of  her  legions,  and  in  the  fidelity  of  her  allies. 
Her  weakness  lay  in  the  total  lack  of  a  navy,  and  in  the  want 
of  a  better  military  system  than  the  one  of  annually  changing 
officers  and  short-term  soldiers.  (The  changes  in  the  army  re- 
ferred to  in  §  406  above  had  not  yet  taken  place.  They  were 
to  result  from  this  war.) 

424.  Importance  of  Sea  Power.  —  The  war  lasted  twenty-three 
years,  and  is  ranked  by  Polybius  (a  Greek  historian  of  the  next 
century)  above  all  previous  wars  for  severity.  Few  conflicts 
illustrate  better  the  value  of  naval  superiority.  At  first  the 
Carthaginians  were  undisputed  masters  of  the  sea.  They  there- 
fore reinforced  their  troops  in  Sicily  at  pleasure,  and  ravaged 
the  coasts  of  Italy  to  the  utter  ruin  of  seaboard  prosperity. 
Indeed,  for  a  time  they  made  good  their  warning  to  the  Roman 
Senate  before  the  war  began,  —  that  against  their  will  no  Ro- 
man could  wash  his  hands  in  the  sea. 

425.  Rome  becomes  a  Sea  Power.  —  But  the  Romans,  with 
sagacity  and  boldness,  built  their  first  war  fleet  and  soon  met 
the  ancient  Queen  of  the  Seas  on  her  own  element.     Winning 


368  ROMAN   EXPANSION  BEYOND  ITALY  [§426 

command  there  temporarily,^  in  256,  they  invaded  Africa  itself. 
The  consul  Regulus  won  brilliant  successes  there,  and  even  laid 
siege  to  Carthage.  But,  as  winter  came  on,  the  short-term 
Roman  armies  were  mostly  recalled,  according  to  custom,  and 
the  weak  remnant  was  soon  killed  or  captured. 

426.  Legend  of  Regulus.  —  Five  years  later,  the  weary  Car- 
thaginians sent  the  captive  Regulus  home  with  offers  of  peace 
and  exchange  of  prisoners,  binding  him  by  oath  to  return  to 
Carthage  if  Rome  rejected  the  terms.  Later  Roman  legend 
tells  .proudly  how  Regulus,  arrived  at  Rome,  advised  the  Sen- 
ate not  to  make  peace  or  ransom  captives  who  had  disgraced 
themselves  by  surrender,  and  how  then,  despite  all  entreaties, 
he  steadfastly  left  Rome,  holding  his  eyes  on  the  ground  to 
avoid  sight  of  wife  and  child,  to  return  to  Carthage  and  to  a 
cruel  death  by  torture.  (See  Davis'  Readings,  II,*  No.  20.) 
The  story  at  least  illustrates  Roman  ideals  of  patriotic  self- 
devotion  and  of  faithfulness  to  the  plighted  word. 

427.  The  Carthaginian  hero  of  the  war  is  strictly  historical. 
In  247,  the  general  Hamilcar  appeared  in  Sicily.  He  estab- 
lished himself  with  a  small  force  on  the  summit  of  a  rugged 
mountain,  and  from  this  citadel  with  a  mere  handful  of  troops, 
he  held  large  Roman  armies  in  check  for  six  years,  by  his 
remarkable  skill  in  war.  His  troops  grew  their  own  food  and 
forage  on  the  barren  mountain  slopes;  and  from  time  to  time 
Hamilcar  swooped  down,  eagle-like,  to  strike  telling  blowsj  — 
earning  from  friend  and  foe  the  surname  Barca  (the  Lightning). 


1  Special  report  ;  the  new  naval  tactics  of  the  Romans  (Mommsen,  II,  ITS- 
ITS).  Despite  real  genius  in  the  device  by  which  Rome,  to  a  great  degree^ 
ch  anged  a  naval  into  a  land  battle ,  her  immediate  victory  at  sea  over  the  veteran 
navy  of  Carthage  is  explicable  chiefly  on  the  supposition  that  the  "  Roman  " 
navy  was  furnished  by  the  "  allies  "  in  Magna  Graecia.  The  story  of  Polybius, 
that  Rome  built  her  fleet  in  two  months  on  the  model  of  a  stranded  Cartha- 
ginian vessel,  and  meantime  trained  her  sailors  to  row  sitting  on  the  sand  (see 
Munro,  T9-80),  must"  be  in  the  main  a  quaint  invention.  See  How  and  Leigh, 
152.  Mommsen  (II,  43-46)  outlines  the  history  of  the  Roman  navy  for  sixty 
years  before  the  war,  and  (II,  1T2-1T6)  gives  a  possible  meaning  to  the  old 
account  by  Polybius. 


§  431]  WINNING  THE  WEST,   264^-146  B.C.  369 

428.  Rome's  Patriotism  and  Enterprise.  —  Rome's  first  at- 
tempts upon  the  sea  had  been  surprisingly  successful,  but  soon 
terrible  reverses  befell  her  there.  In  quick  succession  she 
lost  four  great  fleets  with  large  armies  on  board,  mainly  through 
lack  of  seamanship  in  her  commanders.  One  sixth  of  her  cit- 
izens had  perished  ;  the  treasury  was  empty ;  and,  in  despair, 
the  Senate  was  about  to  abandon  the  effort  to  secure  the  sea. 
In  this  crisis  Rome  was  saved  by  the  public  spirit  of  private  cit- 
izens. Lavish  loans  built  and  fitted  out  two  hundred  vessels,  and 
this  fleet  won  an  overwhelming  victory,  which  closed  the  war. 

These  loans  were  made  by  "companies  "  of  merchants  and  capitalists 
which  had  recently  begun  to  appear  in  Rome.  The  loans  were  not 
secured.  The  Republic  merely  promised  to  repay  them  when  it  might 
be  able.  If  Rome  had  lost  once  more,  they  never  would  have  been  re- 
paid. The  whole  proceeding  is  very  like  the  way  in  which,  in  our  Civil 
War,  after  Bull  Run,  our  Northern  banking  syndicates  loaned  vast  sums 
to  the  government,  without  security,  to  save  the  Union. 

429.  Peace :  Sicily  becomes  Roman.  —  Carthage  had  lost 
command  of  the  sea  and  could  no  longer  reinforce  her  armies 
in  Sicily.  Moreover,  she  was  weary  of  the  war  and  of  the 
losses  it  brought J:o  her  commerce;  and,  in  241,  she  sued  for 
peace.  To  obtain  it,  she  withdrew  from  Sicily  and  paid  a 
heavy  war  indemnity.  Hiero,  who  after  the  first  years  of  the 
war  had  become  a  faithful  ally  of  Rome,  remained  master  of 
Syracuse.     The  rest  of  Sicily  passed  under  the  rule  of  Rome. 

FROM  THE   FIRST  TO  THE  SECOND  PUNIC  WAR,  241-218  B.C. 

430.  Use  of  the  Interval.  —  Sagacious  Romans  looked  for- 
ward to  another  struggle  with  Carthage.  That  conflict,  how- 
ever, did  not  come  for  twenty-three  years.  Meantime,  Rome 
pUCshed  wider  the  borders  of  Italy  (§§  431-433),  and  organized 
her  new  conquests  ujpon  the  '' provincial  plan  (§  435). 

431.  Sardinia  and  Corsica.  —  When  the  mercenaries  of  Car- 
thage were  withdrawn  from  Sicily  to  Africa,  they  were  left 
unpaid  and  they  soon  broke  into  revolt.  The  Libyan  tribes 
joined  the  rising,  and  a  ferocious  struggle  followed  between 


370  ROMAN  EXPANSION  BEYOND  ITALY  [§  432 

Carthage  and  the  rebels.  The  war  is  known  as  the  War  of  the 
Mercenaries,  and  sometimes  as  the  Truceless  War.  At  last 
Hamilcar  Barca  stamped  out  the  revolt  in  Africa.  But  mean- 
time the  movement  had  spread  to  Sardinia  and  Corsica;  and,  in 
238,  the  rebels  offered  these  islands  to  Rome.  The  temptation 
was  too  much  for  Roman  honor.  The  offer  was  shamelessly 
accepted,  and  a  protest  from  distracted  Carthage  was  met  by  a 
stern  threat  of  war.  The  islands  became  Roman  possessions. 
The  Tyrrhenian  Sea  had  become  a  Roman  lake. 

432.  The  Adriatic  a  Roman  Sea.  —  This  period  marks  also  the 
first  Roman  enterprise  to  the  east  of  Italy.  Illyria  had  risen 
into  a  considerable  state,  in  friendly  relations  with  Macedonia. 
The  Illyrian  coasts  were  the  homes  of  countless  pirates,  who 
swarmed  forth  in  great  fleets  to  harry  the  commerce  of  the 
adjoining  waters.  Finally  these  pirates  even  captured  Corcyra. 
Other  Greek  towns  complained  loudly  to  Rome.  Rome  sent  a 
haughty  embassy  to  demand  order  from  the  Illyrian  queen. 
The  embassy  was  assaulted  murderously,  and  Rome  declared 
war.  In  a  brief  campaign  (229  «.c.)  she  swept  the  pirates 
from  the  Adriatic  and  forced  Illyria  to  sue  for  peace.  The 
Adriatic  had  become  a  Roman  waterway.  At  this  time,  Rome 
kept  no  territory  on  the  eastern  coast;  but  the  Greek  cities  had 
learned  to  look  to  her  for 'protection,  and  accordingly  Mace- 
donia began  to  regard  her  with  a  jealous  eye. 

433.  Cisalpine  Gaul. — A  iew  years  later  came  a  great  addi- 
tion of  territory  on  the  north.  Rome  had  begun  to  plant 
colonies  on  the  border  of  Cisalpine  Gaul.  Naturally  the  Gauls 
were  alarmed  and  angered,  and,  in  225,  for  the  last  time  they 
threatened  Italy.  They  penetrated  to  within  three  days'  march 
of  Rome ;  but  Italian  patriotism  rallied  around^  the  endangered 
capital,  and  the  barbarians  were  crushed. 

Then  Rome  resolutely  took  the  offensive^  and,  by  222,  Cisal- 
pine Gaul  had  become  a  Roman  possession,  garrisoned  by 
numerous  colonies  and  traversed  by  a  great  military  road.  At 
last  Home  had  pushed  her  northern  boundary  from  the  low 
Apennines  to  the  great  crescent  wall  of  the  Alps. 


§435]  WINNING  THE  WEST,   264-140  B.C.  371 

434.  Summary  of  Roman  Expansion  to  222  B.C.  —  The  steps  of 
Roman  expansion  from  367  to  222  may  be  summarized  in  a  few  words. 
The  period  367-266  consolidated  Apennine  Italy.  In  the  next  fifty  years 
this  narrow  "Italy"  had  been  rounded  out  to  its  true  borders  by  three 
great  steps  :  (i)  The  First  Punic  War,  filling  half  the  period,  added 
Sicily.  (2)  The  other  great  islands  bounding  Italian  waters  on  the 
west  were  seized  soon  after,  treacherously,  from  Carthage  in  the  hour  of 
her  death  struggle  with  her  revolted  troops.  (3)  Then,  having  provoked 
the  Gauls  to  war,  Rome  became  mistress  of  the  valley  of  the  Po.  Mean- 
time Roman  authority  had  been  successfully  asserted,  also,  in  the  sea 
bordering  Italy  on  the  east. 

435.  Organization  of  the  Conquests  outside  of  Italy.  —  On  the 

whole,  Rome  had  been  generous  and  wise  in  her  treatment  of 
united  Italy ;  hut  all  her  conquests  since  the  war  with  Pyrrhus 
(Cisalpine  Gaul  as  truly  as  the  islands)  were  looked  upon  as 
outside  of  Italy  (§  255).  The  distance  of  the  new  possessions 
from  Rome,  the  fact  that  the  islands  could  not  be  reached  by 
"  roads,"  and  the  character  of  Cisalpine  Gaul  seemed  to  make 
impossible  for  these  districts  the  kind  of  government  given  to 
the  '^allies"  and  municipia  in  Italy  proper.  Unfortunately, 
Rome  was  unable  to  invent  a  new  form  of  government,  and 
so  she  fell  back  upon  the  idea  of  prefectures  (§  390).  The 
new  acquisitions  became  strictly  subject  possessions  of 
Rome,  and  they  were  ruled  much  as  the  prefectures  were  in 
Italy. 

Sicily  (241  b.c.)  was  managed  temporarily  by  a  Roman 
praetor ;  but  in  227,  when  some  semblance  of  order  had  been 
introduced  into  Sardinia  and  Corsica,  the  Senate  adopted  a  per- 
manent plan  of  government  for  all  these  islands.  Two  addi- 
tional praetors,  it  was  decided,  should  be  elected  each  year,  — 
one  to  rule  Sicily,  the  other  for  the  two  other  islands.  The  two 
governments  received  the  name  of  provinces. 

This  was  the  beginning  of  the  provincial  system  that  was  to  spread 
finally  far  beyond  these  "  suburbs  of  Italy."  Soon  afterward 
Cisalpine  Gaul  was  organized  in  a  like  manner,  though  it  was 
not  given  the  title  of  a  province  until  much  later.  The  system 
will  be  described  in  §§  498-503. 


372  ROMAN   EXPANSION  BEYOND   ITALY         [§436 

THE   SECOND   PUNIC   WAR    (SOMETIMES  STYLED   "THE 
WAR   FOR   SPAIN"),  218-202  B.C. 

436.  Occasion.  —  Carthage  was  not  ready  to  give  up  control  of 
the  Western  Mediterranean  without  another  struggle.  Rome's 
policy  of  "  blunder  and  plunder  "  in  seizing  Sardinia  gave  her  ex- 
cuse enough  to  renew  the  contest  if  she  could  find  leaders  and 
resources.     These  were  both  furnished  by  the  Barca  family. 

From  Rome's  high-handed  treachery  in  Sardinia,  Hamilcar 
Barca  imbibed  a  deathless  hatred  for  that  state;  and  immedi- 
ately after  putting  down  the  War  of  the  Mercenaries  he  be- 
gan to  prepare  for  another  conflict.  To  offset  the  loss  of  the 
great  Mediterranean  islands,  he  sought  to  extend  Carthaginian 
dominion  over  Spain.  The  mines  of  that  country,  he  saw, 
would  furnish  the  needful  wealth,  and  its  hardy  tribes,  when 
disciplined,  would  make  an  infantry  which  might  meet  even 
the  legions  of  Rome. 

437.  Hannibal.  —  When  Hamilcar  was  about  to  cross  to  Spain, 
in  236,  he  swore  his  son  Hannibal  at  the  altar  to  eternal  hos- 
tility to  Rome.  Hannibal  was  then  a  boy  of  nine  years. 
He  followed  Hamilcar  to  the  wars,  and,  as  a  youth,  became  a 
dashing  cavalry  officer  and  the  idol  of  the  soldiery.  He  used 
his  camp  leisure  to  store  his  mind  with  all  the  culture  of  Greece. 
At  twenty-six  he  succeeded  to  the  command  in  Spain.  In  rare 
degree  he  possessed  the  ability  to  secure  the  devotion  of  fickle, 
mercenary  troops.  He  was  a  statesman  of  a  high  order,  and 
possibly  the  greatest  captain  in  history.  The  Second  Punic 
AVar  takes  its  keenest  interest  from  his  dazzling  career.  Even 
the  Romans  called  that  struggle  the  "  War  with  Hannibal." 

No  friendly  pen  has  left  us  a  record  of  Hannibal.  Roman 
historians  sought  to  stain  his  fame  with  envious  slander.  But, 
through  it  all,  his  character  shines  out  chivalrous,  noble,  heroic. 
Says  Colonel  Dodge,^  "  There  is  not  in  history  a  figure  more  noble 
in  purity,  more  radiant  in  patriotism,  more  heroic  in  genius, 
more  pathetic  in  its  misfortunes." 

1  Author  of  various  military  biographies. 


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§441]  .WINNING  THE  WEST,   264-146  B.C»  373 


438.  Hannibal   at   Saguntum;     Rome  declares  War,  218  B.C. 

—  Hannibal  continued  the  work  of  his  great  father  in  Spain. 
He  made  the  southern  half  of  that  rich  land  a  Carthaginian 
province  and  organized  it  thoroughly.  Then  he  rapidly  carried 
the  Carthaginian  frontier  to  the  Ebro,  collected  a  magnificent 
army  of  over  a  hundred  thousand  men,  and  besieged  Saguntum, 
an  ancient  Greek  colony  near  the  east  coast.  Fearing  Carthagin- 
ian advance,  Saguntum  had  sought  Roman  alliance;  and  now, 
when  Carthage  refused  to  recall  Hannibal,  Rome,  in  alarm  and 
anger,  declared  war  (218  B.C.). 

439.  Hannibal's  Invasion  of  Italy.  —  The  Second  Punic  War 
(218-202  B.C.)  was  somewhat  shorter  than  the  First,  but  it  was 
an  even  more  strenuous  struggle.  Rome  had  intended  to 
take  the  offensive.  Indeed,  she  dispatched  one  consul  in  a 
leisurely  way  to  Spain,  and  started  the  other  for  Africa  by  way 
of  Sicily.  But  Hannibal's  audacious  rapidity  threw  into  con- 
fusion all  his  enemy's  plans.  In  live  months  he  had  crossed 
the  Pyrenees  and  the  Rhone,  fighting  his-  way  through  the  Gal- 
lic tribes;  forced  the  unknown  passes  of  the  Alps,  under  con- 
ditions that  made  it  a  feat  paralleled  only  by  Alexander's 
passage  of  the  Hindukush;  and,  leaving  the  bones  of  three 
fourths  of  his  army  between  the  Ebro  and  Po,  startled  Italy 
by  appearing  in  Cisalpine  Gaul,  with  twenty-six  thousand 
'^heroic  shadows." 

440.  His  First  Victories.  —  With  these  "emaciated  scare- 
crows "  the  same  fall  Hannibal  swiftly  destroyed  two  hastily 
gathered  Roman  armies  —  at  the  Ticinus  and  at  the  Trebia. 
Then  the  recently  pacified  Gallic  tribes  rallied  turbulently  to 
swell  his  ranks.  The  following  spring  he  crossed  the  Apen- 
nines, ambushed  a  Roman  army  of  forty  thousand  men,  blinded 
with  morning  fog,  near  Lake  Trasimene,  and  annihilated  it,  and 

len  carried  fire  and  sword  through  Italy. 

41.   Quintus  Fabius  Maximus  was  now  named   dictator,  to 

Rome.     That  wary  old  general  adopted  the  wise  policy 

'elay  ("Fabian  policy")  to  wear  out  Hannibal  and  gain 

-  athing  time  for  Rome.     He  would  not  give  battle,  but  he 


374  ROMAN  EXPANSION  BEYOND  ITALY         [§442 

followed  close  at  the  Carthaginian's  heels,  from  place  to  place. 
Even  Hannibal  could  not  catch  Fabins  unawares ;  and  he  did 
not  dare  to  attack  the  intrenched  Roman  camps.  But  Hannibal 
had  to  win  victories  to  draw  the  Italian  "Allies"  from  Rome,  or 
he  would  have  to  flee  from  Italy.  He  ravaged  savagely,  as  he 
marched,  to  provoke  the  Roman  commander  to  battle,  but  in 
vain;  and  his  position  grew  critical.  So  far,  not  a  city  in 
Italy  had  opened  its  gates  to  him  as  a  shelter. 

442.  Cannae.  —  But  in  Rome  many  of  the  common  people 
murmured  impatiently,  nicknaming  Fabius  Ciinctator  (the  Lag- 
gard). Popular  leaders,  too,  began  to  grumble  that  the  Senate 
protracted  the  war  in  order  to  gain  glory  for  the  aristocratic 
generals  ;  and  the  following  summer  the  new  consuls  were 
given  ninety  thousand  men — by  far  the  largest  army  Rome  had 
ever  put  in  the  field,  and  several  times  Hannibal's  army  — 
with  orders  to  crush  the  daring  invader.  The  result  was  the 
battle  of  Cannae — "a  carnival  of  cold  steel,  a  butchery,  not  a 
battle."  Hannibal  lost  six  thousand  men.  Rome  lost  sixty 
thousand  dead  and  twenty  thousand  prisoners.  A  consul,  a 
fourth  of  the  senators,  nearly  all  the  officers,  and  over  a  fifth 
of  the  fighting  population  of  the  city  perished.  Hannibal 
sent  home  a  bushel  of  gold  rings  from  the  hands  of  fallen  Ro- 
man nobles.^ 

443.  Fidelity  of  the  Latins  and  Italians  to  Rome.  —  The  vic- 
tory, however,  yielded  little  fruit.  Hannibal's  only  real  chance 
within  Italy  had  been  that  brilliant  victories  might  break  up 
the  Italian  confederacy  and  bring  over  to  his  side  the  subjects 
of  Rome.  Accordingly,  he  freed  his  Italian  prisoners  without 
ransom,  proclaiming  that  he  warred  only  on  Rome  and  that  he 
came  to  liberate  Italy. 

The  mountain  tribes  of  the  south,  eager  for  plunder,  did  join 
him,  as  did  one  great  Italian  city,  Capua.  Syracuse,  too,  re- 
nounced its  Roman  alliance  and  joined  its  ancient  enemy  Car- 
thage.    And  three  years  later,  a  cruel  Roman  blunder  drove 


1  There  is  an  excellent  account  of  the  battle  in  How  and  Leigh,  194-198. 


§  444]  WINNING  THE  WEST,  264-146  B.C.  375 

some  of  the  Greek  towns  of  south  Italy  into  Hannibal's  arms. 
But  the  other  cities  —  colonies,  Latins,  or  Allies  —  closed  their 
gates  against  him  as  resolutely  as  Rome  herself,  —  and  so  gave 
marvelous  testimony  to  the  excellence  of  Roman  rule  and  to 
the  national  spirit  it  had  fostered. 

444.  Rome's  Grandeur  in  Disaster.  —  Rome's  own  greatness 
showed  grandly  in  the  hour  of  terror  after  Cannae,  when  any 
other  people  would  have  given  up  the  conflict  in  despair.  A 
plot  among  some  faint-hearted  nobles  to  abandon  Italy  was 
stifled  in  the  camp;  and  the  surviving  consul,  Varro,  coura- 
geously set  himself  to  reorganize  the  wreckage  of  his  army. 

Varro  had  been  elected,  in  a  bitter  partisan  struggle,  as  the  champion 
of  the  democratic  party,  against  the  unanimous  opposition  of  the  aris- 
tocracy. With  undoubted  merits  in  personal  character,  he  had  proved 
utterly  lacking  in  military  talent.  Indeed,  he  had  forced  his  wiser  col- 
league to  give  battl^,  and  his  poor  generalship  was  largely  responsible 
for  the  disaster.  He  now  returned  to  Roms,  expecting  to  face  stem 
judges.  At  Carthage,  a  general,  so  placed,  would  have  been  nailed  to  a 
cross  or  thrown  under  the  feet  of  enraged  elephants.  Even  in  Athens, 
as  Dr.  Davis  says,  he  would  probably  have  had  to  drink  the  fatal  cup  of 
hemlock.  At  Rome,  faction  and  criticism  were  silenced,  and  the  aristo- 
cratic Senate  showed  its  nobility  by  publicly  giving  thanks  to  the 
democratic  and  luckless  general  "  because  he  had  not  despaired  of  the 
Republic." 

Even  Cannae  was  not-  the  end  of  disaster.  Before  the  close 
of  the  year  another  army  under  a  new  consul  was  cut  to 
pieces,  and  by  losses  elsewhere  the  Senate  had  fallen  to  less 
than  half  its  numbers ;  ^  but  with  stern  temper  and  splendid 
tenacity  Re  me  refused  even  to  receive  Hannibal's  envoys  or  to 
consider  his  moderate  proposals  for  peace.  According  to  one 
story,  Rome  refused  in  this  crisis  to  ransom  prisoners.  Much 
as  she  needed  her  soldiers  back,  she  preferred,  so  the  story 
goes,  to  teach  her  citizens  that  they  ought  at  such  a  time  to 
die  for  the  Republic,  rather  than  surrender. 

A  third  of  the  adult  males  of  Italy  had  fallen  in  battle  within 

1  The  next  year  177  new  members  were  added,  to  bring  the  number  up  to 
the  normal  300. 


376  ROMAN   EXPANSION  BEYOND  ITALY  [§445 

three  years,  or  were  in  camp,  so  that  all  industry  was  demoral- 
ized. Still,  taxes  were  doubled,  and  the  rich  gave  cheerfully, 
even  beyond  these  crushing  demands.  The  days  of  mourning 
for  the  dead  were  shortened  by  a  decree  of  the  government. 
Rome  refused  to  recall  a  man  from  Sicily  or  Spain.  Instead 
she  sent  out  new  armies  to  those  plax^es,  and  by  enrolling  slaves, 
old  men,  boys,  and  the  criminals  from  the  prisons  (arming 
them  with  the  sacred  trophies  in  the  temples),  she  managed  to 
put  two  hundred  and  fifty  thousand  troops  into  the  field. 

Rome  learned,  too,  from  disaster.  The  legions  and  generals 
sent  to  Spain,  Sicily,  and  other  distant  lands  were  no  longer 
recalled  at  the  end  of  the  year.  They  were  enlisted  "  for  the 
war."  Here  lay  the  beginnings  of  important  constitutional 
changes  (§  406). 

445.  Lack  of  Concerted  Action  by  Rome's  Foes.  —  Hannibal 
was  now  in  no  peril  in  Italy.  He  could  maintain  himself  there 
indefinitelj^,  with  his  allies  in  the  south  of  the  peninsula.  But 
he  made  no  more  headway.  His  possible  chances  for  success 
lay  in  arousing  a  general  Mediterranean  war  against  Rome,  or 
in  receiving  himself  strong  reinforcements  from  Carthage. 
Philip  V  of  Macedonia  did  ally  himself  with  Hannibal,  but  he 
acted  timidly  and  too  late.  Carthage  showed  a  strange  apathy 
when  victory  was  within  her  grasp.  She  made  no  real  attempt 
even  to  regain  her  ancient  command  of  the  sea,  and  so  could 
not  send  troops  to  Hannibal,  or  defend  her  ally,  Syracuse,  from 
Roman  vengeance. 

446.  The  War  in  Sicily.  —  Meantime  Rome  guarded  her 
coasts  with  efficient  fleets  and  transported  her  armies  at  will. 
Especially  did  she  strain  every  nerve  for  success  abroad,  where 
HannibaPs  superb  genius  could  not  act  against  her.  Syracuse 
had  been  besieged  promptly  by  land  and  sea,  and  (212)  after  a 
three  years'  siege,  it  was  taken  by  storpi.  This  siege  is  mem- 
orable for  the  scientific  inventions  of  Archimedes  (§  320),  used 
in  the  defense.^     The  philosopher  himself  was  killed  during  the 

1  See  Davis'  Readings,  II,  No.  27,  for  the  fullest  account  by  an  ancient 
authority. 


§449]  WINNING  THE  WEST,  264-146  B.C.  377 

sack  of  the  city,  and  one  more  commercial  rival  of  Kome  was 
wiped  from  the  map.  Its  works  of  art  (the  accumulations  of 
centuries)  were  destroyed  or  carried  to  Rome,-  and  it  never 
recovered  its  old  eminence  in  culture,  commerce,  or  power. 

447.  The  War  in  Spain.  —  Hannibal's  one  remaining  chance  lay 
in  reinforcements  by  land,  from  his  brother,  Hasdrubal,  whom 
he  had  left  in  command  in  Spain.  But,  step  by  step,  the  Roman 
Scipio  brothers,  with  overwhelming  forces,  pushed  back  the 
Carthaginian  frontier  in  that  peninsula,  and  for  many  years 
ruined  all  Hannibal's  hopes.  At  last,  in  211,  Hasdrubal  won  a 
great  victory,  and  the  two  Scipios  perished;  but  Rome  promptly 
hurried  in  fresh  forces  under  the  young  Publius  Cornelias  Scipio, 
who,  in  masterly  fashion,  for  three  years  more,  continued  the 
work  of  his  father  and  uncle. 

448.  Changed  Character  of  the  War  in  Italy.  —  In  Italy  itself, 
the  policy  of  Fabius  was  again  adopted,  varied  by  the  telling 
blows  of  the  vigorous  soldier,  Marcellus,  who  was  called  the 
"  Sword  "  of  Rome,  as  Fabius  was  called  her  "  Shield."  Han- 
nibal's hopes  had  been  blasted  in  the  moment  of  victory.  Rome 
fell  back  upon  an  iron  constancy  and  steadfast  caution.  Her 
Italian  subjects  showed  a  steady  fidelity  even  more  ominous  to 
the  invader.  Carthage  proved  neglectful,  and  her  allies  luke- 
warm. 

Against  such  conditions  all  the  great  African's  genius  in  war 
and  in  diplomacy  wore  itself  out  in  vain.  For  thirteen  years  after 
Cannae  he  maintained  himself  in  Italy  without  reinforcement 
in  men  or  money,  —  always  winning  a  battle  when  he  could 
engage  the  enemy  in  the  field,  —  and  directing  operations  as 
best  he  might  in  Spain,  Sicily,  Macedonia,  and  Africa.  But  it 
was  a  war  waged  by  one  supreme  genius  against  the  most 
powerful  and  resolute  nation  in  the  world.  Says  Dr.  Davis, 
"  The  greatest  military  genius  who  ever  lived  attacked  the  most 
military  people  which  ever  existed  —  and  the  genius  was  defeated 
after  a  sixteen  years'  war." 

449.  "Hannibal  at  the  Gates."  —  One  more  dramatic  scene 
marked  Hannibal's  career  in  Italy.     The  Romans  had  besieged 


378  ROMAN  EXPANSION  BEYOND  ITALY         [§  450 

Capua.  In  a  daring  attempt  to  relieve  his  ally,  Hannibal 
marched  to  the  very  walls  of  Rome,  ravaging  the  fields  about 
the  city.  The  Romans,  however,  were  not  to  be  enticed  into 
a  rash  engagement,  nor  could  the  army  around  Ca-pua  be  drawn 
from  its  prey.  The  only  result  of  Hannibal's  desperate  stroke 
was  the  fruitless  fright  he  gave  Rome,  —  such  that  for  genera- 
tions Roman  mothers  stilled  their  children  by  the  terror-bear- 
ing phrase,  "  Hannibal  at  the  Gates  !  "  Roman  stories  relate, 
however,  that  citizens  were  found,  even  in  that  hour  of  fear,  to 
show  a  defiant  confidence  by  buying  eagerly  at  a  public  sale  the 
land  where  the  invader  lay  encamped.  And  even  Hannibal  must 
have  felt  misgivings  when  his  scouts  reported  that  from  another 
gate  a  Roman  army  had  just  marched  away  contemptuously, 
with  colors  flying,  to  reinforce  the  Roman  troops  in  Spain. 

450.  Capua.  —  Hannibal  finally  drew  off,  and  Capua  fell, — 
to  meet  a  fate  more  harsh  even  than  that  of  Syracuse.  That 
"  second  city  of  Italy  "  ceased  to  exist  as  a  city.  Its  leading 
men  were  massacred ;  most  of  the  rest  of  the  population  were 
sold  as  slaves  ;  and  colonies  of  Roman  veterans  were  planted 
on  its  lands.  The  few  remaining  inhabitants  were  governed 
by  a  prefect  from  Rome. 

Syracuse  and  Capua  had  been  faithless  allies.  They  had 
been  also  rivals  in  trade ;  and  their  cruel  fate  was  due  quite  as 
much  to  Roman  greed  as  to  Roman  vengeance.     Cf .  §  374. 

451.  Hannibal's  Forces  Worn  Out.  —  And  so  the  struggle 
entered  upon  its  last,  long,  wasting  stage.  It  became  a  record 
of  sieges  and  marches  and  countermarches.  HannibaPs  genius 
shone  as  marvelous  as  ever,  earning  him  from  modern  military 
critics  the  title,  "  Father  of  Strategy  '' ;  but  there  are  no  more  of 
the  dazzling  results  that  mark  the  first  campaigns.  HannibaPs 
African  and  Spanish  veterans  died  off,  and  had  to  be  replaced 
as  best  they  might  by  local  recruits  in  Italy  ;  and  gradually 
the  Romans  learned  the  art  of  war  from  their  great  enemy. 

"  "With  the  battle  of  Cannae  the  breathless  interest  in  the  war  ceases  ; 
its  surging  mass,  broken  on  the  walls  of  the  Roman  fortresses,  .  .  .  foams 
away  in  ruin  and  devastation  through  south  Italy,  —  ever  victorious,  ever 


§  4531  WINNING   THE  WEST,   264-146  B.C.  379 

receding.  Rome,  assailed  on  all  sides  by  open  foe  and  forsworn  friend, 
driven  to  her  last  man  and  last  coin,  '  ever  great  and  greater  grows '  in 
the  strength  of  her  strong  will  and  loyal  people,  widening  the  circle  round 
her  with  rapid  blows  in  Sicily,  Sardinia,  Spain,  and  Macedon,  while  she 
slowly  loosens  the  grip  fastened  on  her  throat  at  home,  till  in  the  end  ... 
the  final  fight  on  African  sands  at  the  same  moment  closes  the  struggle 
for  life  and  seats  her  mistress  of  the  world."  — How  and  Leigh,  199. 

452.  The  Second  Carthaginian  Invasion.  —  Meantime,  in  Spain, 
Hannibal's  brother,  Hasdrubal,  had  been  contending  against 
the  crushing  force  of  the  Scipios,  with  the  skill  and  devotion 
of  his  family.  Finally,  in  208,  by  able  maneuvers,  he  eluded 
the  Eoman  generals,  and  started  with  a  veteran  army  to  rein- 
force Hannibal.  Eome's  peril  was  never  greater  than  when 
this  second  son  of  Barca  crossed  the  Alps  successfully  with 
iifty-six  thousand  men  and  fifteen  elephants.  Just  before, 
several  of  the  most  important  ^'  Latin  colonies  "  had  given 
notice  that  they  could  not  much  longer  sustain  the  ravages  of 
the  war.  If  the  two  Carthaginian  armies  joined,  Hannibal  would 
be  able  to'  march  at  will  through  Italy,  and  Rome's  faithful 
allies  would  no  longer  close  their  gates  against  him. 

453.  The  Metaurus.  —  The  Republic  put  forth  its  supreme  ef- 
fort. One  hundred  and  fifty  thousand  men  were  thrown  between 
the  two  Carthaginian  armies,  which  together  numbered  some 
eighty  thousand.  By  a  fortunate  chance  the  Romans  captured 
a  messenger  from  Hasdrubal  and  so  learned  his  plans,  while 
Hannibal  was  still  ignorant  of  his  approach.  This  gave  a  de- 
cisive advantage.  The  opportunity  was  well  used.  The  consul, 
Claudius  Nero,  with  audacity  learned  of  Hannibal  himself,  left 
part  of  his  force  to  deceive  that  leader,  and,  hurrying  northward 
with  the  speed  of  life  and  death,  joined  the  other  consul  and 
fell  upon  Hasdrubal  with  crushing  numbers  at  the  Metaurus. 
The  ghastly  head  of  his  long-expected  brother,  flung  with  brutal 
contempt  into  his  camp,^  was  the  first  notice  to  Hannibal  of 
the  ruin  of  his  family  and  his  cause. 

1  This  deed  was  in  strange  contrast  to  the  chivalrous  treatment  that  Han- 
nibal gave  to  the  bodies  of  Marcellus  and  of  the  Roman  generals  at  Cannae 
and  elsewhere. 


380  ROMAN  EXPANSION  BEYOND  ITALY  [§454 

454.  The  War  in  Africa.  —  Still  Hannibal  remained  invincible 
in  the  mountains  of  southern  Italy.  But  Eome  now  carried 
the  war  into  Africa.  After  Hasdrubal  left  Spain,  Scipio  rapidly- 
subdued  the  whole  peninsula,  and,  in  204,  he  persuaded  the 
Senate  to  send  him  with  a  great  army  against  Carthage  itself. 
Two  years  later,  to  meet  this  peril,  Carthage  recalled  Hannibal. 
That  great  leader  obeyed  sadly,  "  leaviug  the  country  of  his 
enemy,"  says  Livy,  "  with  more  regret  than  many  an  exile  has 
left  his  own." 

This  event  marks  the  end  of  all  hope  of  Carthaginian  success. 
The  same  year  (202  b.c.)  the  struggle  closed  with  Hannibal's 
first  and  only  defeat,  at  the  battle  of  Zama}  Carthage  lay  at 
the  mercy  of  the  victor,  and  sued  for  peace.  She  gave  up 
Spain  and  the  islands  of  the  western  Mediterranean ;  surren- 
dered her  war  elephants  and  all  her  ships  of  war  save  ten ;  paid 
a  huge  war  indemnity,  which  was  intended  to  keep  her  poor 
for  many  years  ;  and  became  a  dependent  ally  of  Eome,  prom- 
ising to  wage  no  war  -without  Roman  consent.  Scipio  received 
the  proud  surname  Africanus}  The  Greek  cities  of  the  south 
and  the  mountain  tribes  that  had  joined  Hannibal  lost 
lands  and  privileges.  And  Cisalpine  Gaul  was  thoroughly 
Romanized  by  many  a  cruel  campaign. 

465.  Rome  Mistress  of  the  West.  —  Rome  had  been  fighting 
for  existence,  but  she  had  won  world-dominion.  In  the  West  no 
rival  remained.     Her  subsequent  warfare  there  was  to  be  only 

1  Zama  was  a  village  a  little  to  the  south  of  Carthage.  Read  the  story  of 
the  battle  in  Davis'  Headings,  II,  No.  28.  Special  report :  the  career  of  Han- 
nibal after  the  war. 

2  A  Roman  had  at  least  three  names.  The  gentile  name  was  the  nomen, 
the  most  important  of  the  three ;  it  came  in  the  middle.  The  third  (the  cog- 
nomen) marked  the  family.  The  first  {praenonien)  was  the  individual  name 
(like  our  baptismal  name).  Then  a  Roman  often  received  also  a  surname  for 
some  achievement  or  characteristic.  Thus  Puhlius  Cornelius  Scipio  Africanus 
was  the  individual  Puhlius  of  the  Scipio  family  of  the  great  Cornelian  gens, 
surnamed  Africanus  for  his  conquest  of  Africa.  The  first  name  was  often 
abbreviated  in  writing.  The  most  common  of  these  abbreviations  were: 
C.  for  Caius  (Gaius) ;  Cu.  for  Guaeus;  L.  for  Lucius;  M.  for  Marcus;  P.  for 
Publius;  Q.  for  Quintus;  T.  for  Titus. 


§455]  WINNING  THE  WEST,   264-146  B.C.  381 

with  unorganized  barbarians.  In  the  East  the  result  was  to 
show  more  slowly;  but  there,  too,  Roman  victory  was  now 
only  a  matter  of  time.  No  civilized  power  was  again  to  threaten 
Rome  by  invading  Italy,  and  the  mighty  kingdoms  of  Alexan- 
der's realms  were  to  be  absorbed,  one  by  one,  into  her  empire. 
This  imperial  destiny  was  more  than  Rome  had  planned. 
Italy  she  had  designed  to  rule.  The  West  had  fallen  to  her 
as  the  heir  of  Carthage.  In  the  East  she  hesitated  honestly, 
until  events  thrust  dominion  upon  her  there  also  (ch.  xxxi). 

This  hesitancy  in  the  East  was  due,  in  part  at  least,  to  respect  for 
Greek  civilization,  to  which  Rome  was  beginning  to  owe  more  and  more. 
It  is  quite  true,  though,  that,  even  this  early,  the  commercial  interests  at 
Rome,  excited  by  greed  for  fresh  booty,  used  much  secret  influence  to 
fonient  new  wars  and  extend  Roman  dominion.  This  commercial  greed 
was  later  to  become  a  main  cause  of  Roman  expansion  (cf.  §  483). 


CHAPTER   XXX 
THE  WEST  FROM  201  TO   146   B.C. 

SPAIN 

456.  Spain's  Heroic  War  for  Independence.  —  Rome's  rule  in 
Spain  was  still  largely  a  rule  only  in  name.  To  make  it  real, 
there  was  much  work  yet  to  do.  A  land  route  to  that  country 
had  to  be  secured;  and  the  mountain  tribes  in  the  peninsula 
and  in  its  bordering  islands  had  to  be  thoroughly  subdued. 
This  involved  tedious  wars,  not  always  waged  with  credit  to 
Roman  honor. 

In  Spain  two  new  provinces  were  created,  for  which  two 
governors  were  elected  annually  by  the  Roman  Senate.  Some 
of  these  governors  proved  rapacious  ;  others  were  incompetent ; 
and  the  proud  and  warlike  tribes  of  Spain  were  driven  into  a 
long  war  for  independence. 

The  struggle  was  marked  by  the  heroic  leadership  of  the 
Spanish  patriot,  Viriathns,  and  by  contemptible  Roman  base- 
ness. A  Roman  general  massacred  a  tribe  which  had  submitted. 
Another  general  procured  the  assassination  of  Viriathus  by 
hired  murderers.  Rome  itself  rejected  treaties  after  they  had 
saved  Roman  armies.  Spanish  towns,  which  had  been  cap- 
tured after  gallant  resistance,  were  wiped  from  the  face  of  the 
earth,  so  that  other  towns  chose  wholesale  suicide  rather  than 
surrender  to  Roman  cruelty. 

457.  Final  Romanization.  —  Still,  despite  these  miserable 
means,  Roman  conquest  in  the  end  was  to  be  a  blessing  to 
Spain.  The  struggle  in  the  most  inaccessible  districts  went 
on  until  133,  but  long  before  that  year  the  greater  part  of  the 
land  had  been  Romanized.  Traders  and  speculators  flocked  to 
the  seaports.     For  more  than  half  a  century  twenty  thousand 

382 


§  459]  THE  WEST,  201-146  B.C.  383 

soldiers  were  left  under  arms  in  the  province.  These  legion- 
aries, quartered  in  Spain  for  many  years  at  a  time,  married 
Spanish  wives,  and  when  relieved  from  military  service,  they 
gladly  received  lands  in  Spain,  as  a  sort  of  pension,  and  settled 
down  in  military  colonies,  to  spread  Roman  language  and 
customs  among  the  neighboring  natives.^  No  sooner  were  the 
restless  interior  tribes  fully  subdued  than  there  appeared  the 
promise  —  to  be  well  kept  later  —  that  Spain  would  become 
"  more  Roman  than  Rome  itself.'' 

458.  South  Gaul.  —  Meantime  (about  188)  Rome  had  secured 
a  land  road,  through  southern  Gaul,  from  Italy  to  Spain.  This 
was  obtained  in  the  main  by  friendly  alliance  with  the  ancient 
Greek  city  Massilia ;  but  there  was  also  some  warfare  with  the 
native  tribes,  which  laid  the  foundations  for  a  new  Roman 
province  in  South  Gaul  in  the  near  future. 

THE   THIRD   PUNIC    WAR    (The  War  tor  Africa) 

459.  Rome  seeks  Perfidious  Pretext  against  Carthage.  —  Even 
before  Spain  was  pacified,  hatred  and  greed  had  led  Rome  to 
seize  the  remaining  realms  of  Carthage.  That  state  was  now 
powerless  for  harm.  But  Roman  fear  was  cruel ;  commercial 
envy  was  rapacious  and  reckless ;  and  (after  some  fifty  years) 
a  long  series  of  persecutions  forced  a  needless  conflict  upon 
the  unhappy  Carthaginians.  The  Third  Punic  War  was  marked 
by  black  perfidy  on  the  part  of  Rome  and  by  the  final  desperate 
heroism  of  Carthage. 

First,  that  city  was  called  upon  to  surtender  Hannibal  to 
Roman  vengeance.^  Then  it  was  vexed  by  constant  annoyances 
in  Africa  on  the  part  of  Massinissa,  Prince  of  Numidia.  Mas- 
sinissa  had  been  Rome's  ally  in  the  latter  part  of  the  Second 

1  It  was  in  this  way  that  communities  of  Roman  citizens  were  to  be  spread 
over  other  provinces,  as  they  were  acquired,  one  by  one, /o  Italianize  the 
world,  as  a  like  system  of  colonization  had  formerly  Romanized  Italy. 

2  Hannibal  escaped  to  the  East.  But  Roman  petty  hatred  followed  him 
from  country  to  country,  until,  to  avoid  falling  into  Roman  hands,  he  took  his 
own  life,  "  proving  in  a  lifelong  struggle  with  fate,  that  success  is  in  no  way 
necessary  to  greatness." 


384  ROMAN  EXPANSION  BEYOND   ITALY         [§460 

Punic  War,  and  had  been  rewarded  by  new  dominions  carved 
out  of  Carthaginian  territory.  Now,  encouraged  by  Home,  he 
encroached  more  and  more,  seizing  piece  after  piece  of  the  dis- 
trict that  had  been  left  to  the  vanquished  city. 

Repeatedly  Carthage  appealed  to  Rome,  but  her  just  com- 
plaints brought  no  redress.  The  Roman  commissioners  that 
were  sent  to  act  as  arbiters  —  with  secret  orders  beforehand  to 
favor  Massinissa  —  carried  back  to  Rome  only  a  greater  fear 
of  the  reviving  wealth  of  Carthage,  and  told  the  astonished 
Roman  Senate  of  a  city  with  crowded  streets,  with  treasury 
and  arsenals  full,  and  with  its  harbors  thronged  with  shipping. 
From  this  time  (157  b.c.)  the  narrow-minded  but  zealous  Cato 
closed  every  speech  in  the  Senate,  no  matter  what  the  subject, 
with  the  phrase  " Delenda  est  Carthago'^  (Carthage  must  be 
blotted  out).  More  quietly  but  more  effectively,  the  Roman 
merchant  class  strove  to  the  same  end,  to  prevent  Carthage 
from  recovering  its  ancient  trade  in  the  Mediterranean. 

460.  Carthage  is  treacherously  Disarmed.  —  Carthage  was  cau- 
tious, and  gave  no  handle  to  Roman  hate,  until  at  last,  when 
Massinissa  had  pushed  his  seizures  almost  up  to  her  gates,  she 
took  up  arms  against  his  invasion.  By  her  treaty  with  Rome 
she  had  promised  to  engage  in  no  war  without  Roman  permis- 
sion ;  and  Rome  at  once  snatched  at  the  excuse  to  declare  war. 

In  vain,  terrified  Carthage  punished  her  leaders  and  offered 
abject  submission.  The  Roman  Senate  would  only  promise 
that  the  city  should  be  left  independent  if  it  complied  with  the 
further  demands  o^  Rome,  to  be  announced  on  African  soil. 
The  Roman  fleet  and  army  proceeded  to  Carthage,  and  an  act 
of  masterful  treachery  was  played  out  by  successive  steps. 

First,  at  the  demand  of  the  Roman  general,  Carthage  sent  as 
hostages  to  the  Roman  camp  three  hundred  boys  from  the  no- 
blest families,  amid  the  tears  and  outcries  of  the  mothers.  Then, 
on  further  command,  the  city  dismantled  its  walls  and  stripped 
its  arsenals,  sending,  in  long  lines  of  wagons,  to  the  Roman 
army  3000  catapults  and  200,000  stand  of  arms,  with  vast  mili- 
tary supplies.    Next  the  shipping  was  all  surrendered.    Finally, 


§462]  THE  WEST,  201-146  B.C.  385 

now  that  the  city  was  supposed  to  be  utterly  defenseless,  came 
the  announcement  that  it  must  be  destroyed  and  the  people 
removed  to  some  spot  ten  miles  inland  from  the  sea,  on  which 
from  dim  antiquity  they  had  founded  their  wealth  and  power. 

461.  Heroic  Resistance. — Despair  blazed  into  passionate 
wrath,  and  the  Carthaginians  fitly  chose  death  rather  than 
ruin  and  exile.  Carelessly  enough,  the  Roman  army  remained 
at  a  distance  for  some  days.  Meanwhile  the  dismantled  and 
disarmed  town  became  one  great  workshop  for  war.  Women 
gave  their  hair  to  make  cords  for  catapults ;  the  temples  were 
ransacked  for  arms,  and  torn  down  for  timber  and  metal ;  and 
to  the  angry  dismay  of  Rome,  Carthage  stood  a  four  years' 
siege,  holding  out  heroically  against  famine,  pestilence,  and 
war. 

At  last  the  legions  forced  their  way  over  the  walls.  For 
seven  days  more  the  fighting  continued  from  house  to  house, 
until  at  last  a  miserable  remnant  surrendered.  The  commander 
at  the  last  moment  made  his  peace  with  the  Roman  general ; 
but  his  disdainful  wife,  taunting  him  from  the  burning  temple 
roof  as  he  knelt  at  Scipio's  feet,  slew  their  two  boys  and  cast 
herself  with  them  into  the  ruins. 

462.  Carthage  is  "blotted  out":  the  Province  of  Africa. — 
For  many  days  the  city  was  given  up  to  pillage.  Then,  by  ex- 
press orders  from  Rome,  it  was  burned  to  the  ground,  and  its 
site  was  plowed  up,  sown  to  salt,  and  cursed  (146  b.c). 

To  carry  out  this  crime  fell  to  the  lot  of  one  of  the  purest 
and  noblest  characters  Rome  ever  produced,  —  PMins  Scipio 
Aemilianus,  the  nephew  and  adopted  grandson  of  Scipio  Africa- 
nus,  known  himself  as  Africanus  the  Younger.  As  he  watched 
the  smoldering  ruins  (they  burned  for  seventeen  days)  with 
his  friend  Polybius  the  historian,  Scipio  spoke  his  fear  that 
some  day  Rome  might  suffer  a  like  fate,  and  he  was  heard  to 
repeat  Homer's  lines  :  — 

"  Yet  come  it  will,  the  day  decreed  by  fate, 
The  day  when  thou,  Imperial  Troy,  must  bend, 
And  see  thy  warriors  fall,  thy  glories  end." 


386  ROMAN  EXPANSION  BEYOND  ITALY         [§462 

What  was  left  of  the  ancient  territory  of  Carthage  became 
the  Province  of  Africa,  with  the  capital  at  Utica.  Two  centu- 
ries later,  under  the  Roman  Empire,  North  Africa  became  a 
chief  seat  of  Roman  civilization. 


For  Further  Beading.  —  Specially  recommended :  Davis'  Beadings, 
II,  Nos.  20-29  (extracts  from  Livy  and  Polybius) ;  Pelham,  122-133,  or, 
much  better  for  this  subject,  How  and  Leigh,  chs.  19-22.  Additional 
material  of  value  and  interest  will  be  found  in  Smith's  Borne  and  Car- 
thage (Epoch  series)  ;  W.  W.  How's  Hannibal  ;  and  especially  in  Plu- 
tarch's Lives  ("Fabius"  and  "  Marcellus"). 

Review  Exercise.  —  Catchword  review  of  Roman  expansion  in  the 
West  from  264  to  146. 


CHAPTER   XXXI 

THE  WINNING  OF  THE  EAST,   201-146  B.C. 

The  expansion  of  Rome  in  the  fifty  years  after  the  Second 
Punic  War  went  on  continuously  both  west  and  east.  The 
two  stories,  however,  had  little  connection ;  and  they  are  given 
in  this  book  in  separate  chapters.  We  have  dealt  with  the 
West  for  that  half  century  in  Chapter  XXX.  Now  we  turn 
to  the  East. 

AN  ATTEMPT  AT  PROTECTORATES 

463.  Earlier  Beginnings  :  the  First  Macedonian  War.  —  Ever 
since  the  repulse  of  Pyrrhus,  Rome  had  been  drifting  into  con- 
tact with  the  Greek  kingdoms  of  the  East.  With  Egypt  she 
had  a  friendly  alliance  and  close  commercial  intercourse.  Be- 
tween the  First  and  the  Second  Punic  War,  too,  she  had  chas- 
tised the  formidable  pirates  of  the  Illyrian  coasts,  and  so,  as 
the  guardian  of  order,  had  come  into  friendly  relations  with 
some  of  the  cities  in  Greece  (§  432). 

Further  than  this,  Rome  showed  no  desire  to  go.  But,  in 
214,  Philip  V  of  Macedonia  joined  himself  to  Hannibal  against 
Rome  (§  432).  The  war  with  Macedonia  which  followed  is 
known  as  the  First  Macedonian  War,  Rome  entered  upon  it 
only  to  prevent  a  Macedonian  invasion  of  Italy,  and  she  waged 
it  by  means  of  her  Aetolian  allies.^  It  closed  in  205,  before 
the  end  of  the  Second  Punic  War,  without  any  especial  change 
in  eastern  affairs ;  but  it  made  later  struggles  natural. 

464.  Second  Macedonian  War.  —  In  205,  Philip  V  of  Macedon 
and  Antiochus  of  Syria  tried  to  seize  Egypt,  left  just  then  to 
a  boy  king.     Egypt  was  an  ally  of  Rome.     Moreover,  it  was 

1  Aetolia  had  sought  Roman  protection  against  Macedonia  and  had  been 
recognized  as  an  "  ally  "  (§  310). 

387 


388  ROMAN  EXPANSION  BEYOND  ITALY  [§465 

already  becoming  the  granary  of  the  Mediterranean,  and  Rome 
could  not  wisely  see  it  pass  into  hostile  hands.  Philip  also 
attacked  Athens,  another  of  Rome's  allies.  So,  as  soon  as 
Rome's  hands  were  freed  by  the  peace  with  Carthage,  the  Sen- 
ate persuaded  the  wearied  Assembly  to  enter  upon  the  Second 
Macedoman  War  (201-196  b.c). 

At  first  Philip  won  some  success ;  but  in  198  the  Senate  in- 
trusted the  war  to  Flamininus,  who  was  to  be  the  first  Roman 
conqueror  in  the  East.  Plamininus  was  one  of  the  group  of 
young  Romans  around  Scipio  Aemilianus  imbued  with  Hellenic 
culture  and  chivalrous  ideals.  His  appointment  proved  par- 
ticularly grateful  to  the  Greek  allies  of  Rome,  and  his  excel- 
lent generalship  quickly  put  Philip  on  the  defensive.  The 
decisive  battle  was  fought  at  Cynoscephalae  (Dog's  heads),  a 
group  of  low  hills  in  Thessaly ;  and  the  result  was  due,  not  to 
generalship,  but  to  the  fighting  qualities  of  the  soldiery.  The 
two  armies  were  of  nearly  equal  size.  They  met  in  mist  and 
rain,  and  the  engagement  was  brought  on  by  a  chance  encounter 
of  scouting  parties.  The  flexible  legion  proved  its  superiority 
over  the  unwieldy  phalanx  (§  403).  The  Roman  loss  was  700 ; 
the  Maced  onian,  13,000. 

Philip  was  left  at  the  mercy  of  the  victor,  but  the  chivalrous 
!Flamininus  gave  generous  terms.  Macedonia,  it  is  true,  sank 
into  a  second-rate  power,  and  became  a  dependent  ally  of  Rome. 
But  Rome  herself  took  no  territory.  Macedonia's  possessions 
in  Greece  were  taken  from  her,  and  Flamininus  proclaimed 
that  the  Greeks  were  "free."  The  many  Greek  states,  along 
with  Rhodes  and  Pergamum  and  the  other  small  states  of  Asia, 
became  Rome's  grateful  allies.  In  name  they  were  equals  of 
Rome ;  in  fact,  they  were  Roman  protectorates.  That  is,  Rome 
controlled  all  the  foreign  relations  of  each  of  them,  —  at  least, 
whenever  she  cared  to  do  so. 

465.  The  War  with  Antiochus  of  Syria.  —  Meanwhile  Anti- 
ochus  had  sheltered  Hannibal  and  had  been  plundering  Egypt's 
possessions  in  Asia.  Now  he  turned  to  seize  Thrace,  Greece, 
Pergamum,  and  Rhodes.     Rome  sincerely  dreaded  a  conflict 


§466]  WINNING  THE   EAST,   201-146  B.C.  389 

with  the  "  Great  King,"  the  Lord  of  Asia,  but  she  had  no  choice. 
The  struggle  proved  easy  and  brief.  In  the  second  campaign, 
in  190,  Roman  legions  for  the  first  time  invaded  Asia,  and  at 
Magnesia,^  in  Lydia,  they  shattered  the  power  of  Syria.  That 
kingdom  was  reduced  in  territory  and  power,  somewhat  as 
Macedonia  had  been,  but  Borne  still  kept  7io  territory  for  herself. 
Her  allies  were  rewarded  \Yith  gifts  of  territory ;  and  the  Hel- 
lenic cities  and  small  states  of  Asia  were  declared  free,  and 
really  became  friendly  dependents  of  Rome. 

466.  The  System  of  Protectorates.^  —  Thus,  in  eleven  years 
{200-190  B.C.)  after  the  dose  of  the  Second  Panic  War,  Rome 
had  set  up  a  virtual  protectorate  over  all  the  realms  of  Alex- 
ander's successors. 

To  Rome  herself,  this  expansion  of  power  was  to  prove  a 
curse;  but  to  her  dependent  realms  it  was  a  blessing.  The 
Greek  states  were  embroiled  ceaselessly  in  petty  quarrels  among 
themselves,  and  they  were  endangered  constantly  by  the  greed 
of  their  greater  neighbors.  From  all  sides  came  appeals  to 
Rome  to  prevent  injustice.  The  disturbing  powers  were 
Macedonia,  Syria,  and  the  Aetolian  and  Achaean  Leagues. 
The  forces  which  stood  for  peace  were  Egypt,  Rhodes,  Perga- 
mum,  and  the  small  states  of  European  Greece.  It  was 
these  pacific  states  which  especially  claimed  protection  from 
Rome. 

The  weakness  of  the  eastern  states  drew  the  great  western 
power  on  and  on,  and  her  own  methods  became  less  and  less 
scrupulous.  Cruelty  and  cynical  disregard  for  obligations 
more  and  more  stamped  her  conduct.  But,  after  all,  as  How 
and  Leigh  well  say,  "  compared  with  the  Ptolemies,  Seleucids, 
and  Antigonids,''  her  hands  were  clean  and  her  rule  bearable. 
In  that  intolerable  eastern  hubbub,  men's  eyes  turned  still 
with  envy  and  wonder  to  the  stable  and  well-ordered  Republic 
of  the  West." 

1  The  Roman  commander  was  Lucius  Scipio,  who  took  the  name  Asiaticus ; 
but  credit  was  really  due  to  his  brother  Publius,  who  accompanied  him. 

2  Cf .  §  203.  5  A  ruling  family  in  Macedonia. 


390  ROMAN  EXPANSION  BEYOND  ITALY  [§467 

"  The  Roman  Senate,  which  so  lately  sat  to  devise  means  to  save  Rome 
from  the  grasp  of  Hannibal,  now  sits  as  a  Court  of  International  Justice 
for  the  whole  civilized  world,  ready  to  hear  the  causes  of  every  king  or 
commonwealth  that  has  any  plaint  against  any  other  king  or  common- 
wealth. .  .  .  The  Roman  Fathers  judge  the  causes  of  powers  which  in 
theory  are  the  equal  allies  of  Rome  ;  they  judge  by  virtue  of  no  law,  of  no 
treaty  ;  they  judge  because  the  common  instinct  of  mankind  sees  the  one 
universal  judge  in  the  one  power  which  has  strength  to  enforce  its  judg- 
ments."—  Freeman,  Chief  Periods^  58, 

467.  Rome  and  Judea.  —  An  interesting  ilkistration  of  this 
feeling  of  the  small  Oriental  States  for  Rome  i||tound  in  Jewish 
history.  Antiochus  IV  of  Syria  sought  ardently  to  Hellenize 
completely  all  parts  of  his  dominions'.  In  Judea  he  felt  himself 
thwarted  by  the  strong  national  feeling  of  the  people  and 
especially  by  the  Jewish  religion.  So,  in  168  e.g.,  he  ordered 
the  Jews  to  renounce  their  worship  for  that  of  the  Greeks,  and  he 
even  dedicated  to  Zeus  the  holy  Temple  which  Solomon  had 
built  to  Jehovah.  This  sacrilege  drove  the  gallant  little  people 
into  revolt,  under  the  hero  Judas  Maccabee.  The  Jewish 
historian  of  the  time  tells  how  this  leader  naturally  turned 
his  eyes  toward  Rome.  (1  Maccabees,  viii) 
• 

"  And  Judas  heard  of  the  fame  of  the  Romans,  — that  they  are  valiant 
men  .  .  .  and  that  with  their  friends  they  keep  friendship  .  .  .  More- 
over, whomsoever  they  will  to  succor  and  to  make  kings,  these  do  they 
make  kings  ;  and  whomsoever  they  will,  do  they  depose  ;  and,  for  all 
this,  none  of  them  ever  did  put  on  a  diadem^  neither  did  they  clothe  them- 
selves icith  purple,  to  be  magnified  thereby  .  .  .  and  how  they  had  made 
for  themselves  a  Senate-House,  and  day  by  day  three  hundred  men  sat 
there  in  council,  consulting  alway  for  the  people  .  .  .  and  how  they  com- 
mit their  government  to  one  man  year  by  year  [the  consuls]  .  .  .  and  all 
are  obedient  to  that  one  ;  and  neither  is  there  envy  nor  emulation  among 
them^ 

The  Jews  did  win  their  freedom,  and  remained  one  of  the 
small  independent  kingdoms  of  the  East  from  145  to  63  b.c. 
Then  they  were  made  a  tributary  kingdom,  and,  not  long  after, 
they  became  a  province  of  Rome  (§  582). 


§  470]  WINNING  THE   BAST,  201-146  B.C.  391 

THE   PROTECTORATES  ARE   ANNEXED   AS  PROVINCES 

468.  A  Gradual  Change. — Conditions  in  the  East  were  un- 
stable. Kome  could  not  stop  with  protectorates.  They  had 
neither  the  blessings  of  real  liberty  nor  the  good  order  of  true 
provinces.  And  so  gradually  Rome  was  led  to  a  process  of 
annexation  of  territory  in  the  civilized  East,  as  before  in  the 
barbarous  West.  By  146  e.g.  this  change  was  well  under  way. 
In  the  next  hundred  years  —  before  the  day  of  the  Caesars  — 
the  original  influlhnce  over  "  allies  "  had  everywhere  been  trans- 
formed into  dominion  over  subject  provinces. 

469.  A  deplorable  change  in  Roman  character  took  place  early 
in  this  period.  Appetite  for  power  grew  with  its  exercise. 
Jealousy  appeared  toward  the  prosperity  of  even  the  truest 
ally.  A  class  of  ambitious  nobles  craved  new  wars  of  conquest 
for  the  sake  of  glory  and  power  ;  and  the  growing  class  of  merchants 
and  money  lenders  (who  now  indirectly  dominated  the  govern- 
ment) hungered  raveningly  for  conquests  in  order  to  secure 
more  special  privileges  in  the  form  of  trade  monopolies  and  the 
management  of  finances  in  new  provinces.  .  Thus,  to  extend 
her  sway  in  the  East,  where  at  first  she  had  hesitated  so  mod- 
estly, Rome  finally  sank  to  violence  and  perfidy  as  high-handed 
and  as  base  as  had  marked  her  treatment  of  Carthage  in  the 

,  West,  at  the  beginning  of  the  same  period. 

We  can  note  here  only  three  or  four  chief  steps  in  the  long 
process  of  Eastern  annexation. 

470.  Macedonia.  —  Rome's  gentle  treatment  of  the  Greek 
states  after  the  Second  Macedonian  War  (§  464)  was  due  largely 
to  a  true  admiration  for  Greek  civilization  and  Greek  history. 
But  this  feeling  was  soon  lost  in  contempt  for  Greek  fickleness 
and  weakness  and  inability  for  concerted  action  —  and  in  greed 
for  Greek  riches.  On  their  side,  the  Greek  cities  at  first  had 
welcomed  Rome  joyfully  as  a  guardian  of  Hellenic  liberty. 
But  high-handed  Roman  officials,  with  their  assumption  of  mas- 
tery, and  their  frequent  contemptuous  disregard  of  treaties, 
soon   made  these  cities   look   back  regretfully  to  the  rule  of 


392  ROMAN  EXPANSION  BEYOND  ITALY         [§471 

Macedonia,  which  at  least  had  had  understanding  and  sympathy 
for  Greek  character. 

Perseus  of  Macedonia  (son  of  Philip  V)  took  advantage  of 
this  revulsion  of  feeling  to  form  alliances  with  the  Greek 
states  in  the  hope  of  recovering  a  true  national  independence. 
This  brought  on  a  Third  Macedonian  War,  and  the  Eoman 
victory  of  Pydna  (168  b.c.)  closed  the  life  of  the  ancient  king- 
dom of  Macedonia.^  That  state  was  broken  up  into  four  petty 
"  republics,"  which  were  declared  free,  but  which  were  provinces 
of  Rome  in  all  but  name  and  good  order.  They  paid  tribute, 
were  disarmed,  and  were  forbidden  intercourse  with  one  another ; 
but  they  did  not  at  first  receive  a  Roman  governor.  Some  years 
later  a  pretended  son  of  Perseus  tried  to  restore  the  monarchy ; 
and  this  attempt  led  to  the  full  establishment  of  the  Roman 
"  Province  of  Macedonia,"  with  a  Roman  magistrate  at  its 
head  (146  b.c).  • 

471.  Rearrangements  in  Greece. — Pydna  had  been  followed 
also  by  important  rearrangements  in  Greece,  and  the  factions 
there,  which  had  sympathized  with  Perseus  in  his  hopeless  strug- 
gle, had  been  cruelly  punished.  In  the  succeeding  years 
the  Roman  Senate  was  called  upon  to  listen  to  ceaseless  weari- 

1  Plutarch  {Life  of  Aemilius  Faulus)  describes  the  gorgeous  "  triumph  " 
of  the  Roman  general  on  his  return.  For  three  days  a  festal  procession  pa- 
raded the  city,  to  the  temple  of  Jupiter  on  the  Capitoline.  Throngs  of  white- 
robed  citizens  watched  the  procession  from  scaffolds,  which  had  been  erected 
for  the  purpose  in  all  convenient  places.  On  the  first  day,  two  hundred 
and  fifty  wagons  carried  by  the  statues  and  paintings  which  had  been  plundered 
from  Macedonian  cities.  On  the  next  day  passed  many  wagons,  carrying 
Macedonian  standards  and  armor,  followed  by  three  thousand  men  loaded 
with  the  silver  money  and  silver  plate  which  had  been  secured  in  the  booty.  On 
the  third  day  came  a  procession  of  men  carrying  gold  spoil,  followed  by  the 
conqueror  in  a  splendid  chariot,  behind  which  walked  the  conquered  king 
with  his  three  young  children. 

Rome  so  filled  her  coffers  with  treasure  by  this  plunder  that  the  Republic 
never  thereafter  taxed  her  citizens.  And  besides  this  public  plunder,  the 
Roman  general  had  paid  his  soldiers  by  permitting  them  to  sack  seventy 
helpless  rich  cities  in  Epirus.  The  unspeakable  suffering  and  misery,  —  the 
ruined  lives  and  broken  families,  —  in  every  such  city  is  simply  beyond  the 
power  of  the  imagination  to  picture. 


§  471]  WINNING  THE   EAST,  201-146  B.C.  393 

some  complaints  from  one  Greek  city  or  party  against  another. 
The  Roman  policy  was  sometimes  vacillating,  sometimes  con- 
temptuous. Finally  the  Achaeans  were  goaded  into  open  rebel- 
lion. The  Achaean  League  fell  easily  before  Eoman  arms,  in 
146  B.C.      Corinth  had  been  the  chief  offender.     By  order  of 


^^^^^H|K^^^,-                  -^  "•'■  /9^  ^1 

Ruins  at  Corinth,  as  they  appeared  in  1905.  The  Roman  destruction  was 
so  complete  that  the  site  of  Corinth  has  yielded  less  to  the  modem  ex- 
cavator than  almost  any  other  famous  ancient  center.  The  building  in 
the  foreground  was  a  temple  of  Apollo  —  the  only  Doric  temple  known 
whose  columns  are  monolith's.  In  the  background  is  the  ancient  citadel, 
Acrocorinth. 


the  Senate  that  city  was  burned  and  its  site  cursed,  and  its 
people  murdered  or  sold  as  slaves. 

Greece  was  not  yet  made  a  province,  but  it  was  treated  as 
Macedon  had  been  just  after  Pydna,  and  was  virtually  ruled 
by  the  Roman  governor  of  Macedon.  Thus  the  one  year  146 
B.C.  saw  the  last  territory  of  Carthage  made  a  Roman  province 
and  the  first  province  formed  in  the  old  empire  of  Alexander, 
together  with  the  destruction  of  the  ancient  cities  of  Carthage 
and  Corinth.  A  century  later  Greece  became  the  Province  of 
Achaea. 


394  ROMAN  EXPANSION  BEYOND  ITALY         [§472 

The  destruction  of  Corinth  was  a  greater  crime  than  that  of  Carthage, 
Syracuse,  Capua,  or  the  other  capitals  that  Roman  envy  laid  low.  Corinth 
was  a  great  emporium  of  Greece,  and  its  ruin  was  due  mainly  to  the  jealousy 
of  the  commercial  class  in  Rome.  Its  art  treasures,  so  far  as  preserved,  be- 
came the  plunder  of  the  Roman  state  ;  but  much  was  lost.  Polybius  saw 
common  soldiers  playing  at  dice,  amid  the  still  smoking  ruins,  on  the 
paintings  of  the  greatest  masters. 

472.  The  Province  of  Asia.  —  A  few  years  after  Macedonia 
became  a  province,  the  king  of  Pergamum  willed  to  Rome  his 
realms,  which  became  the  Province  of  Asia  (133  b.c). 

After  the  battle  of  Magnesia  (§  470),  Pergamum  had  been  enlarged  so 
that  it  included  most  of  western  Asia  Minor.  This  region  was  now  known 
as  "  Asia."  It  is  in  this  sense  that  the  word  "  Asia  "  is  used  in  the  Acts 
of  the  Apostles  ;  as,  for  instance,  when  Paul  says,  that,  after  going 
through  Phrygia,  he  was  forbidden  "  to  pass  into  Asia,"  and  again  later, 
that  "  all  they  who  dwelt  in  Asia  "  heard  the  word. 

473.  Rhodes  and  Roman  Greed.  —  Further  progress  in  the  East 
in  this  period  consisted  in  jealously  reducing  friendly  allies, 
like  Rhodes,  to  the  condition  of  subjects,  and  in  openly  setting 
up  protectorates  over  Egypt  and  Syria.  It  is  in  this  series  of 
events  that  Rome's  lust  for  power  and  greed  for  money  begin 
to  show  most  hatefully.  She  had  no  more  generosity  for  a 
faithful  ally  than  she  had  magnanimity  toward  a  fallen  foe ; 
and  her  treatment  of  Rhodes  gains  little  by  contrast  with  her 
perfidious  dealings  with  Carthage.  Rhodes,  of  course,  never  had 
been  or  could  be  a  danger  to  Rome's  power.  Indeed  she  had 
been  a  most  faithful  and  trusting  friend.  But  the  Roman 
merchants  looked  avariciously  upon  her  wide-spread  commerce ; 
and  a  sham  excuse  was  seized  upon  greedily  to  rob  that  help- 
less friend  of  her  territory  and  trade. 

SUMMARY 

474.  Rome  the  Sole  Great  Power.  —  In  264  b.c.  Rome  had 
been  one  of  Jive  Great  Powers  (§  357).  By  the  peace  of  201 
after  Zama,  Carthage  disappeared  from  that  list.  In  the  next 
fifty   years    Cynoscephalae,   Magnesia,   Pydna,   and   arrogant 


475] 


WINNING  THE  EAST.  201-146  B.C. 


395 


Roman  diplomacy  removed  three  of  the  others.  In  146,  Rome 
was  the  sole  Great  Power.  She  had  annexed  as  provinces  all 
the  dominions  of  Carthage  and  of  Macedonia.  Egypt  and 
Syria  had  become  protectorates  and  were  soon  to  be  made  prov- 
inces. All  the  smaller  states  had  been  brought  within  the 
Roman  "  sphere  of  influence."  Rome  held  the  heritage  of  Alex- 
ander as  well  as  that  of  Carthage.     There  remained  no  state 


able  to  dream  of  equality  with  her.     Hie  civilized  world  had 
become  a  Graeco-Roman  World,  under  Roman  sway. 

475.  The  Latin  West  and  the  Greek  East.  —  At  the  same  time, 
while  Rome  was  really  mistress  in  both  East  and  West,  her  relations 
with  the  two  sections  were  widely  different.  In  the  West,  Rome  ap- 
peared on  the  stage  as  the  successor  of  Carthage ;  and  to  the  majority 
of  her  Western  subjects,  despite  terrible  cruelties  in  war,  she  brought 
better  order  and  higher  civilization  than  they  had  known.  Thus  the 
Western  world  became  Latin. 

In  the  East,  Rome  appeared  first  as  the  liberator  of  the  Greeks.  The 
provincial  system  and  the  good  Roman  order  were  introduced  slowly; 
and  to  the  last,  the  East  remained  Greek,  not  Latin,  in  language,  customs,  and 
thought.  The  Adriatic  continued  to  divide  the  Latin  and  Greek  civilizations 
when  the  two  shared  the  world  under  the  sway  of  Rome. 


For  Further  Reading.  —  Specially  recommended :  An  admirable 
brief  treatment  of  the  expansion  in  the  East  is  given  in  Pelham,  140-157. 
The  student  will  do  well  to  read  either  this  or  the  longer  treatment,  with 


396 


ROMAN  EXPANSION  BEYOND  ITALY 


[§475 


more  story,  in  How  and  Leigh,  chs.  25-27.  Additional :  riutarch's  Lives 
("  Aemilius  Paulus,"  "  Flamininus  ")  as  usual,  and  Mahaffy's  Alexander's 
Empire,  chs.  27-^L  There  is  a  noble  suiiimary  of  the  whole  period  of 
Roman  expansion  in  Freeman's  Chief  Periods,  45-69,  but  the  book  is  not 
very  likely  to  be  found  in  a  high  school  library. 

Review  Exercises.  —  1.  Catchword  review  of  Rome's  progress  in  the 
East. 

2.  Connected  review  of  the  general  topic  of  Rome's  growth  by  large 
periods ;  thus,  — 

(1)  Growth  under  the  Kings. 

(2)  Growth  during  the  strife    between  patricians   and    plebeians, 

610-367. 

(3)  Growth  of  united  Rome  (under  the  guidance  of  the  Senate), 

367-146. 

3.  Catchword  review  of  the  same  topic  —  Roman  expansion  —  from 
legendary  times  to  146  b.c. 

4.  Catchword  review  of  each  of  the  three  great  eastern  kingdoms,  — 
Macedonia,  Syria,  and  Egypt,  — from  the  Wars  of  the  Succession  (§  287) 
to  the  condition  of  a  Boman  province. 

5.  The  following  Table  of  Dates  will  help  the  student  to  see  the 
parallelism  in  time  between  Greek  and  Roman  history,  down  to  the 
merging  of  East  and  West. 


GREECE 

B.C. 

510     .     .    Expylsion  of  the  Pisis- 
tratidae 

509     .     .     Constitution     of      Clis- 

thenes 
500-^94  .     The  Ionic  revolt 

492-479.     Attack    by   Persia    and 

Carthage 
490     .     .     Marathon 

480     .     .     Thermopylae,     Salamis, 

Himera 
'477     .     .     Confederacy  of  Delos 
468     .     .     Eurymedon 

461-429  .     Leadership  of  Pericles 
458     .     .     Long  Walls  at  Athens 


B.C. 

510     . 


494     . 


ROME 

Legendary  Expulsion  of 
the  Tarquins 


First    secession    of    the 
plebs  :  Tribunes  . 


486   .     .     Agrarian      proposal      of 
Ji         Spurius  Cassius 


462     .     .   Proposal  for  written  laws 


§475] 


ROMAN  AND   GREEK  EVENTS 


397 


B.C. 

454     . 


445 


GREECE 

Athenian      disaster     in 
Egypt 

Thirty  Years'  Trace 


444     . 

443     . 

438     . 

The      Parthenon     com- 
pleted 

431-404 

Peloponnesian  War 

415-413 

The  Sicilian  expedition  • 

411     . 

The    "Four    Hundred" 
at  Atliens. 

409     . 

405     . 

Aegospotami 

404-371 

Supremacy  of  Sparta 

401     . 

March  of  the  Ten  Thou- 
sand Greeks 

400     . 

399     . 

Execution  of  Socrates 

396     . 

Agesilaus  invades  Asia  . 

394     . 

Cnidus 

393     . 

Athens'  Long  Walls  re- 
built 

390     . 

387     . 

•^eace  of  Antalcidas 

383-379 

Sparta  crushes  the  Chal- 
cidic  Confederacy 

371     . 

Leuctra 

367     . 

371-302 

Theban  leadership 

362     . 

Battle  of  Mantinea 

35(5     . 

359-336 

Philip  king  of  Macedon 

351     . 

First  Philippic  of  Demos- 
thenes 

351     . 

348     . 

Death  of  Plato 

343-341 

338     . 

Chaeronea 

340-338 

337     . 

336-323 

.     Rule   of   Alexander  the 
Great 

334     . 

.     The  Granicus 

333     . 

.     Issus 

B.C. 

451-449 


445 


ROME 

The    Decemvirs;       the 

Twelve  Tables ;  second 
secession  of  the  plebs 

Intermarriage  between 
the  orders  legalized 

Consular  tribunes    J  2^ 

Censors   . 


Plebeians     attain      the 
quaestorship 


Plebeians  attain  the  con- 
sular tribuneship 


Gauls  sack  Rome 


The  Licinian  Laws    J 3  / 


Plebeians  attain  the  dic- 
tatorship 

Plebeians  attain  the  cen- 
sorship 

First  Samnite  War    ^  '* 
The  Latin  War 
The  plebeians  attain  the 
praetorship 


398 


ROMAN  AND  GREEK  EVENTS 


f§  47r) 


GREECE 

B.C. 

332     .     .     Siege  of  Tyre ;    Alexan- 
dria founded 
331     .     .    Arbela 
325     .     .     Expedition  of  Nearchus 
323-276  .     Wars  of  the  Succession 


285-247  .     Ptolemy  Philadelphus 
280     .     .     The  Achaean  League 
278     ,     .    The  Gallic  invasion 

246  .  .  Aratus,  general  of  the 
Achaean  League 

241     .     .     Agis  at  Sparta 

235  .  ,  Struggle  between 
Achaean  League  and 
Sparta;  Cleomenes' 
reforms 

220  .  .  Marked  decline  in  the 
Graeco-Oriental  king- 
doms 


ROME 

B.C. 

332     .     .     The  Tribes  increased  to 
twenty-nine 

326-304  .     Second  Samnite  War 
321     .     .     Caudine  Forks 
312     .     .     Appius  Claudius,  censor 
300     .     .     Plebeians  become  augurs 

and  pontiffs 
298-290  .    -Third  Samnite  War 
280-275  .     War  with  Pyrrhus 
266     .     .     Conquest  of   the    Gauls 

to  the  Rubicon 
264-241  .     First  Punic  War :    Sicily 

becomes  Roman 
241-238  .     The  Mercenary  War 

225-222  .     Cisalpine  Gaul  becomes 

Roman 
218-201  .      Second      Punic      War ; 

Spain        a         Roman 

province 
216     .     .     Cannae 


215-205 


201-196 
197  . 
192-188 
189  . 
171-167 
168  . 
149-146 
146  . 


133 


First  Macedonian  War 

207     .     .     Battle  of  the  Metaurus 

202     .     .     Zama 
Second  Macedonian  War 
Cynoscephalae  ;  Macedonia  a  dependent  ally 
War  with  Syria 

Magnesia  ;  Syria  a  dependent  ally 
Third  Macedonian  War 
Pydna 

Third  Punic  War 

Destruction  of  Carthage  and  Corinth;    Macedonia  and 
Africa  become  Roman  provinces  ;  Greece  dependent 
The  Province  of  Asia 


CHAPTER   XXXII 

NEW   STRIFE  OF   CLASSES,    146-49   B.C. 

PRELIMINARY   SURVEY 

476.  The  history  qf  the  Roman  Republic  falls  into  three  great 
divisions :  — 

a.  TJie  internal  coyijiict  bettveen  plebeians  and  patricians  (a 
century  and  a  half,  510-367).  This  period  closed  with  the 
fusion  of  the  old  classes  into  a  united  people. 

b.  The  expansion  of  this  united  Borne  (a  little  more  than 
two  centuries)  :  over  Italy,  367-266 ;  over  the  Mediterranean 
coasts,  264-146. 

c.  A  new  internal  strife  (less  than  a  century,  146-49). 

T7ie  first  two  periods  we  have  already  siirveyed.  TJie  third  is 
the  subject  of  the  present  chapter  and  the  two  following  ones. 

477.  New  Period  of  Class  Conflicts.  —  The  senatorial  oligarchy 
(§  400)  carried  Rome  triumphantly  through  her  great  wars, 
but  it  failed  to  devise. a  plan  of  government  fit  for  the  con- 
quests outside  Italy.  It  knew  how  to  conquer,  but  not  how  to 
rule.  Gross  misgovernment  followed  abroad.  This  corrupted 
the  citizens  and  lowered  the  moral  tone  at  home,  until  the 
Republic  was  no  longer  fit  to  rule  even  Italy  or  herself.  Tliere 
resulted  a  threefold  conflict:  in  Homey  betiveen  rich  and  poor ;  ^  in 
Italy,  between  Rome  and  the  ^'Allies" ;  in  the  empire  at  large, 
betiveen  Italy  and  the  2)rovinces.    2n  **  *  3 

478.  New  External  Danger.  —  Moreover,  Rome  had  left  no 
other  state  able  to  keep  the  seas  free  from  pirates  or  to  guard 
the  frontiers  of  the  civilized  world  against  barbarians.  It  was 
therefore  her  plain  duty  to  police  the  Mediterranean  lands 

1  This  class  struggle,  unlike  that  between  patricians  and  plebeians,  bears 
closely  upon  that  of  our  day. 

399 


/ 
400  THE   LATER   ROMAN  REPUBLIC  [§479 

herself.  But  erelong  this  simple  duty  was  neglected  ;  the 
seas  swarmed  again  with  pirate  fleets,  and  new  barbarian 
thunderclouds,  unwatched,  gathered  on  all  the  frontiers. 

479.  The  Plan  of  Treatment.  —  Each  of  these  evils  will  be  sur- 
veyed in  detail  (§§  480-505).     Then  we  shall  notice  how  the  senatorial 

"^  oligarchy  grew  more  and  more  irresponsible  and  incompetent.  It  was 
not  able  itself  to  grapple  with  the  new  problems  which  expansion  had 
brought,  and  it  jealously  crushed  out  each  individual  statesman  who 
tried  to  heal  the  diseases  of  the  state  in  constitutional  ways  (§§  507- 
530).  Thus,  when  the  situation  became  unbearable,  power  fell  to  a 
series  of  military  chiefs  —  Marius,  Sulla,  Pompey,  Caesar.  The  despotic 
usurpations  of  these  leaders  led  to  a  new  system  of  government  which 
we  call  the  Empire. 

THE    EVILS   IN   ROME 

480.  Industrial  and  Moral  Decline  due  to  the  Great  Wars. — 

Rome  had  begun  to  decline  in  morals  and  in  industries  before 
the  end  of  the  Second  Punic  War.  Even  a  glorious  war  tends 
to  demoralize  society.  It  corrupts  morals  and  creates  extremes 
of  wealth  and  poverty.  Extreme  poverty  lowers  the  moral 
tone  further.  So  does  quick-won  and  unlawful  wealth.  Then 
the  moral  decay  of  the  citizens  at  both  extremes  shows  in 
the  state  as  political  disease.  The  Second  Punic  War  teaches 
this  lesson  to  the  full. 

In  that  war  Italy*  lost  a  million  lives  —  the  flower  of  the 
citizen  body,  including  thousands  of  her  most  high-spirited 
and  great- souled  youth,  who,  in  peace,  would  have  served  the 
state  nobly  through  a  long  life.  The  race  was  made  perma- 
nently poorer  by  that  terrible  hemorrhage.  The  adult  Roman 
citizens  fell  off  from  298,000  to  214,000.  Over  much  of  the 
peninsula  th^^homesteads  had  been  hopelessly  devastated; 
^ ,  while  years  of  camp  life,  with  plunder  for  pay,  had  corrupted 
the  simple  tastes  of  the  old  yeomen.  In  the  ruin  of  the  small 
farmer,  Hannibal  had  dealt  his  enemy  a  deadlier  blow  than  he 
ever  knew. 
^'  Trade,  too,  had  stagnated ;  and  so  illegitimate  profits  were 
eagerly  sought.     The  merchants  who  had  risked  their  wealth 


§  482]  A  CAPITALISTIC  SYSTEM  401 

so  enthusiastically  to  supply  their  country  in  her  dire  nojjd 
after  Cannae  (§  444)  began  to  indemnify  themselves,  as  soon 
as  that  peril  was  over,  by  fraudulent  war  contracts.  We  are 
told  even  that  sometimes  they  over-insured  ships,  supposed 
to  be  loaded  with  supplies  for  the  army  in  Spain  or  Africa,  and 
then  scuttled  ttem,  to  get  the  insurance  money/from  the  state. 
Thus  the  farmers  had  beeri  impoverished.  In  the  cities  there 
gathered  a  starving  rabble.  And  between  these  masses  and  the 
old  senatorial  oligarchy  there  sprang  up  a  neiv  aristocracy  tof 
wealth.  Its  members \ were  known  as  equites  (knights).^  Its 
riches  were  based  on  rapacious  plunder  of  conquered  countries, 
on  fraudulent  contracts  with  the  government  at  home,  on 
reckless  speculation,  and  on  unjust  appropriation  of  the  public 
lands  (for  the  restriction  of  the  Licinian  law  (§  370)  had  be- 
come a  dead  letter,  and  the  wealthy  classes  again  used  the 
state  lands  as  private  property). 

481.  This  new  "capitalistic"  system  demands  further  notice. 
Rome  became  the  money  center  of  the  world.  Its  capitalists, 
organized  in  partnerships  and  in  stock  companies,  had  their 
central  offices  in  Rome,  along  the  Via  Sacra  (the  first  "Wall 
Street "),  and  branch  offices  in  the  most  important  provincial 
centers,  like  Alexandria,  Ephesus,  and  Antioch.  Through 
numerous  agents,  scattered  over  the  Roman  world,  they  man- 
aged the  "  public  works "  •  (the  construction  of  aqueducts, 
theaters,  sewers,  etc.)  for  distant  provincial  cities  —  at  huge 
profits  —  or  they  loaned  the  cities  the  money  for  such  neces- 
sary improvements — at  from  12  to  50  per  cent  interest.  A 
specially  profitable  business  of  such  companies  was  "  farming  f 
the  taxes"  of  rich  provinces  (§  500). 

482.  Trade  Monopolies.  —  Some  of  these  companies  were  or- 
ganized to  engross  the  trade  or  the  production  of  certain  com- 
modities, so  as  unduly  to  raise  the  price.  About  200  b.c.  we 
read  of  an  "  oil  trust "  in  Rome  (olive  oil,  of  course,  which  was 
an  important  -element  in  Italian  and  Greek  living).     Plainly 

i  This  order  must  not  be  confused  withi  the  early  militijiry  knights  (§  ."US) . 


402  THE  LATER  ROMAN  REPUBLIC  (§483 

these  illegal  "  combinations  in  restraint  of  trade ''  '(such  as 
the  United  States  has  been  trying  to  control  since  1890)  were 
common  in  Rome  after  the  Second  Punic  War.  In  191  b.c, 
a  Roman  drama  refers  incidentally  to  a  "  corner  in  grain " 
which  was  then  distressing  the  people.  Two  years  later, 
this  trade  monopoly  had  become  so  serious  tUat  the  govern- 
^^7  nient  had  to  step  in,  for  the  public  safety.  The  aediles  prose- 
cuted the  "  malefactors  of  great  wealth"  under  an  ancient  law 
of  "the  Twelve  Tables,  and  heavy  fines  were  imposed  upon 
them.  Plainly  the  government  could  not  let  speculators  so 
directly  rob  the  Roman  populace  of  bread,  without  danger 
of  revolution ;  but  ordinarily  the  capitalistic  syndicates  went 
their  extortionate  ways  unhind^ered. 

483.  The  Money  Power  and  the  Government. — The  senatorial 
families  were  forbidden  by  law  (in  218)  to  engage  in  foreign 
trade  or  to  take  government  contracts.  Therefore  the  "  money 
kings  "  who  desired  a  certain  policy  by  the  government  could 
not  themselves  enter  the  Senate  to  secure  it  (as  they  some- 
times have  done  in  America).  But  none  the  less,  indirectly, 
the  moneyed  interests  did  control  the  government. 

This  condition  began  in  the  Punic  Wars;  and,  as  in  part 
has  been  shown,  it  began  with  the  patriotic  action  of  the  men 
of  wealth.  Year  by  year,  during  that  long  and  desperate 
struggle,  the  Senate  needed  immense  sums  of  money,  such  as 
the  Roman  treasury  had  never  before  known.  There  was  no 
time  to  build  up  a  new  state  system  of  finance.  The  Senate 
asked  aid  from  the  companies  of  capitalists.  These  com- 
panies equipped  Roman  fleets  and  armies,  and  furnished  the 
"  sinews  of  war  "  by  which  Hannibal  was  held  in  check.  But, 
in  return,  the  state  came  to  depend  upon  the  moneyed  powers 
even  after  the  danger  was  past.  Then  grew  up  a  very  real, 
though  wholly  informal,  alliance  between  the  "  interests  "  and 
the  government. 

The  capitalists  kept  in  close  touch  with  the  governing  class 
in  various  ways.  They  loaned  money  to  aspiring  young  nobles, 
to  help  them  attain  their  political  ends  ;  and  in  return  they 


§484]     MONEY  POWER  AND  THE  GOVERNMENT     403 

expected  and  received  favors  when  these  nobles  became  influ- 
ential leaders  at  Rome  or  the  governors  of  provinces  abroad. 
A  provincial  governor  could  easily  induce  a  rich  city  to  give 
fat  contracts  to  his  favorite  Roman  syndicate ;  or  he  could 
enable  the  syndicate  to  squeeze  from  a  debtor  city  the  last 
penny  of  extortionate  interest  which  its  government  had  care- 
lessly or  foolishly  or  wrongfully  promised. 

The  syndicates  were  of  no  political  party.  Like  "  big  busi- 
ness "  in  our  own  time,  they  sought  to  control  or  own  every 
leader  and  party  which  might  be  sometime  able  to  serve  them. 
Moreover,  small  shares  of  the  stock  companies  were  widely 
distributed,  so  that  the  whole  middle  class  of  citizens  was 
interested  in  every  prospect  of  enlarged  dividends.  Such 
citizens  could  be  counted  upon  to  support  any  project  of  the 
moneyed  interests  with  their  votes  in  the  Assembly,  and  with 
their  shoutings  in  the  street  mobs.  Indeed  there  were  many 
striking  resemblances  between  the  relation  of  Roman  "big 
business  "  to  the  Roman  state  and  the  relation  between  the  great 
corporations  and  the  government  in  our  own  day  and  country.* 

484.  The  Rise  of  Luxury.  — With  the  equites  and  the  nobles, 
the  old  Roman  simplicity  gave  way  to  sumptuous  luxury.  There 
was  a  growing  display  in  dress  and  at  the  table,  in  rich  draperies 
and  couches  and  other  house  furnishings,  in  the  houses  them- 
selves, in  the  celebration  of  marriages,  and  at  funerals.  As  the 
Roman  Juvenal  wrote  later:  "Luxury  has  fallen  upon  us — more 
terrible  than  the  sword ;  the  conquered  East  has  avenged  her- 
self by  the  gift  of  her  vices."  The  economic  phenomena,  good 
and  bad,  that  had  occurred  in  the  Greek  world  (§§  283-286) 
after  the  conquests  of  Alexander,  were  now  repeated  on  a 
larger  scale  in  Italy  —  with  a  difference :  the  coarser  Roinan  re- 
sorted too  often  to  tawdry  display  and  to  gluttony  or  other  brutal 
excesses  from  which  the  temperate   Greek  turned  with  disgust. 

» In  this  treatment  of  Roman  capitalism  after  200  B.C.,  the  author  has  drawn 
freely  from  two  recent  books  of  great  value,  —  Dr.  William  Steams  Davis' 
Influence  of  Wealth  in  Imperial  Rome,  and  Dr.  Frank  Frost  Abbott's  Common 
People  of  Ancient  Rome. 


404  THE  LATER   ROMAN  REPUBLIC  [§4^5 

From  this  time,  the  Romans  indulged  in  extremes  of  luxury 
which  had  not  been  dreamed  of  by  the  Athenians  of  Pericles' 
day.  They  had  far  more  elegant  houses,  bigger  troops  of 
slaves,  and  much  more  ostentation  of  all  sorts. 

Exaggerated  copies  of  the  Greek  public  baths  (§  238)  ap- 
peared in  Rome.  These  became  great  public  clubhouses, 
where  the  more  voluptuous  and  idle  citizens  spent  many  hours 


Ruins  of  the  House  of  M.  Olconius  at  Pompeii. ^ 

a  day.  Besides  the  various  rooms  for  baths,  —  hot,  tepid,  or 
cold,  — there  were  in  a  bathing  house  swimming  pools,  libraries, 
and,  often,  museums.  There  were  also  many  colonnades  with 
benches  and  couches;  and  the  extensive  gardens  contained 
delightful  shady  walks,  along  whose  borders  stood,  now  and 
then,  noble  statues,  the  booty  of  some  Hellenic  city.  " 

485.     Excursus :    Homes.  —  Rome's   narrow   streets   seemed 
narrower  than  ever,  now  that  buildings  rose  several  stories 

1  Cf .  §  583  for  the  preservation  of  Pompeian  remains. 


§486]  HOME  LIFE  405 

high,  to  house  the  growing  city  population.  They  were  dirty, 
too,  and,  as  in  Greek  cities  (§  233),  they  ran  between  blank 
walls,  so  far  as  the  lower  stories  of  the  houses  were  concerned. 

The  private  houses  of  wealthy  men  had  come  to  imitate  the 
Greek  type.  We  have  already  noticed  (§  411)  that  the  original 
"house"  had  become  a  central  hall  {atrium)  with  rooms  on 
the  sides  and  rear.  This  atrium  now  became  di,  front  hall,  where 
the  master  of  the  house  received  his  guests.  It  was  shut  off 
from  the  street  by  a  vestibule  and  porter's  room.  Its  central 
opening  to  the  sky  still  admitted  light  and  air,  and  it  now  held 
a  marble  basin  to  catch  the  rain.  Often  an  ornamental  foun- 
tain was  now  introduced,  to  play  constantly  into  this  basin, 
surrounded  by  statues.  In  the  rear  was  a  second  court,  more 
fully  open  to  the  sky,  with  flower  beds  and  blooming  shrubbery. 
About  this  court  {peristyle),  which  was  bordered  by  rows  of 
columns,  stood  many  rooms  for  the  women  and  for  various 
domestic  occupations.  Each  house  had  its  kitchens  and  se-veral 
dining  rooms,  large  and  small,  where  stood  tables,  each  sur- 
rounded on  three  sides  by  luxurious  couches,  in  place  of  the 
old-fashioned  hard  benches.  The  Romans  had  now  adopted 
the  Greek  practice  of  reclining  at  meals.  Each  fashionable 
house,  too,  had  its  bathrooms,  one  or  more,  and  its  library. 
The  pavement  of  the  courts,  and  many  floors,  were  orna- 
mented with  artistic  mosaic.  The  walls  were  hung  with 
costly,  brilliantly  colored  tapestries,  and  ceilings  were  richly 
gilded.  Sideboards  held  beautiful  vases  and  gold  and  silver 
plate,  and  in  various  recesses  stood  glorious  statues.  Each  such 
house  now  had  its  second  story. 

Besides  his  town  house,  each  rich  Roman  had  one  or  more 
country  houses  {villas),  with  all  the  comforts  of  the  city  — 
baths,  libraries,  museums,  ^  and  also  with  extensive  park-like 
grounds,  containing  fishponds,  vineyards,  and  orchards.  To 
care  for  the  complex  needs  of  this  new  luxurious  life,  every 
man  of  wealth  kept  troops  of  slaves  in  his  household. 

486.  Gladiatorial  Games.  —  Alongside  this  private  luxury, 
there  grew  the  practice  of  entertaining  the  populace  ivith  shows. 


406  THE  LATER  ROMAN  REPUBLIC  [§487 

These  were  often  connected  with  religious  festivals,  and  were 
of  many  kinds.  It  was  the  special  duty  of  the  aediles  to  care 
for  public  entertainment,  but  gradually  many  candidates  for 
popular  favor  began  to  give  shows  of  this  kind. 

Among  these  new  shows  were  the  horrible  gladiatorial  games. 
These  came,  not  from  the  Greek  East,  but  from  neighbors  in 
Italy.  They  were  an  old  Etruscan  custom  (§  331,  close),  and 
were  introduced  into  Rome  about  the  beginning  of  the  Punic 
Wars.  A  gladiatorial  contest  was  a  combat  in  which  two  men 
fought  each  other  to  the  death  for  the  amusement  of  the  spec- 
tators. The  practice  was  connected  with  ancient  human  sacri- 
fices for  the  dead,  and  at  Rome  the  first  contests  of  this  kind 
took  place  only  at  the  funerals  of  nobles.  By  degrees,  how- 
ever, they  became  the  most  popular  of  the  public  amusements 
and  were  varied  in  character.  A  long  series  of  combats  would 
be  given  at  a  single  exhibition,  and  many  couples,  armed  in 
different  ways,  would  engage  at  the  same  time.  Sometimes 
wild  beasts,  also,  fought  one  another,  and  sometimes  beasts 
fought  with  men. 

At  first  the  gladiators  were  captives  in  war,  and  fought  in 
their  native  fashion,  for  the  instruction  as  w-ell  as  the  enter- 
tainment of  the  spectators.  Later,  slaves  and  condemned 
criminals  were  used.  Finally  this  fighting  became  a  profes- 
sion, for  which  men  prepared  by  careful  training  in  gladiatorial 
schools. 

487.  Greek  Culture — Alongside  these  evil  features  there 
was  some  compensation  in  a  new  inflow  of  Greek  culture. 
Men  like  Flamininus  and  the  Scipios  absorbed  much  of  the 
best  spirit  of  Greek  thought ;  and  there  was  a  general  admira- 
tion for  Greek  art  and  literature.  For  a  long 'time  to  come, 
however,  this  did  not  make  Rome  herself  productive  in  art  or 
literature.  Greek  became  the  fashionable  language;  Greek 
marbles  and  pictures  were  carried  off  from  Greek  cities 'to 
adorn  Roman  palaces.  But  Rome,  in  this  period,  produced 
few  great  sculptors  or  painters,  and  such  books  as  appeared 
were  mainly  the  work  of  Greek  adventurers  (§  624). 


488] 


DECLINE  OF  THE   YEOMANRY 


407 


488.  Continued  Decline  of  the  Yeomanry —  The  rift  between 
rich  and  poor  went  on  widening  after  the  great  wars  were  over. 
Kome  soon  had  its  hungry  masses  of  unemployed  laborers  in 
the  city  and  its  land  question  in  the  country. 

Those  of  the  yeomanry  who  had  survived  the  ruin  of  war 
(§  480)  were  fast  squeezed  off  the  land  by  economic  conditions 


Remains  of  a  Court  of  a  Private  Residence  at  Pompeii. 

{House  of  the  Vettii.) 

resulting  from  Kome's  conquests.  The  nobles,  who  could  not 
invest  their  riches  in  trade,  secured  vast  landed  estates  in  the 
provinces  out  of  confiscated  lands  sold  by  the  state  or  by  cheap 
purchase  from  the  ruined  natives.  From  such  large  farms  in 
Sicily  and  in  the  African  "  grain  provinces "  they  supplied 
Italian  cities  with  grain  cheaper  than  the  Italian  farmer  could 
raise  it  on  his  less  fertile  soil.  The  large  landlord  in  Italy 
turned  to  cattle  grazing  or  sheep  raising  or  to  wine  and  oil 
culture.  The  small  farmer  had  no  such  escape;  for  these 
forms  of  industry  called  for  large  tracts  and  slave  labor.     For 


408  THE   LATER  ROMAN   REPUBLIC  [§489 

grazing,  or  often  simply  for  pleasure  resorts,  the  new  capital- 
ists and  the  nobility  wanted  even  vaster  domains.  So  they 
bought  out  the  near-by  small  farmers. 

489.  Force  and  Fraud  by  the  Rich.  —  The  decreased  profits  in 
grain  raising  made  many  small  farmers  (already  ruined)  will- 
ing to  sell  —  though  they  could  look  forward  to  no  certain 
future,  and  must  expect  a  total  change  in  their  life.  And 
when  the  small  farmer  would  not  sell,  the  rich  and  grasping 
landlord  sometimes  had  recourse  to  force  or  fraud,  to  get  the 
coveted  patch  of  land.  This  was  especially  true  in  the  more 
secluded  regions,  where,  despite  all  discouragements,  the  yeo- 
men clung  stubbornly  to  their  ancestral  fields.  In  pathetic 
words  the  Latin  poet  Horace  (§  626  )  describes  the  violence 
and  trickery  used  by  the  great  man  toward  such  helpless 
victims.^  The  yeoman's  cattle  were  likely  to  die  mysteriously, 
or  his  growing  crops  were  trampled  into  the  ground  over  night ; 
or  constant  petty  annoyances  wore  down  his  spirit,  until  he 
would  sell  at  the  rich  man's  price.  Redress  at  law,  as  in  our 
own  times,  was  usually  too  costly  and  too  uncertain  for  a  poor 
man  in  conflict  with  a  rich  one. 

490.  Summary.  —  The  wars  in  the  East  continued  to  supply 
cheap  slaves  for  the  landlords ;  and  the  dispossessed  yeoman 
could  find  no  employment  in  the  country.  Thus  we  have  a 
series  of  forces  all  tending  to  the  same  end  :  — 

a.  the  cheap  grain  from  the  provinces  ; 

b.  the  introduction  of  a  new  industry  better  suited  to  large 
holdings  and  to  slave  labor ; 

c.  the  growth  of  large  fortunes  eager  for  landed  investment ; 

d.  the  growth  of  a  cheap  slave  supply. 

In  some  parts  of  Italy,  of  course,  especially  in  the  north, 
many  yeomen  held  their  places.  But  over  great  districts,  only 
large  ranches  could  be  seen,  each  with  a  few  half-savage  slave 
herdsmen  and  their  flocks,  where  formerly  there  had  nestled 

i  See  Davis'  Readings,  II,  No.  38,  for  this  process  of  the  disappearance  of 
the  yeomen,  and  note  the  reference  there  also  to  violence  by  the  rich. 


§492]  DECLINE   OP  THE   YEOMANRY  409 

numerous  cottages  on  small,  well-tilled  farms,  each  supporting 
its  independent  family  of  Italian  citizens.  As  a  class^  the 
small  farmers,  formerly  the  backbone  of  Italian  society  in 
peace  and  war  alike,  drifted  from  the  soil. 

491.  Emigration.  —  What  became  of  this  dispossessed  yeo- 
manry, from  whom  formerly  had  come  conquerors,  statesmen, 
and  dictators  ?  Many  had  foresight  and  energy  enough  to 
make  their  way  at  once  to  Gaul  or  Spain,  while  their  small 
capital  lasted.  In  these  semi-barbarous  western  provinces, 
for  a  century,  a  steady  stream  of  sturdy  peasant  emigrants 
from  Italy  spread  the  old  wholesome  Roman  civilization  and 
confirmed  the  Roman  rule,  while  at  the  same  time  they  built 
up  comfortable  homes  or  even  large  fortunes  for  themselves. 
But  to  Italy  their  strength  was  lost. 

492.  A  City  Mob.  —  But  a  whole  class  of  people  could  not  be 
expected  to  leave  their  native  land.  For  multitudes,  lack  of 
money,  or  sickness  in  the  family,  or  other  misfortune  would 
make  this  impossible.  Love  of  the  homeland  and  mere  custom 
would  hold  larger  numbers.  Thus  the  great  bulk  of  the  ex- 
farmers  merely  drifted  to  the  cities  of  Italy,  and  especially  to 
the  capital. 

If  Italy  had  been  a  manufacturing  country,  they  might 
finally  have  found  a  new  kind  of  work  in  these  city  homes. 
But  the  Roman  conquests  in  the  East  prevented  this.  In  the 
Eastern  provinces  manufacturing  of  all  sorts  was  much  more 
developed  than  in  Italy  ;  and  now  Roman  merchants  found  it 
cheaper  to  import  Oriental  goods  than  to  build  up  a  system  of 
factories  at  home.  Rome  had  become  the  center  of  exchange 
for  the  Roman  world,  but  not  a  producer  of  wealth.  It  ceased 
to  develop  home  resources  and  fed  upon  the  provinces.  Some 
increase  in  simple  manufactures  there  was,  of  course ;  but  such 
work  was  already  in  the  hands  mainly  of  skilled  Oriental 
slaves  or  freedmen,  of  which  an  ever  growing  supply  was 
brought  to  Rome. 

Thus  the  ex-farmers  found  no  more  employment  in  the  city 
than  in  the  country.     However  willing  or  eager  to  work,  there 


410  THE   LATER  ROMAN  REPUBLIC  [§493 

was  no  place  for  them  in  the  industrial  system.  They  soon 
spent  the  small  sums  they  had  received  for  their  lands,  and 
then  they  and  their  sons  sank  into  a  degraded  city  rabble 
which  became  the  ally  and  finally  the  master  of  cunning 
politicians,  who  amused  it  with  festivals  and  gladiatorial 
shows,  and  who  were  finally  to  support  it,  at  state  expense, 
with  free  grain.  The  lines  of  an  English  poet,  almost  two 
thousand  years  later,  regarding  similar  phenomena  in  his  own 
country,  apply  to  this  Italy  :  — 

"  111  fares  the  land,  to  hastening  ills  a  prey, 
Where  wealth  accumulates,  and  men  decay  !  "  i 

493.  Political  Results:  Decay  of  the  Constitution — The  eco- 
nomic changes,  we  have  seen,  had  replaced  the  rugged  citizen 
farmer  with  an  incapable,  effeminate  nobility  and  a  mongrel, 
hungry  mob,  reinforced  by  freed  slaves.  With  this  moral  de- 
cline came  political  decay.  The  constitution  in  theory  remained 
that  of  the  conquerors  of  Pyrrhus  and  of  Hannibal,  but  in 
reality  it  had  become  a  plaything,  tossed  back  and  forth  between 
factions  in  the  degenerate  state.  Old  ideas  of  loyalty,  obedi- 
ence, regard  for  law,  self-restraint,  grew  rare.  Young  nobles 
flattered  and  caressed  the  populace  for  votes.^  Bribery  grew 
rampant  Statesmen  came  to  disregard  all  checks  of  the  con- 
stitution in  order  to  carry  a  point. 

494  Decay  of  the  Assembly.  —  Indeed,  had  Rome  kept  all  its 
old  virtue,  the  old  constitution  would  no  longer  have  served 
good  ends.  It  was  outgrown.  By  the  close  of  the  Punic  Wars 
Rome  was  a  mighty  city  of  perhaps  a  million  people,  and  the 
mistress  of  an  empire  that  reached  from  the  Atlantic  to  the 
Euphrates.     But  she  still   tried  to   govern  herself  and   her 

1  The  student  may  find  this  interesting  and  important  change  in  Italian 
life  easier  to  understand  by  comparing  it  with  the  like  change  in  England 
just  before  the  time  of  Shakspere.  There  is  a  brief  three-page  account  in 
West's  Modern  History,  §§  234  ff. 

2  Few  were  those  who  could  defy  the  hissings  of  the  mob  as  did  the 
younger  Africanus  :  "  Silence,  ye  step-children  of  Italy.  Think  ye  I  fear 
those  whom  I  myself  brought  in  chains  to  Rome!  "  . 


§  495]         DECAY  OF  THE   OLD  CONSTITUTION  411 

dominions  by  the  simple  machinery  which  had  grown  up  be- 
fore 367,  when  she  was  a  little  village  in  Latium.  To  rule 
the  larger  Rome  of  266  b.c  ,  mistress  of  Italy  only,  had  tasked 
this  form  of  government  and  had  shown  some  weaknesses. 
For  its  present  task  it  was  wholly  unfitted. 

Nowhere  did  this  show  more  clearly  than  in  the  Assembly. 
Rome  was  too  large  to  decide  public  questions  by  mass  meet- 
ing ;  and  it  did  not  know  how  to  invent  our  modern  democratic 
machinery  of  balloting  in  small  X3recincts,  with  such  devices  as 
the  referendum  and  the  recall.  But  there  were  other  reasons, 
also,  apart  from  mere  size,  why  the  Assembly  failed.  The  new 
city  mob  controlled  the  four  city  tribes.  The  other  seventeen 
of  the  older  rural  "  tribes  "  (§  365)  were  originally  made  up  of 
small  yeomanry  near  Rome.  That  class  had  mainly  disap- 
peared ;  and  Roman  nobles  or  bankers,  who  had  bought  up  its 
lands,  now  made  most  of  the  voters  in  these  tribes.  To  some 
extent,  the  like  was  true  of  the  fourteen  other  rural  tribes  which 
had  been  added  later  (§  386)  and  which  were  scattered  up  and 
down  Italy.  In  these,  it  is  true,  the  great  majority  of  voters 
were  still  the  small  farmers  —  if  only  they  could  all  be  got  to- 
gether at  the  Assembly  in  Rome.  But  this  was  almost  impos- 
sible. Ordinarily  the  wealthy  class  of  Italian  landowners  could 
control  the  votes  of  these  tribes  also.  Thus  the  old  stronghold 
of  democracy  in  the  government  had  been  seized,  for  most  pur- 
poses, by  the  aristocracy. 

495.  Decline  of  the  Senate.  —  Meantime  the  senatorial  oli- 
garchy closed  up  its  ranks  still  further.  By  custom,  the 
lowest  curule  office,  the  aedileship,  was  so  burdened  with 
costly  spectacles  for  the  populace  that  only  men  of  great 
wealth,  or  the  most  reckless  gamesters,  could  start  upon  a 
political  career.  This  was  even  worse  than  the  undemocratic 
Greek  practice  (outside  Athens)  of  paying  no  salaries  to 
officials.  Secure  in  their  own  fortunes,  the  nobles  let  things 
go  at  will,  grasping  for  themselves  the  profits  of  empire,  but 
shirking  its  responsibilities.  Among  the  cowardly  and  dis- 
solute aristocrats  there  were  noble  exceptions ;   but  Mommsen, 


412 


THE   LATER  ROMAN   REPUBLIC 


I§496 


who   so   generously  applauded  the  Senate  of  200  b.c.  (§  400), 
says  of  its  successor  eighty  years  later  :  — 

"  It  sat  on  the  vacated  throne  with  an  evil  conscience  and  divided 
hopes,  indignant  at  the  institutions  of  the  state  vv^hich  it  ruled,  and  yet 
incapable  of  even  systematically  assailing  them,  vacillating  in  all  its  con- 
duct except  where  its  own  material  advantage  prompted  a  decision,  a 
picture  of  faithlessness  toward  its  own  as  well  as  the  opposite  party,  of 
inward  inconsistency,  of  the  most  pitiful  impotence,  of  the  meanest 
selfishness,  — an  unsurpassed  ideal  of  misrule." 

EVILS   IN   ITALY 

496.  The  distinction  between  citizens  and  subjects  (§§  388  fp.) 
was  drawn  more  sharply.     Admission  to  Roman  citizenship  frojn 


An  Excavated  Street  in  Pompeii. 


without  almost  ceased.  New  Latin  colonies  were  no  longer 
founded,  because  the  wealthy  classes  wanted  to  engross  all 
vacant  land  in  Italy.     Laws    restricted   the    old   freedom   of 


§498]  EVILS  IN   THE   PROVINCES  413 

Latin  migration  to  Rome,  and  confounded  the  Latins  with 
the  other  "  Allies." 

497.  Roman  Insolence  toward  "Subject  Italians." — This  sharp- 
ening of  the  line  between  "  Romans  "  and  "  subjects  "  tended  to 
create  envy  on  one  side  and  haughtiness  on  the  other.  Rome 
began  openly  to  treat  the  "  Allies "  as  subjects.  They  were 
given  a  smaller  share  of  the  plunder  in  war  than  formerly, 
and  they  were  ordered  to  double  their  proportion  of  soldiers 
for  the  army.  Roman  citizens,  on  the  other  hand,  had  their 
old  burdens  lightened.  Taxation  upon  them  ceased  wholly 
after  the  Second  Punic  War,  when  the  Carthaginian  "  war 
indemnity  "  glutted  the  treasury. 

Worse  than  such  distinctions  was  the  occasional  insolence 
or  brutality  of  a  Roman  official.  In  one  town  the  city  consul 
was  stripped  and  scourged  because  the  peevish  wife  of  a 
Roman  magistrate  felt  aggrieved  that  the  public  baths  were 
not  vacated  quickly  enough  for  her  use.  In  another,  a  young 
Roman  idler,  looking  on  languidly  from  his  litter,  caused  a 
free  herdsman  to  be  whipped  to  death  for  a  light  jest  at  his 
expense.^  Such  tyranny  was  the  harder  to  bear  because,  more 
than  Rome,  the  Italian  towns  had  kept  their  old  customs  and 
old  virtues.  It  was  a  poor  return,  in  any  case,  for  the  Italian 
loyalty  that  had  saved  Rome  from  Hannibal. 


EVILS   IN  THE  PROVINCES  2 


J 


r498    The  Provincial  System  and  its  Deterioration. —  By  133, 

there  were  eight  provinces,  —  Sicily,  Sardinia  and  Corsica, 
Hither  Spain,  Farther  Spain,  Africa,  Illyria  (which  had  been 
conquered  after  the  third  Macedonian  War),  Macedonia,  and 
Asia.      Cisalpine   Gaul,    Southern    Gaul,    and    Greece    were 

1  These  incidents  were  stated  by  Caius  Gracchus  (§  514)  in  the  year  123,  in 
his  fiery  pleas  for  i-eform. 

2Pelham,  174r-186,  327-329;  Arnold,  Roman  Provincial  Administration, 
40-88.  On  the  governor's  tyranny,  Cicero's  Oration  against  Verres,  or  the 
chapter  on  "  A  Roman  Magistrate  "  in  Church's  Roman  Life  in  the  Days  of 
Cicero. 


414  THE  LATER  ROMAN  REPUBLIC  [§499 

Roman  possessions  and  were  soon  to  be  provinces.  The 
growth  of  provincial  government  had  been  a  matter  of  patch- 
work and  makeshifts.  There  had  been  no  comprehensive  view 
of  Roman  interests  and  no  earnest  desire  to  govern  for  the 
good  of  the  provincials.  Both  these  things  had  to  wait  for 
the  Caesars.  At  first,  to  be  sure,  the  Roman  administration 
was  more  honest,  capable,  and  just  than  the  Carthaginian 
or  the  Greek.  But  irresponsible  power  bred  recklessness 
and  corruption.  Deterioration  soon  set  in;  and,  before  the 
year  100,  it  was  doubtful  whether  the  West  had  gained  by  the 
fall  of  Carthage.  It  took  the  Empire  with  its  better  aims  and 
methods  to  dispel  the  doubt. 

499.  Marks  of  a  Province.  — At  the  worst,  existing  institu- 
tions were  everywhere  respected,  with  true  Roman  tolerance. 
As  in  Italy,  however,  the  different  cities  were  jealously  iso- 
lated from  one  another.  As  in  Italy,  too,  there  were  various 
grades  of  cities.  To  most  of  them  was  left  their  self-control 
for  purely  local  concerns,  and  some  were,  in  name,  independent 
"  allies,"  with  special  exemption  from  taxes.  But  in  general, 
the  distinctive  marks  of  a  province,  as  opposed  to  Italian 
communities,  were  (1)  payment  of  tribute  in  money  or  grain,^ 
{2)  disarmament,  and  (3)  the  absolute  rule  of  a  Roman,  governor, 

500.  Tax  Farming.  —  Rome  adopted  for  her  provinces  the 
method  of  taxation  which  she  found  in  force  in  many  of  them. 
She  did  not  herself  at  this  time  build  up  a  system  of  tax  col- 
lectors. She  "  farmed  out "  the  right  to  collect  taxes  from 
each  province.  That  is,  she  sold  the  right,  usually  at  public 
sale,  to  the  highest  bidder.  Of  course,  the  Senate  first  fixed 
the  proportion  of  produce  or  amount  of  money  which  each  part 
of  the  province  was  to  pay.  Then  the  contractor,  or  "  farmer," 
paid  down  a  lump  sum,  and  had  for  himself  all  that  he  could 
squeeze  from  the  province,  above  that  sum  and  the  expenses, 
of  his  agent. 

1  The  "  Allies  "  in  Italy  furnished  men,  but  did  not  pay  tribute.  The  posi- 
tion of  the  provincial  cities  was  less  honorable  in  Roman  eyes,  and  it  was 
more  liable  to  abuse  (§500). 


§501]  EVILS  IN  THE  PROVINCES  415 

The  evil  was  that  this  arrangement  constantly  tempted  the 
contractor  to  extort  too  much  from  the  helpless  provincials,  — 
which  was  especially  easy  when  the  tax  was  collected  "in 
kind."  If  an  agent  seized  twice  the  allowed  "  tenth,"  it  would 
be  practically  impossible  afterward  to  prove  the  fact;  even  if 
there  had  been  a  fair  judge  to  hear  the  case.  But  the  only  judge 
was  the  Roman  governor  of  the  province,  who  often  was  hand- 
in-glove  with  the  contracting  Roman  capitalist,  from  whom, 
perhaps,  he  received  a  share  of  the  plunder.  The  whole  corrupt 
and  tyrannical  system  was  essentially  the  same  as  that  by 
which  Turkey  has  ground  down  her  Christian  provinces  in 
southwestern  Europe  for  five  hundred  years. 

501.  The  Governor.  —  The  actual  working  of  the  whole  pro- 
vincial system  rested  with  the  governor,  and  everything  tended 
to  make  him  a  tyrant.  He  was  appointed  by  the  Senate  from 
those  who  had  just  held  consulships  or  praetorships,  and  he 
had  the  title  of  pro-consul  or  pro-praetor.  His  power  over  his 
district,  even  in  peace,  was  as  great  as  the  consul  exercised  at 
the  head  of  an  army.  He  had  no  colleague.  There  was  no 
appeal  from  his  decrees.  There  was  no  tribune  to  veto  his  act. 
He  had  soldiery  to  enforce  his  commands.  His  whole  official 
staff  went  out  from  Rome  with  him,  and  were  strictly  subordi- 
nate to  him. 

The  persons  of  the  provincials  were  at  his  mercy.  In  Cis- 
alpine Gaul  a  governor  caused  a  noble  Gaul,  a  fugitive  in  his 
camp,  to  be  beheaded,  merely  to  gratify  with  the  sight  a  worth- 
less favorite  who  lamented  that  he  had  missed  the  gladiatorial 
games  at  Rome.^  There  was  even  less  check  upon  the  gov- 
ernor's financial  oppression.  All  offices  were  unpaid ;  the  way 
to  them  was  through  vast  expense;  and  the  plundering  of  a 
province  came  to  be  looked  upon  as  the  natural  means  of  re- 
paying one's  self  for  previous  outlay  and  for  a  temporary  exile 
from  Rome.  Provincial  towns  were  ordered  by  Roman  law  to 
supply  the  governor's  table  (including  all  his  staff,  of  course). 

1  See  Davis'  Readings,  II,  No.  37. 


41G  THE  lATER  ROMAN  REPUBLIC  [§502 

Under  color  of  this,  the  governor  often  seized  priceless  art 
treasures  (costly  vases  and  statuary),  as  table  ornaments,  bring- 
ing them  back  with  him  to  Rome.  In  short,  the  senatorial 
nobility  passed  around  the  provinces  among  themselves  as  so 
much  spoil. 

502.  The  Trial  of  Corrupt  Governors.  —  A  governor  might  be 
brought  to  trial,  it  is  true;  but  only  after  his  term  had  expired; 
and  only  at  Rome.  Poor  provincials,  of  course,  had  to  endure 
any  abuse  without  even  seeking  redress ;  and  in  any  case  it  was 
rarely  possible  to  secure  conviction  even  of  the  grossest  offend- 
ers. The  only  court  for  such  trials  was  made  up  of  senators. 
Thus  many  of  the  judges  were  themselves  interested  in  similar 
plunderings,  either  in  person,  or  through  a  son  or  brother  or 
cousin ;  and  with  the  best  of  them,  class  spirit  stood,  in  the  way 
of  convicting  a  noble. 

When  other  means  failed  to  secure  acquittal,  the  culprit 
could  fall  back  on  bribery.  When  a  certain  Verres  was  given 
the  province  of  Sicily  for  three  years,  Cicero  tells  us,  he  cynically 
declared  it  quite  enough :  "  In  the  first  year  he  could  secure 
plunder  for  himself;  in  the  second  for  his  friends;  in  the  third 
for  his  judges." 

503.  The  Provinces  the  "Estates  of  the  Roman  People."  — It 
was  not  the  senatorial  class  alone,  however,  who  enriched  them- 
selves from  the  provinces.  All  Rome,  and  indeed  all  Italy, 
drew  profit  from  them. 

The  state  now  secured  its  immense  revenues  from  taxation  of 
the  provincials,  and  from  its  domains  and  mines  in  the  prov- 
inces. The  equites,  organized  in  companies  ("  publicans  ")  or  as 
private  speculators,  swarmed  in  by  thousands,  to  conduct  all 
public  works  with  corrupt  contracts,  to  "  farm  "  the  taxes,  to 
loan  money  at  infamous  interest,  and  to  rob  the  unhappy  pro- 
vincials mercilessly  in  many  other  ways.  The  populace  looked 
to  the  provinces  for  cheap  grain  and  for  wild-beast  shows  and 
other  spectacles. 

"Italy  was  to  rule  and  feast:  the  provinces  were  to  obey 
and  pay."     And  withal  it  was  nobody's  business  in  particular 


§504]  SLAVE   RISINGS  417 

to  see  that  these  "  farms  of  the  Koman  people "  were  not 
rapidly  and  wasteful ly  exhausted. 

SLAVERY 

We  have  now  surveyed  the  three  great  evils  mentioned 
in  §  477.  The  fourth  peril  (the  danger  of  barbarian  inroads) 
can  be  best  dealt  with  in  the  narrative  to  follow  (§§  523, 
547,  etc.)-  But  Rome's  most  dangerous  barbarians  were  in  her 
midst;  and  a  few  words  must  be  given  now  to  the  evils  of 
Roman  slavery. 

504.    Extent  and  Brutal  Nature.^  —  In  the  last  period  of  the 

Republic,  slavery  was  unparalleled  in  its  immensity  and  deg- 
radation. Mommsen  is  probably  right  in  saying  that  in  com- 
parison with  its  abyss  of  suffering  all  Negro  slavery  is  but  as 
a  drop.  Captives  in  war  were  commonly  sold  by  the  state  or 
given  away  to  wealthy  nobles.  To  keep  up  the  supply  of 
slaves,  man  hunts  were  regularly  organized  on  the  frontiers, 
and  some  of  the  provinces  themselves  were  desolated  by  kid- 
nappers. At  the  market  in  Delos  ten  thousand  slaves  were 
sold  in  a  single  day. 

The  student  must  not  think  of  slaves  in  ancient  times  as 
usually  of  a  different  color  and  race  from  the  masters.  The 
fact  that  they  were  commonly  of  like  blood,  and  often  of 
higher  culture,  gave  to  ancient  slavery  a  peculiar  character, 
when  compared  with  more  modern  slavery.  The  slaves  came 
in  part  from  the  cultured  East,  but  they  came  also  from  the 
wildest  and  most  ferocious  barbarians,  —  Gauls,  Goths,  Moors. 
The  more  favored  ones  became  schoolmasters,  secretaries, 
stewards.  The  most  unfortunate  were  savage  herdsmen  and 
the  hordes  of  branded  and  shackled  laborers,  who  were  clothed 
in  rags  and  who  slept  in  underground  dungeons. 

The  maxim  of  even  the  model  Roman,  Cato  (§  506),  was  to 
work  slaves  like  so  many  cattle,  selling  off  the  old  and  infirm. 
"  The  slave,"  said  he,  "  should  be  always  either  working  or 

1  Beesly,  The  Gracchi,  10-14 ;  Davis'  Readings,  II,  Nos.  32-34. 


418  THE  LATER  ROMAN  REPUBLIC  [§505 

sleeping."  With  the  worst  class  of  masters  the  brutal  Roman 
nature  vented  itself  in  inhuman  cruelties.  The  result,  was 
expressed  in  the  saying —  "  So  many  slaves,  so  many  enemies." 
The  truth  of  this  maxim  was  to  find  too  much  proof. 

505.  Slave  Wars.  —  In  the  year  135  came  the  first  of  a  long 
series  of  slave  revolts.  Seventy  thousand  insurgent  slaves 
were  masters  of  Sicily  for  four  years.  They  defeated  army 
after  army  that  Rome  sent  against  them,  and  desolated  the 
island  with  indescribable  horrors  before  the  revolt  was  stamped 
out.  Thirty  years  later,  when  Rome  was  trembling  before  a 
Teutonic  invasion  (§  523),  occurred  a  Second  Sicilian  Slave 
War  —  more  formidable  even  than  the  first,  lasting  five  years. 
Other  slave  risings  took  place  at  the  same  time. 

Another  thirty  years,  and  there  came  a  terrible  slave  re- 
volt in  Italy  itself,  headed  by  the  gallant  Spartacus.  Sparta- 
cus  was  a  Thracian  captive  who  had  been  forced  to  become  a 
gladiator.  Escaping  from  the  gladiatorial  school  at  Capua, 
with  a  few  companions,  he  fled  to  the  mountains.  There  he 
was  joined  by  other  fugitive  slaves  and  outlaws  until  he  was 
at  the  head  of  an  army  of  seventy  thousand  men.  He  kept 
the  field  three  years,  and  for  a  time  threatened  Rome  itself. 


CHAPTER    XXXIir 

THE   GRACCHI 

{Attempts  at  Peaceful  Beform) 

y       TIBERIUS   GRACCHUS,  133  B.C. 

506.  Attempts  at  Reform  before  the  Gracchi.  —  The  evils  that 
have  been  described  had  not  come  upon  Rome  without  being 
noted  by  thoughtful  men.  The  chief  needs  of  the  state  may 
be  summed  up  under  two  heads.  First,  the  government  needed 
to  be  taken  from  the  incapable  senatorial  class  and  given  to 
some  organization  that  would  more  truly  represent  all  classes 
of  citizens.  Second,  the  poor  in  the  cities  needed  to  be  re- 
stored to  the  land  as  farmers.  No  attempt  had  been  made 
Jjo  accomplish  either  of  these  things,  but  there  had  been  one 
notable  effort  at  another  kind  of  reform. 

This  was  the  work  of  Marcus  Porcius  Cato.  Cato  was  a 
Roman  of  the  old  school,  —  austere,  upright,  energetic,  patriotic, 
but  coarse  and  narrow.  From  a  simple  Sabine  farmer,  he  had 
risen  to  the  highest  honors  of  the  state.  He  had  been  just  old 
enough  to  join  the  army  at  the  beginning  of  the  Second  Punic 
War,  in  which  he  fought  valiantly  for  sixteen  years  from  Trasi- 
mene  to  Zama ;  and,  half  a  century  later,  as  we  saw  (§  459),  he 
had  a  chief  part  in  bringing  on  the  Third  Punic  War.  Thus 
his  long  public  life  covered  the  period  of  chief  Roman  decline. 

Cato  longed  ardently  to  restore  "  the  good  old  days "  of 
Roman  simplicity.  As  censor  (195  b.c.)  he  tried  in  a  way 
to  bring  back  those  days.  He  repressed  luxury  sternly,  and 
struck  from  the  Senate  some  of  the  proudest  names  because 
of  private  vices.  But  he  had  no  far-reaching  views.  He  tried, 
not  to  direct  the  stream  of  change  into  wholesome  channels, 
but  to  dam  it.     He  spent  his  force  foolishly  in  fighting  the 

419 


420  ROMAN  REPUBLIC:    FALL  [§507 

new  Hellenic  culture  and  the  rising  standard  of  comfort.  He 
did  not  touch  the  real  evils,  or  suggest  any  remedy  for  their 
causes.  Indeed,  instead  of  himself  remaining  a  yeoman  farmer, 
like  the  Manius  (§  409)  whom  he  took  for  his  model,  he  be- 
came the  owner  of  great  plantations  worked  by  slave  labor.^ 

For  a  time  there  seemed  one  other  chance.  After  146  b.c. 
Scipio  Africanus  the  Younger  was  the  foremost  man  in  Rome. 
He  was  liberal,  virtuous,  cultivated.  Many  looked  hopefully 
to  him  for  reform.  But  though  more  of  a  statesman  than 
Cato,  he  lacked  Cato's  courage.  He  shrank  from  a  struggle 
with  his  order ;  and  when  he  laid  down  his  censorship,  he  be- 
trayed his  despair  by  praying  the  gods,  not  in  the  usual  words, 
to  enlarge  the  glory  of  Rome,  but  to  preserve  the  state. 

Some  slight  reforms  there  were.  For  instance,  the  ballot 
was  introduced  into  the  Assembly,  so  that  the  rich  might  have 
less  chance  for  bribery.  But  such  measures  did  not  reach 
the  root  of  the  disease  of  the  state.  The  older  statesmen 
were  too  narrow  or  too  timid ;  and  the  great  attempt  fell  to 
two  youths,  the  Gracchi  brothers,  throbbing  with  noble  en- 
thusiasm and  with  the  fire  of  genius. 

507.  Tiberius  Gracchus  ^  was  still  under  thirty  at  his  death. 
He  was  one  of  the  brilliant  circle  of  young  Romans  about 
Scipio.  His  father  had  been  a  magnificent  aristocrat.  His 
mother,  Cornelia,  a  daughter  of  the  older  Africanus,  is  as 
famous  for  her  fine  culture  and  noble  nature  as  for  being  the 
"  Mother  of  the  Gracchi."  Tiberius  himself  was  early  distin- 
guished in  war  and  marked  by  his  uprightness  and  energy. 
This  ivas  the  first  man  to  strike  at  the  root  of  the  economic^ 
moral,  and  political  decay  of  Italy,  by  trying  to  rebuild  the 
yeoman  class. 

508.  The  Agrarian  ^  Proposals  of  Tiberius.  —  Tiberius  obtained 
the  tribuneship  for  the  year  133,  and  at  once  brought  forward 

1  The  student  should  read  Plutarch's  "  Cato  "  in  the  Lives.  See,  too,  Davis' 
Readings,  II,  Nos.  33,  3<i,  37. 

2  Read  Beesly's  The  Gracchi,  23-37. 

8  "  Agrarian  "  refers  to  land,  especially  agricultural  land ;  from  Latin  ager. 


§509]  THE  GRACCHI  421 

an  agrarian  law.  It  was  simply  the  land  clause  of  the  obso- 
lete Licinian  law  in  a  gentler  but  more  effective  form.  The 
proposal  was  threefold. 

a.  Each  holder  of  state  land  was  to  surrender  all  that  he 
held  in  excess  of  the  legal  limit  (cf.  §  370),  receiving  in  return 
absolute  title  to  the  three  hundred  acres  left  him} 

b.  The  land  reclaimed  was  to  be  given  in  small  holdings 
(some  eighteen  acres  each)  to  poor  applicants,  so  as  to  re-create 
a  yeomanry.  And  to  make  the  reform  lasting,  these  holders 
and  their  descendants  were  to  possess  their  land  ivithout  right 
to  sell.     In  return,  they  were  to  pay  a  small  rent  to  the  state. 

c.  To  provide  for  changes,  and  to  keep  the  law  from  being 
neglected,  there  was  to  be  a  permanent  board  of  three  commis- 
sioners to  superintend  the  reclaiming  and  distributing  of  land. 

509.  The  Struggle.  —  Gracchus  urged  his  law  with  fiery 
eloquence :  — 

"  The  wild  beasts  of  Italy  have  their  dens,  but  the  brave  men  who  spill 
their  blood  for  her  are  without  homes  or  settled  habitations.  Their  gen- 
erals do  but  mock  them  when  they  exhort  their  men  to  fight  for  their 
sepulchers  and  the  gods  of  their  hearths  ;  for  among  such  numbers  there 
is  perhaps  not  one  who  has  an  ancestral  altar.  The  private  soldiers  fight 
and  die  to  advance  the  luxury  of  the  great,  and  they  are  called  masters 
of  the  world  without  having  a  sod  to  call  their  own." 

The  Senate  of  course  opposed  the  proposal,  and  the  wealthy 
men,  who  had  so  long  enjoyed  what  did  not  belong  to  them, 
cried  out  that  the  measure  was  confiscation  and  robbery.  Tibe- 
rius brought  the  question  directly  before  the  tribes,  as  he  had 
the  right  to  do ;  and  the  town  tribes,  and  all  the  small  farmers 
left  in  the  rural  tribes,  rallied  enthusiastically  to  his  support. 
The  Senate  fell  back  upon  a  favorite  device.  It  put  up  one  of 
the  other  tribunes,  Octavius,  to  forbid  a  vote.  After  many 
pleadings,  Tiberius  resorted  to  a  revolutionary  measure.  In 
spite  of  his  colleague's  veto,  he  put  to  the  Assembly  the  question 

I  This  was  generous  treatment,  and  neither  confiscation  nor  demagogism. 
It  was  further  provided  that  an  old  holder  might  keep  about  UV)  acres  more 
for  each  of  his  sons. 


422  ROMAN  REPUBLIC:    FALL  [§510 

whether  he  or  Octavius  should  be  deposed ;  and  when  the  vote 
was  given  unanimously  against  Octavius,  Tiberius  had  him 
dragged  from  his  seat.^     Then  the  great  law  was  passed. 

510.  Further  Conflict.  —  At  this  time  the  last  king  of  Perga- 
mum,  by  will,  left  his  treasure  to  the  Roman  people.^  Gracchus 
proposed  to  divide  the  money  among  the  new  peasantry  to 
stock  their  farms.  He  also  proposed  to  extend  Roman  citizen- 
ship to  all  Italy.  The  Senate  fell  back  upon  an  ancient  cry : 
it  accused  him  of  trying  to  make  himself  king  (§  362),  and 
threatened  to  try  him  at  the  end  of  his  term.  To  complete 
his  work,  and  to  save  himself,  Gracchus  asked  for  reelection. 
The  first  two  tribes  voted  for  him,  and  then  the  Senate,  having 
failed  in  other  methods,  declared  his  candidacy  illegal.^  The 
election  was  adjourned  to  the  next  day.  The  end  was  not 
difficult  to   foresee. 

511.  Tiberius  murdered.  —  Tiberius  put  on  mourning  and 
asked  the  people  only  to  protect  his  infant  son.  It  was 
harvest  time,  and  the  farmers  were  absent  from  the  Assem- 
bly, which  was  left  largely  to  the  worthless  city  rabble.  On 
the  following  day  the  election  was  again  forbidden.  A  riot 
broke  out,  and  the  more  violent  of  the  senators  and  their  friends, 
charging  the  undecided  mob,  put  it  to  flight  and  murdered 
Gracchus  —  a  patriot-martyr  worthy  of  the  company  of  the 
Cassius,  Manlius,  and  Maelius  of  earlier  days.  Some  three 
hundred  of  his  adherents  also  were  killed  and  thrown  into  the 
Tiber.  Rome,  in  all  her  centuries  of  stern,  sober,  patient,  con- 
stitutional strife,  had  never  witnessed  such  a  day  before.'* 

512.  The  work  of  Gracchus  lived.  Partisanship  ran  so  high 
that  the  whole  aristocratic  party  approved  the  outrage,  rather 
than  abandon  their  champions  to  the  vengeance  of  the  people. 
Accordingly  the  Senate  declared  the  murder  an  act  of  patriot- 
ism, and  followed  up  the  reformer's  partisans  with  mock  trials 

1  On  the  morality  of  this  act,  cf .  Beesly's  The  Gracchi,  32,  33. 

2  Along  with  his  realms ;  see  §  472. 
8  Read  Beesly,  35. 

*  Davis,  Readings,  II,  No.  39,  gives  Plutarch's  account. 


§513]  THE   GRACCHI  423 

and  persecutions  (fastening  one  of  them,  says  Plutarch,  in  a 
chest  with  vipers). 

It  did  not  dare,  however,  to  interfere  with  the  great  law  that 
had  been  carried.  A  consul  for  the  year  132  inscribed  on  a 
monument,  that  he  was  the  first  who  had  installed  farmers  in 
place  of  shepherds  on  the  public  domains.  The  land  commis- 
sion (composed  of  the  friends  of  Tiberius)  did  its  work  zeal- 
ously, and  in  125  B.C.  the  citizen  list  of  B?ome  had  increased  by 
eighty  thousand  farmers. 

This  "  back  to  the  land  "  movement  was  a  vast  and  health- 
ful reform.^  If  it  could  have  been  kept  up  vigorously,  it 
might  have  turned  the  dangerous  rabble  into  sturdy  husband- 
men, and  so  removed  Rome's  chief  danger.  But  of  course  to 
reclaim  so  much  land  from  old  holders  led  to  many  bitter 
disputes  as  to  titles;  and,  after  a  few  years,  the  Senate  took 
advantage  of  this  fact  to  abolish  the  commission. 

CAIUS    GRACCHUS    (123-121   B.C.) 

513.  Character  and  Aims.  —  Immediately  after  this  aristocratic 
reaction,  and  just  nine  years  after  his  brother's  death,  Caias  Grac- 
chus took  up  the  work.  He  had  been  a  youth  when  Tiberius  was 
assassinated.  Now  he  was  Rome's  greatest  orator,  — a  daunt- 
less, resolute,  clear-sighted  man,  long  brooding  on  personal  re- 
venge and  on  patriotic  reform.  Tiberius,  he  declared,  appeared 
to  him  in  a  dream  to  call  him  to  his  task :  "  Why  do  you  hesi- 
tate ?  You  cannot  escape  your  doom  and  mine  —  to  live  for 
the  people  and  to  die  for  them ! "  A  recently  discovered  let- 
ter from  Cornelia  indicates,  too,  that  his  mother  urged  him 
on. 

Tiberius  had  striven  only  for  economic  reform.  Caius  saw 
the  necessity  of  buttressing  that  work  by  political  reform. 
Apparently  he  meant  to  overthrow  the  Senate  and  to  set  up 
a  new  constitution  something  like  that  of  Athens  under 
Pericles. 

1  Beesly,  39. 


424  ROMAN   REPUBLIC:   FALL  [§514 

514.  Political  Measures,  to  win  Allies.  — The  city  mob  Grac- 
chus secured  by  a  corn  law  providing  for  the  sale  of  grain  to 
the  poor  in  the  capital  at  half  the  regular  market  price,  the 
other  half  to  be  made  up  from  the  public  treasury.  Perhaps 
he  regarded  this  as  a  necessary  poor-law,  and  as  compensation 
for  the  public  lands  that  still  remained  in  the  hands  of  the 
wealthy.  It  did  not  pauperize  the  poor,  since  such  distribu- 
tions by  private  patrons  (especially  by  office-seekers)  were 
already  customary  on  a  vast  scale.  It  simply  took  this  charity 
into  the  hands  of  the  state.  If  Gracchus'  other  measures  could 
have  been  carried  through,  the  need  for  such  temporary  charity 
would  have  been  removed.  But,  however  well  meant,  this 
measure  certainly  introduced  a  vicious  system  of  legislative 
bribery  where  in  the  end  the  well-meaning  patriot  was  sure  to 
be  outbidden  by  the  reckless  demagogue.  For  the  moment, 
however,  it  won  the  Assembly. 

/  The  equites  also  Caius  won,  by  taking  the  law  courts  from 
the  Senate  to  place  in  their  hands. 
\J  515.  Economic  Reform. —With  these  political  alliances  to 
back  him,  Caius  took  up  his  brother's  work.  The  land  com- 
mission was  reestablished,  and  its  work  was  extended  to  the 
founding  of  Roman  colonies  in  distant  parts  of  Italy.  Still  more 
important,  —  Caius  introduced  the  plan  of  Roman  colonization  out- 
side Italy.  He  sent  six  thousand  colonists  from  Rome  and  other 
Italian  towns  to  the  waste  site  of  Carthage;  and  he  planned 
other  such  foundations.  Tlie  colonists  ivere  to  keep  full  Roman 
citizenship. 

If  this  statesmanlike  measure  had  been  allowed  to  work,  it 
would  not  only  have  provided  for  the  landless  poor  of  Italy  :  it 
would  also  have  Romanized  the  provinces  rapidly,  and  would 
have  broken  down  the  unhappy  distinctions  between  them  and 
Italy. 

516.  Personal  Rule.  —  Then  Caius  turned  to  attack  senatorial 
government.  To  a  great  degree  he  dreiv  all  authority  into  his 
own  hands.  By  various  laws  he  took  away  power  from  the 
Senate,  and»himself  ruled  in  its  place.     He  had  tried  to  pro- 


§  ryl7] 


THE   GRACCHI 


425 


vide  against  his  brother's  fate  by  a  law  expressly  legalizing  re- 
election to  the  tribuneship,  and  he  served  two  terms,  virtually 
as  dictator. 

"With  unrivaled  activity,"  says  Mommsen,  "he  concentrated  the 
most  varied  and  complicated  functions  in  his  own  person.  He  himself 
watched  over  the  distribution  of  grain,  selected  jurymen,  founded  colo- 
nies in  person,  notwithstanding  that  his  magistracy  legally  chained  him 
to  the  city,  regulated  highways  and  concluded  business  contracts,  led  the 
discussions  of  the  Senate,  settled  the  consular  elections;  in  short,  he 
accustomed  the  people  to  the  fact  that  one  man  was  foremost  in  all 
things,  and  threw  the  lax  and  lame  administration  of  the  Senate  into  the 
shade  by  the  vigor  and  dexterity  of  his  personal  rule." 

517.  Attempt  to  extend  Citizenship  to  Italians.  —  Caius  also 
pressed  earnestly  for  political  reform    outside   the   city.      He 


Tkmplk  of  Apoi.i-o  at  Pompkii. 

proposed,  wisely  and  nobly,  to  confer  full  citizenship  upon  the 
Latins,  and  Latin  rights  upon  all  Italy.  But  the  tribes,  jealous 
of  any  extension  of  their  privileges  to  others,  were  quite  ready 


426  ROMAN   REPUBLIC:    FALL  [§518 

to  desert  him  on  these  matters.  The  "  knights  "  and  the  mer- 
chants, too,  had  grown  hostile,  from  jealousy  of  the  proposal 
to  rebuild  commercial  rivals  like  Corinth  and  Carthage. 

The  Senate  seized  its  chance.  It  set  on  another  tribune, 
Drusus,  to  outbid  Cains  by  promises  never  meant  to  be  kept. 
Drusus  proposed  to  found  twelve  large  colonies  at  once  in  Italy 
and  to  do  away  with  the  small  rent  paid  by  the  new  peasantry. 
There  was  no  land  for  these  colonies,  but  the  mob  thoughtlessly 
followed  the  treacherous  demagogue  and  abandoned  its  true 
leader.  When  Gracchus  stood  for  a  third  election  he  was 
defeated. 

518.  Murder  of  Caius.  —  Now  that  he  was  no  longer  protected 
by  the  sanctity  of  the  tribuneship  (§  363),  the  nobles,  headed 
by  the  consul  (a  ferocious  personal  enemy),  were  bent  upon 
his  ruin.  The  chance  was  soon  found.  The  Senate  tried  to 
repeal  the  law  for  the  colony  at  Carthage.  This  attempt  caused 
many  of  the  old  supporters  of  Caius  to  come  into  the  Assembly 
from  the  country.  Remembering  the  fate  of  Tiberius,  some  of 
them  came  in  arms.  The  nobles  cried  out  that  this  meant  a 
conspiracy  to  overthrow  the  government.  The  consul  called 
the  organized  senatorial  party  to  arms,  offered  for  the  head  of 
Gracchus  its  weight  in  gold  (the  first  instance  of  head  money 
in  Boman  civil  strife),  and  charged  the  unorganized  and  unpre- 
pared crowd.  A  bloody  battle  followed  in  the  streets.  Grac- 
chus, taking  no  part  in  the  conflict  himself,  was  slain.  Three 
thousand  of  his  adherents  were  afterward  strangled  in  prison. 

519.  Overthrow  of  the  Work  of  the  Two  Brothers.  —  The  victo- 
rious Senate  struck  hard.  It  resumed  its  sovereign  rule.  The 
proposed  colonies  were  abandoned,  and  the  great  land  reform 
itself  was  undone.  The  peasants  were  permitted  to  sell  their 
land,  and  the  commission  was  abolished.  The  old  economic 
decay  began  again,  and  soon  the  work  of  the  Gracchi  was 
but  a  memory. 

Even  that  memory  the  Senate  tried  to  erase.  Men  were 
forbidden  to  speak  of  the  brothers,  and  Cornelia  was  not  al- 
lowed to  wear  mourning  for  her  sons.     One  lesson,  however, 


§519]  THE   GRACCHI  427 

had  been  taught :  the  Senate  had  drawn  the  sword ;  and  when 
a  Marius  or  a  Caesar  should  attempt  again  to  take  up  the 
work  of  the  Gracchi,  he  would  appear  as  a  military  master, 
to  sweep  away  the  wretched  oligarchy  with  the  sword  or  to 
receive  its  cringing  submission  (chs.  xxxiv  ff.). 

"The  net  result  of  tlie  work  [of  Caius]  was  to  demonstrate  the  hope- 
lessness of  any  genuine  democracy.  .  .  .  The  two  Gracchi,  ...  in  their 
hope  to  regenerate  Italy,  were  drawn  on  to  attempt  a  political  revolution, 
whose  nature  they  did  not  realize.  .  .  .  They  were  not  revolutionists, 
but  they  were  the  fathers  of  revolution.  They  aimed  at  no  tyranny,  but 
they  were  the  precursors  of  the  principate  [Empire]." — How  and  Leigh. 


For  Further  Reading.  —  Ancient  writer:  Plutarch's  Lives  ("Ti- 
berius Gracchus''  and  "Caius  Gracchus");  Modern  writers:  Beesly, 
The  Gracchi,  or  How  and  Leigh,  331-359. 


CHAPTER   XXXIV 

MILITARY   RULE:  MARIUS   AND   SULLA    (106-78   B.C.) 

620.  The  Biographical  Character  of  Roman  History  in  the  Last 
Century  of  the  Republic — In  earlier  times  Rome  had  been 
greater  than  any  of  her  citizens.  But  after  Ufi,  the  history  of 
the  Republic  is  summed  up  in  a  seHes  of  biographies,  and  soon 
the  only  question  is,  which  man  will  finally  seize  the  sover- 
eignty. This  phase  of  the  Roman  Republic  really  begins  with 
the  younger  Africanus  and  closes  with  Julius  Caesar ;  but  it  is 
with  Marius  and  Sulla  (halfway  between)  that  the  new  charac- 
ter first  shows  without  disguise,  because  these  men  were  the 
first  to  carry  political  measures  by  the  iise  of  the  army. 

521.  The  War  with  Jugurtha.  —  For  some  twenty  years  after 
the  murder  of  the  Gracchi,  the  Senate's  misrule  was  undis- 
turbed. But  a  prolonged  fourteen-year  border  war  in  Africa 
again  revealed  its  corruption  and  incapacity  in  glaring  light, 
and  brought  military  masters  to  the  front. 

Jugurtha,  grandnephew  of  Massinissa  (§  459),  —  brave, 
crafty,  cruel,  —  had  made  himself  king  of  Numidia  by  the 
assassination  of  a  series  of  princes  dependent  upon  Rome. 
He  bribed  Roman  investigating  commissioners ;  bought  a  con- 
sul who  had  been  sent  to  attack  him ;  and,  being  summoned 
to  Rome  after  massacring  thousands  of  Italians  and  Romans 
in  Africa,  he  bought  his  acquittal  from  the  Senate  itself  (Davis' 
Readings,  II,  No.  40).  But  an  indignant  tribune  brought  the 
matter  directly  before  the  tribes,  and  so  stirred  their  indigna- 
tion that  war  at  last  was  prosecuted  in  earnest. 

522.  New  Leaders.  —  Its  progress  revealed  the  utter  corrup- 
tion of  the  army,  but  it  finally  called  out  two  great  captains. 
One  was  the  rude  soldier  Marias,  son  of  a  Volscian  day  laborer, 

428 


§  524]  MARIUS  AND  SULLA  429 

who  had  risen  from  the  ranks,  and  who  by  the  votes  of  the 
people,  against  the  wish  of  the  Senate,  was  made  consul  to 
carry  on  the  war.  The  other  was  his  aristocratic  lieutenant, 
Sulla. 

By  skill  and  good  fortune,  and  by  a  daring  exploit  of  Sulla's, 
Marius  was  able  to  bring  the  war  to  a  close  during  his  year  of 
office.  Jugurtha  was  captured.  Marius  was  given  a  splendid 
triumph  at  Rome  (January  1,  104  b.c).  With  characteristic 
Roman  cruelty  the  captive  king  was  dragged  through  the 
streets  in  chains  at  the  wheel  of  his  conqueror's  chariot,  and 
then  cast  into  an  underground  dungeon  to  starve. 

523.  The  Cimbri  and  Teutones.  —  Meantime  a  storm  had  broken 
upon  the  northern  frontier.  The  Cimbri  and  Teutones,  two  Ger- 
man peoples,  migrating  slowly  with  families,  flocks,  and  goods, 
in  search  of  new  homes  in  the  fertile  south,  had  reached  the 
passes  of  the  Alps  in  the  year  113.  These  barbarians  were 
huge,  flaxen-haired,  with  fierce  blue  eyes,  and  they  terrified  the 
smaller  Italians  by  their  size,  their  terrific  shouts,  and  their 
savage  customs. 

A  Roman  consul  who  tried  to  entrap  the  strangers  treach- 
erously was  defeated  and  slain ;  but,  leaving  Italy  on  one  side 
for  the  time,  the  Germans  crowded  into  Gaul'.  There  they  har- 
ried the  native  tribes  at  will,  and,  after  defeating  four  more 
Roman  armies  (the  last  with  slaughter  that  recalled  the  day 
of  Cannae),  they  finally  threatened  Italy  itself.  At  the  same 
time  the  Second  Slave  War  had  broken  out  in  Sicily  (§  505). 

524.  Marius  the  "  Savior  of  Rome."  —  Rome  had  found  a  gen- 
eral none  too  soon.  Marius  was  just  finishing  his  work  in 
Africa.  In  his  absence  he  was  reelected  consul  —  despite  the 
law  which  required  a  candidate  to  appear  in  person  and  which 
forbade  an  immediate  reelection  in  any  case.  The  Germans 
gave  him  precious  time,  by  turning  for  two  years  more  into  Spain. 
It  was  this  unaccountable  blunder  that  saved  panic-stricken 
Italy.  Marius  used  the  interval  in  drilling  troops  and  reorganiz- 
ing the  army.  Then,  in  the  summer  of  102,  at  Aquae  Sextiae 
i^Aix),  in  southern  Gaul,  he  annihilated  the  two  hundred  thou- 


430  ROMAN   REPUBLIC:    MILITARY   RULE        [§  525 

sand  warriors  of  the  Teutones,  with  all  their  women  and 
children,  in  a  huge  massacre  (Davis'  Headings,  II,  No.  41)  The 
next  summer  he  destroyed  in  like  manner  the  vast  horde  of 
the  Cimbri,  who  had  penetrated  to  the  Po.  The  first  German 
nation  to  attack  Rome  had  been  given  graves  in  her  soil,  and 
Italy  was  saved  for  five  hundred  years. 

525.  Civil  Disorder —  In  defiance  of  the  constitution,  Marius 
had  been  reelected  consul  each  year  while  the  peril  lasted. 
Thus  he  had  held  the  consulship  five  successive  years.  This 
began  to  look  like  a  military  monarchy.  Perhaps  it  would  have 
been  well  if  Marius  had  made  himself  king.  Or,  better  still, 
had  he  been  enough  of  a  statesman,  he  might  have  used  his 
great  power  to  secure  the  reforms  needed  by  the  Republic.  He 
did  not  try  to  do  either  thing. 

He  was  given  another  consulship ;  but  he  was  as  incapable  in 
politics  as  he  was  great  in  war.  The  feeling  between  democrats 
and  aristocrats  ran  high,  and  finally  broke  into  street  war  (De- 
cember, 100  B.C.).     Marius  looked  on  while  his  radical  friends 


Theater  at  Pompeu. 


§528]  MARIUS  AND   SULLA  431 

were  massacred.  Then  he  found  himself  in  disgrace  with  both 
parties ;  and  in  chagrin  he  retired  for  some  years  into  obscurity. 
Meantime  another  war  brought  to  the  front  the  other  great  gen- 
eral of  the  time,  the  champion  of  the  aristocrats  (§  526). 

526.  The  Social  War —  There  had  grown  up  in  the  Senate  a 
small  liberal  party  bent  upon  reform.  Their  leader  was  the 
tribune  Drusus,  son  of  the  Drusus  who  had  opposed  the  Gracchi. 
In  the  year  91,  Drusus  took  up  the  Gracchi's  work  and  proposed 
to  extend  citizenship  to  the  Italians.  He  was  assassinated ;  and 
the  nobles  carried  a  law  threatening  with  death  any  one  who 
should  renew  the  proposal.  Then  the  Italians  rose  in  arms  and 
set  up  a  republic  of  their  own. 

Once  more  Rome  fought  for  life,  surrounded  by  a  ring  of  foes. 
The  Social  War  (war  with  the  Socii,  or  "  Allies  ")  was  as  dan- 
gerous a  contest  as  the  imperial  city  ever  waged  (91-88  b.c). 
Two  things  saved  her.  First :  she  wisely  divided  her  foes  by 
granting  citizenship  to  all  who  would  at  once  lay  down  their 
arms.  Second:  Sulla  showed  a  magnificent  generalship,  out- 
shining Marius  as  the  savior  of  Rome.  Marius  served  with 
credit ;  but  he  was  disliked  by  the  Senate  and  was  suspected  by 
all  of  favoring  the  demands  of  the  Italians. 

527.  All  Italy  enters  the  Roman  State.  —  The  "Allies"  were 
crushed,  hut  their  cause  ivas  victorious.  When  the  war  was 
over,  Rome  gradually  incorporated  into  the  Roman  state  all 

**^Italy  south  of  the  Po,  raising  the,  number  of  citizens  from 
^00,000  to  900,000.  The  cities  all  became  municipia,  and  their 
burgesses  secured  the  full  Roman^  citizenship.  This  was  the 
most  notable  reform  in  the  last  century  of  the  Republic. 

528.  A  New  Reformer :  Sulpicius —  The  Italian  "  Allies  '^  who 
joined  Rome  in  the  war  had  all  been  placed  in  eight  tribes. 
Thus,  at  most,  they  could  influence  only  eight  out  of  thirty-five 
votesy  though  they  made  half  the  citizen  body.  Now  that 
many  more  Italians  were  to  be  enrolled,  the  popular  party 
proposed  to  remedy  this  injustice  and  to  distribute  all  the  new 
additions  among  the  thirty-five  tribes.  This  attempt  was  the 
occasion  for  the  brooding  civil  war  to  break  forth. 


432  ROMAN   REPUBLIC:    MILITARY  RULE         [§529 

The  tribune  Sulpicius,  a  friend  of  Drusus,  carried  a  law  pro- 
viding for  the  distribution  of  the  new  citizens.  In  trying  to 
prevent  it,  Sulla  provoked  a  riot,  from  which  he  himself  barely 
escaped  with  his  life  through  the  aid  of  his  rival  Marius.  Just 
before  this,  the  Senate  had  appointed  Sulla  to  manage  a  war 
against  Mithridates  the  Great,  king  of  Pontus.  Now,  fearing 
a  military  revolution,  Sulpicius  induced  the  tribes  to  give  this 
command  to  Marius  instead. 

529.  Civil  War Sulla  fled  to  his  army  at   Capua;   and, 

though  all  but  one  of  his  officers  left  him,  he  marched  upon 
Rome.  For  the  first  time  a  Roman  magistrate  used  a  regular 
army  to  reduce  the  capital  {88  B.C.).  After  a  brief  but  furious 
resistance,  the  unorganized  democrats  under  Marius  were  scat- 
tered, and  Sulla  became  the  military  master  of  the  city.  He 
repealed  the  Sulpician  laws,  executed  a  few  democratic  leaders, 
set  a  price  upon  the  head  of  Marius,  tried  to  buttress  the 
Senate  by  hasty  laws,  and  then  departed  for  the  East,  where 
Roman  dominion  was  rapidly  crumbling.  With  grim  irony, 
the  head  of  Sulpicius  was  set  upon  the  rostrum  in  the  Forum, 
whence  his  lips  had  so  often  swayed  the  Assembly. 

530.  Massacre.  —  On  the  departure  of  Sulla  the  democratic 
party  rallied  to  undo  his  legislation.  The  aristocrats  sur- 
rounded the  Assembly  with  armed  forces,  and  ruthlessly  cut 
down  ten  thousand  men,  until  the  streets  ran  with  blood.  But 
the  democratic  leader  Oinna  escaped.  He  was  welcomed  by 
the  Italians  and  the  country  tribes,  and  returned  to  besiege  the 
city.  Marius,  too,  came  back  from  adventurous  exile, ^  —  a 
grim,  vengeful,  repulsive  old  man,  with  som'e  thousands  of 
freed  slaves  for  his  bod3^guard.  Rome  was  captured ;  the 
gates  were  closed ;  and  for  four  days  and  nights  the  senatorial 
party  were  hunted  down  and  butchered  by  the  desperadoes  of 
Marius,  despite  the  indignant  pleadings  of  other  democratic 
leaders,  like  the  generous  Sertorius. 

531.  Marius  and  Cinna  proclaimed  themselves  consuls,  ivitfi- 


Special  report :  stones  of  Marius'  hairbreadth  escapes  while  in  exile. 


533J  MITHRIDATIC  WARS  433 


Old  even  the  form  of  an  election.  They  then  outlawed  Sulla, 
repealed  his  legislation,  and  restored  the  Sulpician  law  regard- 
ing the  Italians.  In  the  midst  of  his  orgy  of  triumph  Marius 
died.  Then  Sertorius  with  regular  troops  stamped  out  the 
band  of  slave  assassins ;  but  Cinna  remained  political  master 
of  Rome  for  four  years. 

532.  Sulla's  War  with  Mithridates.  —  For  thirty  years  the  indo- 
lent Senate  had  looked  on  carelessly  while  danger  gathered  head 
in  the  East.  Finally  the  storm  had  burst.  The  powerful  states 
of  Pontus,  Armenia,  and  Parthia  had  grown  into  independent 
kingdoms,  each  of  them,  for  long  time 
past,  encroaching  upon  Rome's  protector- 
ates. Now,  Mithridates  VI,  king  of  Pon- 
tus, suddenly  seized  the  Roman  province 
of  "Asia"  (Asia  Minor).  The  people 
hailed  him  as  a  deliverer,  and  joined  him 
enthusiastically  to  secure  freedom  from  the 
hated  extortion  of  Roman  tax-collectors  A  Coin  of  Mithbi- 
and  money-lenders.  Eighty  thousand  .Ital- 
ians, scattered  through  the  province,  —  men,  women,  and  chil- 
dren, —  were  massacred,  almost  in  a  day,  by  the  city  mobs. 
Then  Mithridates  turned  to  Macedonia  and  Greece.  Here, 
too,  the  people  joined  him  against  Rome.  Athens  welcomed 
him  as  a  savior  from  Roman  tyranny;  and  twenty  thousand 
more  Italians  were  massacred  in  Greece  and  in  the  Aegean 
islands.  Rome's  dominion  in  the  Eastern  world  had  crumbled 
at  a  touch. 

This  was  the  peril  that  had  called  Sulla  from  Rome.  Out- 
lawed by  the  democrats  at  home,  without  supplies,  with  only 
a  small  army,  he  restored  Roman  authority  in  the  East  in 
a  series  of  brilliant  campaigns.  Then  he  returned  to  glut  his 
vengeance  and  to  restore  the  nobles  to  power  (83  b.c). 

533.  The  New  Civil  War.  —  Italy  was  almost  a  unit  for  the 
democrats,  but  Sulla's  veterans  made  him  victor  after  a  deso- 
lating two  years'  struggle.  Toward  the  close  of  the  war,  the 
Samnites  rose,  for  the  last  time,  under  another  Pontius,  and 


434 


ROMAN  REPUBLIC:    MILITARY  RULE 


l§534 


marched  straight  upon  Rome,  "to  burn  the  den  of  the  wolves 
that  have  so  long  harried  Italy."  The  city  was  barely  saved 
by  Sulla's  forced  march  and  desperate  night-victory  at  the 
Colline  Gate. 

534.   Rule  of  Sulla.  —  Sulla  was  now  undisputed  master  of 
Rome.     At  his  suggestion,  the  Senate  declared  him  permanent 

dictator^  (81  B.C.). 
His  first  work  was  to 
crush  the  democratic 
party  by  systematic 
massacre.  Lists  of 
names  were  posted 
publicly  day  by  day, 
and  any  desperado 
was  invited  to  slay 
the  proscribed  men 
at  two  thousand  dol- 
lars a  head.  Sulla^s 
friends  were  given 
free  permission  to  in- 
clude private  enemies 
in  the  lists.  Debtors 
murdered  their  cred- 
itors. The  wealth  of 
the  proscribed  men 
was  confiscated,  and 
many  a  man's  only 
offense  was  that  he 
owned  property  which  was  desired  by  some  follower  of  Sulla. 
"  Unhappy  wretch  that  I  am,"  cried  one  gentleman  who  had 
stepped  up  unsuspectingly  to  look  at  the  list  and  who  found 
his  own  name  there  ;  "  my  villa  pursues  me  ! " 


Sulla. 


iThe  old  constitutional  office  of  dictator  had  become  obsolete  ;  the  new 
permanent  dictatorship  of  Sulla,  and  later  of  Caesai*,  is  merely  a  name  for  a 
new  kingship. 


§536]  "SULLA  THE   FORTUNATE"  435 

When  entreated  at  last  by  the  servile  Senate  to  let  it  be  known 
when  he  would  be  through  with  slaughter,  Sulla  characteris- 
tically replied  that  he  did  not  recall  any  more  enemies  just 
then,  but  that  those  whom  he  had  forgotten  would  have  to  be 
included  in  some  future  proscription.  Forty-seven  hundred 
Romans  of  weafth  and  position  perished.  Even  worse  mas- 
sacres followed  over  Italy.  At  Praeneste  alone,  twelve  thousand 
men  were  put  to  death  in  one  day.  Sulla  thought  he  had 
stamped  out  the  embers  of  the  Marian  party.  Only  Sertorius, 
the  noblest  Roman  of  the  age,  held  Spain  for  the  democrats ; 
and  the  youth  Julius  Caesar,  a  nephew  of  Marius'  wife  and 
the  husband  of  Cinna's  daughter,  was  in  hiding  in  the  moun- 
tains.^ 

535.  Restoration  of  Senatorial  Rule.  —  Sulla  next  set  about 
reestablishing  oligarchic  rule.  He  enlarged  the  Senate  to  six 
hundred  and  by  law  made  all  officers  dependent  upon  it.  The 
tribuneship  (whence  had  come  all  the  popular  movements)  was 
restricted:  no  tribune  could  bring  any  proposal  before  the 
tribes,  or  even  address  them,  without  the  Senate's  permission. 
By  various  other  changes  the  part  of  the  people  in  the  govern- 
ment was  weakened. 

536.  "Sulla  the  Fortunate."  —  After  a  three  years*  absolut- 
ism, Sulla  abdicated,  —  to  go  back  to  his  debaucheries,  and 
to  die  in  peace  shortly  after  as  a  private  citizen.  He  is  a 
monstrous  enigma  in  history  — -  dauntless,  crafty,  treacherous, 
dissolute,  licentious,  refined,  absolutely  unfeeling  and  selfish, 
and  with  a  mocking  cynicism  that  spiced  his  conversation  and 
conduct.  He  called  himself  the  favorite  of  the  Goddess  of 
Chance,  and  was  fond  of  the  title  "  Sulla  the  Fortunate."  No 
other  civilized  man  has  ever  so  organized  murder.  Few  have 
had  so  clear  a  grasp  of  ends  and  made  such  unscrupulous  use 
of  means. 


1  Sulla  had  had  Caesar  (a  boy  of  seventeen)  in  his  power  and  had  meant  to 
put  him  to  death.  Finally,  at  the  entreaties  of  friends,  he  spared  him,  ex- 
claiming, however,  "  There  is  many  a  Marius  hidden  in  that  young  fop." 


486  ROMAN  REPUBLIC :    MILITARY   RULE         (§536 

Apparently  Sulla  believed  sincerely  in  senatorial  govern- 
ment; but  he  had  striven  against  his  age,  and  his  work  hardly 
outlived  his  mortal  body. 


For  Further  Reading.  —  Ancient  writers:  Plutarch,  Lives  ("Ma- 
rias" and  "Sulla").  Davis'  Beadings,  II,  No.  42,  contains  Plutarch's 
story  of  Sulla's  massacres.  Munro's  Source  Book  has  good  extracts  from 
ancient  historians  on  the  Civil  War  and  the  Jugurthine  War. 

Modem  writers :  Beesly,  The  Gracchi,  Marius  and  Sulla;  Hnw  and 
Leigh,  360-449. 


CHAPTER   XXXV 

POMPEY  AND   CAESAR,    78^9  B.C. 

537.  General  View.  — The  history  of  the  next  thirty  years  — to  the 
rule  of  Caesar  —  has  two  phases,  (i)  In  Italy,  it  is  a  question  as  to 
what  leader  shall  become  master.  (2)  Abroad,  it  is  marked  by  Pompey's 
conquests  and  his  organization  of  Roman  dominion  in  the  East  to  the 
Euphrates,  and  by  Caesar's  like  work  in  the  West  to  the  Rhine  and  the 
North  Sea.  The  rivalry  for  supreme  power  at  Rome  narrowed  down  to 
these  two  men,  and  happily  victory  fell  to  Caesar,  incomparably  the  abler 
and  nobler  of  the  two.     (Reread  §  520.) 

538.  Pompey  and  Crassus  were  two  of  Sulla's  officers,  who, 
V)y  the  death  of  their  chief,  were  left  in  special  prominence. 
Both,  of  course,  belonged  to  the  oligarchic  party.  Crassus 
was  not  only  a  soldier,  but  also  a  scheming  man  of  business. 
He  had  built  up  the  greatest  fortune  in  Rome,  by  the  purchase 
of  confiscated  property  during  the  Sullan  proscriptions.  "  Pom- 
pey the  Great,"  with  more  honesty  and  good  nature,  was  a 
man  of  mediocre  ability,  vain,  sluggish,  cautious  to  timidity, 
without  broad  views.  Still,  for  twenty  years,  until  the  rise 
of  Caesar,  he  was  far  the  greatest  power  in  Rome. 

539.  Sertorius  in  Spain.  —  During  the  rule  of  Sulla,  Spain 
had  been  the  one  remaining  refuge  of  the  democrats.  While 
that  party  had  been  in  power  (83  b.c),  one  of  their  leaders, 
Sertorius  (§  530),  had  been  sent  to  Spain  as  governor.  He 
proved  a  great  general  and  a  broad-minded  statesman.  His 
rule  was  gentle  and  just,  and  the  Spaniards  were  devoted  to 
him.  In  the  brief  time  allowed  him,  he  did  much  to  advance 
t^he  prosperity  of  the  province  and  to  introduce  there  the  best 
elements  of  Roman  civilization.^     Aided   by   the   natives,  he 

1  Special  report :  anecdotes  of  Sertorius.    Read  Plutarch's  Life. 
437 


438  ROME:    FALL  OF  THE   REPUBLIC  [§540 

had  easily  maintained  himself  against  the  officers  Sulla  sent 
to  drive  him  out. 

540.  Pompey's  First  Chance  at  a  Crown. — Sulla  had  made  it 
plain  that  the  path  to  the  throne  lay  through  a  position  as 
proconsul  in  a  rich  province  for  a  term  of  years,  with  a  war 
that  would  call  for  a  large  army.  Pompey  had  not  yet  held 
any  of  the  offices  leading  to  a  proconsular  appointment ;  ^  but, 
upon  Sulla's  death,  he  compelled  the  Senate  to  send  him  to 
Spain  against  Sertorius,  with  an  indefinite  term  and  absolute 
powers  (77  B.C.).  After  some  years  of  warfare,  Sertorius  was 
basely  assassinated,  and  then  Pompey  quickly  reduced  Spain 
to  obedience.  In  the  year  71,  he  returned  triumphantly  to 
Italy.  Meantime  had  come  the  rising  of  Spartacus  (§  505). 
This  revolt  had  just  been  crushed  by  Crassus ;  but  Pompey 
arrived  in  time  to  cut  to  pieces  a  few  thousand  of  the  fugitives, 
and  to  claim  a  large  share  of  the  credit. 

Thus  there  were  two  generals  in  Italy,  each  at  the  head 
of  a  victorious  army.  The  Senate  feared  both,  and  foolishly 
refused  them  the  honor  of  a  triumph.  This  led  the  generals 
to  join  their  forces  and  ally  themselves  for  a  moment  with  the 
democratic  leaders.  Their  armies  encamped  at  the  gates  of 
the  city,  and  the  two  generals  obtained  the  desired  triumphs' 
and  their  election  to  the  consulship.  Then,  to  pay  the  demo- 
crats, they  undid  the  chief  work  of  their  old  master,  Sulla,  by 
restoring  the  tribunes  and  censors  with  their  ancient  powers. 

The  crown  was  now  within  the  reach  of  Pompey.  He 
longed  for  it,  but  did  not  dare  stretch  out.  his  hand  to  grasp 
it ;  and  the  politicians  skillfully  played  off  the  two  military 
chiefs  against  each  other  until  they  agreed  to  disband  their 
armies  simultaneously.  The  crisis  was  past.  Pompey,  who 
had  expected  still  to  be  the  j&rst  man  in  Rome,  found  himself 
of  very  little  account  among  the  senatorial  talkers,  and,  for 
some  years,  he  sulked  in  retirement. 

541.  The  Cilician  Pirates. — In  67,  military  danger  called 
Pompey  again  to  the  front.     The  navy  of  Rome  had  fallen  to 

1  It  was  customary  to  give  such  places  only  to  ex-consuls  or  ex-praetors. 


5  543]  POMPEY  AND  CAESAR  439 

utter  decay,  and  swarms  of  pirates  terrorized  the  seas.  They 
even  set  up  a  formidable  state,  with  its  headquarters  on  the 
rocky  coasts  of  Cilicia,  and  negotiated  with  kings  as  equals. 
They  paralyzed  trade  along  the  great  Mediterranean  highway. 
They  even  dared  to  ravage  the  coasts  of  Italy,  and  carry  off 
the  inhabitants  for  slaves.  Finally  they  threatened  Rome 
itself  with  starvation  by  cutting  off  the  grain  fleets. 

To  put  down  these  plunderers,  Pompey  was  given  supreme 
command  for  three  years  in  the  Mediterranean  and  in  all  its 
coasts  for  fifty  miles  inland.  He  received  also  unlimited 
authority  over  all  the  resources  of  the  realm.  Assembling 
vast  fleets,  he  swept  the  seas  in  a  three  months'  campaign. 

542.  Pompey  in  the  East.  —  Then  Pompey's  command  was 
extended  indefinitely  in  order  that  he  might  carry  on  war 
against  Mithridates  of  Pontus,  who  for  several  years  had  again 
been  threatening  Roman  power  in  Asia  Minor.  Pompey  was 
absent  on  this  mission  five  years  —  a  really  glorious  period  in 
his  career,  and  one  that  proved  the  resources  and  energies  of 
the  commonwealth  unexhausted,  if  only  a  respectable  leader 
were  found  to  direct  them.  He  waged  successful,  wars, 
crushed  dangerous  rebellions,  conquered  Pontus  and  Armenia, 
annexed  wide  provinces,  and  extended  the  Roman  bounds 
to  the  Euphrates.  He  restored  order,  founded  cities,  and  de- 
posed and  set  up  kings  in  the  dependent  states.  When  he 
returned  to  Italy,  in  62,  he  was  the  leading  figure  in  the  world. 

In  his  triumph,  324  princes  walked  captive  behind  his 
chariot,  and  triumphal  banners  proclaimed  that  he  had  con- 
quered twenty-one  kings  and  twelve  millions  of  people,  and 
doubled  the  revenues  of  the  state.  Again  the  crown  was 
within  his  grasp.  Again  he  let  it  slip,  expecting  it  to  be  thrust 
upon  him.^ 

543.  Cato  and  Cicero.  —  During  Pompey's  absence,  new  actors 
had  risen  to  prominence.     Three  deserve  special  mention,  be- 

1  Davis'  Readings,  II,  No.  45,  gives  the  account  by  Appian  (§  627)  of  Pom- 
pey's conquests  and  of  his  "  triumph." 


440 


ROME:    FALL  OF  THE   REPUBLIC 


[§544 


cause  they  represent  three  distinct  forces.     Cato  the   Younger, 
great;-grandson  of  Cato  the  Censor,  was  a  brave,  honest,  bigoted 

aristocrat,  bent  upon  pre- 
serving the  oligarchic  Re- 
public. Cicero,  the  great- 
est orator  of  Rome,  was  a 
refined  scholar  and  a  rep- 
resentative of  the  wealthy 
middle  class.  He  desired 
reform,  and  at  first  he  in- 
clined toward  the  demo- 
cratic party ;  but,  alarmed 
by  their  violence  and  rude- 
ness, he  finally  joined  the 
conservatives,  in  the  idle 
hope  of  restoring  the  early 
republican  constitution.^ 

Neither  of  these  two 
men  deserves  the  name  of 
statesman.  "  Both,"  says 
a  modern  historian  of  Rome,  "  were  blinded  to  real  facts  — 
Cato  by  his  ignorance,  Cicero  by  his  learning."  The  third  man 
was  to  tower  immeasurably  above  these  and  all  other  Romans 
(§  544). 

544.  Caius  Julius  Caesar  was  the  chief  democratic  leader,  and 
jjerhaps  the  greatest  genius  of  all  history.  He  was  of  an  old 
patrician  family  that  claimed  divine  descent  through  Aeneas  ^ 
and  his  son  lulus  (Julius).  His  youth  had  been  dissolute,  but 
bold ;  and  he  had  refuaed  with  quiet  dignity  to  put  away  his 
wife  (the  daughter  of  Cinna)  at  Sulla's  order,  though  Pompey 
had  not  hesitated  to  obey  a  like  command.  In  Pompey's 
absence  he  had  served  as  quaestor  and  praetor,  and  he  strove 

^  Cicero  has  been  bitterly  accused  of  cowardly  and  shifty  politics.  Warde- 
Fowler's  Caesar  is  sympathetic  in  its  treatment.  There  is  an  excellent  state- 
ment in  Pel  ham,  247-252. 

-  A  fabled  prince  of  Troy  in  the  Trojan  War,  the  hero  of  Virgil's  Aeneid. 


CiCKRO. 


^ 


§5461  FIRST  TRIUMVIRATE  441 

ardently  to  reorganize  the  democratic  party.  In  public 
speeches  he  ventured  to  praise  Marius  and  Cinna  as  champions 
of  the  people  ;  and.  in  the  year  64,  by  a  daring  stroke,  he  again 
set  up  at  the  Capitol  the  trophies  of  Marius,  whicli  had  been 
torn  down  in  the  rule  of  Sulla. 

545.  Conspiracy  of  Catiline.  —  Caesar  had  tried  also  to  counter- 
balance Pompey's  power  by  securing  a  province  in  Egypt ; 
but  his  hopes  had  been  dashed  by  a  strange  incident.  One  of 
the  democratic  agitators  was  the  profligate  .Catiline.  This  man 
organized  a  reckless  conspiracy  of  bankrupt  and  ruined  adven- 
turers, like  himself.  He  planned  to  murder  the  consuls  and  the 
senatprs,  confiscate  the  property  of  the  rich,  and  make  himself 
tyrant.  This  conspiracy  was  detected  and  crushed  by  Cicero, 
the  consul  (63  b.c).  The  movement  was  not  one  of  the  demo- 
cratic party  proper.  It  belonged  to  the  disreputable  extremists 
who  always  attach  themselves  to  a  liberal  party;  but  the  col- 
lapse reacted  upon  the  whole  popular  party,  and  Caesar's  plans 
were  necessarily  laid  aside.  The  same  year,  his  career  seemed 
closed  by  Pompey's  return,  and  he  was  glad  to  withdraw  from 
Italy  for  a  while  to  the  governorship  of  Spain,  which  at  that 
time  had  no  army  and  was  not  an  important  province. 

546.  The  "First  Triumvirate."  — The  jealous  and  stupid  Sen- 
ate again  drove  Pompey  into  the  arms  of  the  democrats.  It 
refused  to  give  his  soldiers  the  lands  he  had  promised  them 
for  pay,  and  delayed  even  to  ratify  his  wise  political  arrange- 
ments in  the  East. 

Pompey  had  disbanded  his  army,  and,  for  two  years,  he 
fretted  in  vain.  Caesar  seized  the  chance  and  formed  a  coali- 
tion between  Pompey,  Crassus,  and  himself.  This  alliance  is 
sometimes  called  the  "First  Triumvirate."^  Caesar  furnished 
the  brains  and  obtained  the  fruits.  He  became  consul  (59  b.c.) 
and  set  about  securing  Pompey's  measures.  The  Senate 
refused  even  to  consider  them.  Caesar  laid  them  directly 
before  the  Assembly.  A  tribune,  of  the  Senate's  party,  inter- 
posed his  veto.     Caesar  looked   on   calmly  while  a   mob   of 


For  a  caution  regarding  this  term,  see  §  565,  note. 


442  ROME:    FALL  OF  THE   REPUBLIC  [§547 

Porapey's  veterans  drove  the  tribune  from  the  Assembly.  To 
delay  proceedings,  Caesar's  colleague  in  the  consulship  then 
announced  that  he  would  consult  the  omens.  According  to 
religious  law,  all  action  should  have  ceased  until  the  result  was 
known.  Caesar  serenely  disregarded  this  antiquated  check, 
and  carried  the  measures  by  the  votes  of  the  Tribes.  Next 
he  demolished  the  remains  of  Sulla's  constitution.  He  had 
stepped  into  the  first  place  in  Rome. 

547.  Caesar  in  Gaul —  At  the  close  of  his  consulship,  Caesar 
secured  command  of  the  Gallic  provinces  ^  for  five  years  as 
proconsul.  For  the  next  ten  years  he  abandoned  Italy  for 
the  supreme  work  that  opened  to  him  beyond  the  Alps..  He 
found  the  Province  threatened  by  two  great  military  inva- 
sions :  the  whole  people  of  the  Helvetii  were  migrating  from 
their  Alpine  homes  in  seach  of  more  fertile  lands ;  and  a  great 
German  nation,  under  the  king  Ariovistus,  was  already  en- 
camped in  Gaul.  The  Gauls  themselves  were  distracted  by 
feuds  and  grievously  oppressed  by  their  disorderly  chieftains. 

Caesar  saw  the  danger  and  grasped  the  opportunity.  He 
levied  armies  hastily,  and  in  one  summer  drove  back  the 
Helvetii  and  annihilated  the  German  invaders.  Then  he  seized 
upon  the  Rhine  as  the  proper  Roman  frontier,  and,  in  a  series 
of  masterly  campaigns,  he  made  all  Gaul  Roman,  extending  his 
expeditions  even  into  Britain.  The  story  is  told  with  incom- 
parable lucidity  in  his  own  Commentaries.'^ 

548.  Result  to  the  World.  —  Whatever  we  think  of  the  moral- 
ity of  Caesar's  conquests,  they  were  to  produce  infinite  good 
for  mankind.  Says  John  Fiske  (an  American  historian) : 
"  We  ought  to  be  thankful  to  Caesar  every  day  that  we  live." ' 
The  result  of  the  Gallic  campaigns  was  twofold. 


1  In  121  the  southern  part  of  Transalpine  Gaul  had  been  given  the  form  of 
a  province  (§458).  It  was  commonly  known  as  The  Province  (modern 
Provence). 

2  Special  reports :  Caesar  in  Britain ;  revolt  of  Vercingetorix ;  the  Druids. 
8  Some    students   will   like    to   read   Fiske's   American   Political  IdeaSf 

108-113,  and  Roosevelt's  Winning  of  the  West,  III,  45-46  and  174-176,   for 


§549]  FIRST  TRIUMVIRATE  443 

(a)  The  wave  of  German  invasion  was  again  checked,  until 
Roman  civilization  had  time  to  do  its  work  and  to  prepare 
the  way.  for  the  coming  Christian  church.  "Let  the  Alps 
now  sink/'  exclaimed  Cicero  ;  "  the  gods  raised  them  to  shelter 
Italy  from  the  barbarians,  but  they  are  no  longer  needed." 

(6)  A  wider  home  for  Roman  civilization  was  won  among  fresh 
populations,  unexhausted  and  vigorous.  The  map  widened 
from  the  Mediterranean  circle  to  include  the  shores  of  the  North 
and  Baltic  seas.  The  land  that  Caesar  made  Roman  (modern 
France)  was,  next  to  Greece  and  Italy,  to  form  down  to  the 
present  time  the  chief  instructor  of  Europe.  On  the  other 
hand,  except  for  this  work  of  Caesar,  "  our  civilization  itself 
would  have  stood  in  hardly  more  intimate  relation  to  the 
Romano-Greek  than  to  Assyrian  culture."  ^ 

549.  Caesar  and  Pompey.  —  The  close  of  the  first  five  years 
of  Caesar's  rule  in  Gaul  saw  him  easily  superior  to  his  col- 
leagues, and  able  to  seize  power  at  Rome  if  he  chose.  But  it 
was  never  his  way  to  leave  the  work  in  hand  unfinished.  He 
renewed  the  "  triumvirate  "  in  55  b.c,  securing  the  Gauls  for  five 
years  more  for  himself,  giving  Spain  to  Pompey,  and  Asia  to 
Crassus. 

Crassus  soon  perished  in  battle  with  the  Parthians,^  a  huge, 
barbaric  empire,  then  reaching  from  the  Euphrates  to  the 
Indus.  Then  it  became  plain  that  the  question  whether  Caesar 
or  Pompey  was  to  rule  at  Rome  could  not  long  be  postponed. 
The  Senate  was  growing  frantic  with  fear  of  Caesar  and  his 
victorious  legions.  Pompey,  jealous  of  his  more  brilliant  rival, 
drew  nearer  to  the  Senate  again,  and  was  adopted  by  that  ter- 

their  justification  of  wars  with  savages  as  "  the  most  ultimately  righteous  of 
all  wars."  The  justification  of  Caesar's  conquests  in  Gaul  and  Britain  rests 
upon  much  the  same  basis  as  does  the  white  man's  occupation  of  the  Amer- 
ican continents.  The  student  should  compare  the  Roman  possessions  after 
these  conquests  of  Pompey  and  Caesar,  east  and  west,  with  the  territory  as  it 
stood  before  them.  Compare  the  map  on  page  395  with  that  following 
page  488. 

1  Mommsen,  V,  100-102,  has  an  admirable  statement. 

2  Special  report :  Crassus'  campaign. 


444  ROME:    FALL  OF  THE   REPUBLIC  (§549 

rified  body  as  its  champion.  He  was  made  sole  consul  with 
supreme  command  in  Italy,  and  at  the  same  time,  his  mdefinite 
proconsular  povjers  abroad  were  continued  to  him. 

Caesar'  office  as  proconsul  was  about  to  expire.  He  had 
finished  his  work  in  Gaul  in  the  nick  of  time,  and  was  free  to 
take  up  even  greater  designs.  He  still  shrank  from  civil  war. 
He  hoped  to  secure  the  consulship  for  the  next  year ;  and  he 
seems  to  have  hoped,  in  that  case,  to  carry  out  reforms  at  Rome 
without  violence.  Accordingly  he  made  offer  after  offer  of 
conciliation  and  compromise.  All  offers  were  lebuffed  by 
Pompey  and  the  Senate.  To  stand  for  consul,  under  the  law, 
Caesar  must  disband  his  army  and  come  to  Rome  in  person. 
There  would  be  an  interval  of  some  months  when  he  would  be 
a  private  citizen.  The  aristocrats  boasted  openly  that  in  this 
helpless  interval  they  would  destroy  him.  Caesar  finally  offered 
to  lay  do\^n  his  command  and  disband  his  troops,  if  Pompey 
were  ordered  to  do  the  same.  This,  too,  was  refused.  Then, 
by  a  series  of  acts  marked  by  trickery  and  bad  faith,  the  aris- 
tocrats tried  to  take  away  Caesar's  army  before  the  settled 
time.  Finally  they  carried  a  decree  that  he  must  disband  his 
troops  before  a  certain  day  or  be  declared  a  public  enemy. 
Two  tribunes  vetoed  the  decree,  but  were  mobbed,  and  fled  to 
Caesar's  camp.     Civil  war  was  at  hand. 


For  Further  Reading.  —  Davis'  Beadings^  II,  Nos.  46-49,  gives  an 
excellent  view  of  Roman  political  and  social  conditions  during  the  First 
Triumvirate. 


PART    V 

r 
THE  KOMAN  EMPIKE  (THE  GRAEOO-KOMAN  WOKLD) 

Bnme  was  the  whole  world,  and  all  the  world  was  Borne. 

—  Spenser,  Buins  of  Borne. 

Even  now  a  sovereign  who  should  thus  hold  all  the  lands  round  the 
Mediterranean  Sea,  and  whose  borders  should  be  the  Bhine,  the  Danube, 
and  the  Euphrates,  would  be  incomparably  the  strongest  ruler  in  the 
world.  ...  As  has  been  often  pointed  out,  when  Borne  ruled  she  loas 
not  only  the  greatest,  but  practically  the  only  Power  of  which  the  states 
man  and  the  philosopher  took  any  cognizance. 

—  HoDGKiN,  in  Contemporary  Beview,  January,  1898,  p.  58. 

Bepublican  Borne  had  little  to  do  either  by  precept  or  example  vritfl 
modern  life;  imperial  Rome,  everything.  —  Stille,  Stiidies,  17. 


CHAPTER    XXXVI 

FOUNDING   THE  EMPIRE:  JULIUS   AND   AUGUSTUS 
(49  B.C.-14  A.D.) 

THE   FIVE  YEARS   OF  JULIUS   CAESAR    (49-44   B.C.) 

550.  Monarchy  Inevitable. —  From  the  time  of  the  Gracchi, 
Rome  had  been  moving  toward  monarchy.  Owing  to  the  cor- 
ruption of  the  populace  in  the  capital,  the  tremendous  power  of 
the  tribune  had  grown  occasionally  into  a  virtual  dictatorship 
(as  with  Cains  Gracchus  and  Sulpicius).  Owing  to  the  growing 
iiillitary  danger  on  the  frontiers,  the  mighty  authority  of  a  one- 
year  proconsul  of  a  single  province  was  sometimes  extended, 
by  special  decrees,  over  vaster  areas  for  indefinite  time  (as 
with  Marius,  Sulla,  Pompey,  Caesar).  To  make  a  monarch 
needed  hut  to  unite  these  two  powers,  at  home  and  abroad,  in  one 
person. 

.445 


446  ROME  :    FOUNDING  THE  EMPIRE  [§  551 

-♦     •-< 

551.  Caesar  the  Hope  of  the  Subject  Nations.  —  These  two  con- 
ditions (th,e  corruption,  of  the  Roman  citizens  and  the  danger 
of  barbarian  invasion)  made  monarchy  inevitable.  A  third  con- 
dition made  it  right.  This  was  the  need  for  better  government 
in  the  prowljices,  —  far  the  greater  part  of  the  Roman  world. 

Here  is  the  merit  of  Caesar.  There  might  have  arisen  a 
purely  selfish  despot.  It  is  Caesar's  honor  that  he,  more  than 
any  other  statesman  of  the  time,  felt  this  third  need.  He  rose 
to  power  as  the  champion  of  the  suffering  subject-populations. 
He  had  come  to^ee  that  in  any  case  the  only  government  for 
that  ^gewas  one-man  rule.  But  his  special  aim  was  to  mold 
the  distraTited  Koman  iProrld  illio  a  mighty  empire  under  equal 
laws.  From  the  champion  of  the  city  mob  against  an  aristo- 
cratic ring,  he  had  become  the  champion  of  wide  nationalities 
against  the  same  narrow  clique  and  the  mob  of  a  single  city. 

Already,  as  proconsul,  on  his  own  authority,  he  had  admitted 
the  Cisalpine  Gauls  to  all  the  privileges  of  citizenship.  In  the 
midst  of  arduous  campaigns,  he  had  kept  up  correspondence 
with  leading  provincials  in  all  parts  of  the  empire.  Other 
Roman  conquerors  had  spent  part  of  their  plunder  of  the 
provinces  in  adorning  Rome  with  public  buildings.  Caesar 
had  expended  vast  sums  in  adorning  and  improving  provincial 
cities,  not  only  in  his  own  districts  of  Gaul  and  Spain,  but  also 
in  Asia  and  Greece.  All  previous  Roman  armies  had  been 
made  up  of  Italians.  Caesar's  army  was  drawn  from  Cisalpine 
Gaul,  and  indeed  partly  from  Gaul  beyond  the  Alps.  The 
subject  peoples  were  learning  to  look  to  him  as  their  best 
hope  against  senatorial  rapacity ;  and  the  great  body  of  them 
wished  for  monarchy  as  the  only  escape  from  anarchy  and 
oligarchic  misrule. 

552.  Despotism  a  Medicine  for  Roman  Decay.  —  To  call  Caesar  right 
in  his  day,  is  not  to  call  monarchy  right  in  all  times  and  places.  No 
institution  can  be  judged  apart  from  the  surrounding  conditions.  A 
"Caesar"  in  Rome  in  200  b.c.  would  have  been  a  criminal;  the  real 
Caesar  in  60  b.c.  was  a  benefactor. 

To  say  that  monarchic  government  was  the  happiest  solution  possible 


§554]  CAESAR'S   FIVE  YEARS  447 

for  Rome  is  not  to  call  it  an  unmixed  good.  No  very  happy  outcome  was 
possible  to  the  Roman  world,  which  was  destitute  of  representative  in- 
stitutions and  based  on  slavery.  But  a  despotism  can  get  along  on  less 
virtue  and  intelligence  than  a  free  government  can.  The  evils  that  were 
finally  to  overthrow  the  Empire  five  centuries  later  had  all  appeared  in 
force  in  the  last  century  of  the  Bepuhlic.  Ruin  seemed  imminent.  The 
change  to  the  imperial  system  restored  prosperity  and  staved  off  the  final 
collapse  for  a  time  as  long  as  separates  us  from  Luther  or  Columbus. 

The  interval  was  precious.  Under  Roman  protection,  priceless  work 
was  yet  to  be  done  for  humanity.  But  finally  the  medicine  of  despotism 
exhausted  its  good  effect ;  and  the  collapse,  threatened  in  the  first  century 
B.C.,  came  in  the  fifth  century  a.d. 

553.  Caesar  crosses  the  Rubicon :  Campaign  in  Italy. — PlaiDly 
Caesar  had  not  made  preparation  for  civil  war.  He  had  only 
one  legion  with  him  in  Cisalpine  Gaul.  The  other  ten  (an 
irresistible  force)  were  far  distant.  But  the  Senate  had  at 
last  made  him  choose  between  civil  war  and  ruin  both  to 
himself  and  to  all  his  noble  hopes  for  the  Roman  world. 
Promptly  he  chose  war,  and,  in  flanuary,  49  b.c,  he  led  his 
one  legion  into  Italy. 

A  Roman  proconsul  was  strictly  forbidden  by  law  to  bring 
an  army  into  Italy ;  and  the  story  goes  that  as  Caesar  crossed  the 
Rubicon  —  the  little  stream  between  his  province  and  Italy  — 
he  exclaimed,  "  The  die  is  cast ! "  He  never  again  looked 
back.  With  audacious  rapidity  he  moved  directly  upon  the 
much  larger  forces  that  ponderous  Pompey  was  mustering 
slowly ;  and  in  sixty  days,  almost  without  bloodshed,  he  was 
master  of  the  peninsula. 

554.  Spain  and  Greece.  —  Pompey  still  controlled  most  of  the 
empire ;  but  Caesar  held  the  capital  and  the  advantage  of  Italy's 
central  position.  Turning  to  Spain,  in  three  months  he  dis- 
persed the  armies  of  Pompey's  lieutenants  there.  Then  follow- 
ing Pompey  himself  to  Greece,  in  a  critical  campaign  in  48  b.c. 
he  became  master  of  the  world.  The  decisive  battle  was  fought 
at  Pharsalus  in  Thessaly.  Caesar's  little  army  had  been  living 
for  weeks  on  roots  and  bark  of  trees,  and  it  numbered  less  than 
half  Pompey's  well-provided  troops.     Pompey  had  his  choice 


448 


ROME:    FOUNDING   THE   EMPIRE 


[§555 


of  positions,  and  he  had  never  been  beaten  in  the  lield.  It 
looked  for  a  time  as  though  Caesar  had  rashly  invited  ruin. 
From  such  peril  he  snatched  overwhelming  victory. 

The  result  is  explained  largely  by  the  character  of  the  oppos- 
ing  commanders.     Pompey,  despite    his    career  of   unbroken 

success,  was  "  formed 
for  a  corporal  and 
forced  to  be  a  gen- 
eral " ;  while  Caesar, 
though  caring  not  at 
all  for  military  glory, 
was  one  of  the  great- 
est captains  of  all 
time.  Almost  as 
much  the  armies  dif- 
fered in  real  lighting 
power.  Warde-Fow- 
ler's  summary  is  mas- 
terly (Caesar,  299) :  — 

"The  one  host  was 
composed  in  great  part 
of  a  motley  crowd  from 
Greece  and  the  East,  rep- 
resenting that  spurious 
Hellenic  civilization  that 
for  a  century  had  sapped 
the  vigor  of  Roman  life  ; 
the  other  was  chiefly 
drawn  from  the  Gallic-  populations  of  Italy  and  the  West,  fresh,  vigorous, 
intelligent,  and  united  in  devotion  and  loyalty  to  a  leader  whom  not  even 
defeat  could  dishearten.  With  Pompeius  was  the  spirit  of  the  past ;  and 
his  failure  did  but  answer  to  the  failure  of  a  decaying  world.  With 
Caesar  was  the  spirit  of  the  future ;  and  his  victory  marks  the  moment 
when  humanity  could  once  more  start  hopefully  upon  a  new  line  of 
progress." 

555.   Remaining  Campaigns.  —  Other  wars  hindered  the  great 
work  of  reorganization.     Egypt  and  Asia  Minor  each  required 


Pompey  —  the  Copenhagen  bnst. 


§555]  CAESAR'S  FIVE   YEARS  449 

a  campaign.  In  Egypt,  under  the  wiles  of  the  voluptuous 
queen,  Cleopatra,  Caesar  seems  to  have  wasted  a  few  months. 
He  partly  atoned  for  this  delay  by  his  swift  prosecution  of  the 


Julius  Caesar  —  the  Naples  bust. 

war  in  Asia  against  the  son  of  Mithridates.  This  campaign 
Caesar  reported  pithily  to  the  Senate,  "  I  came,  I  saw,  I  con- 
quered." 


450 


ROME:   FOUNDING  THE   EMPIRE 


[§  556 


Meantime,  Cato  and  the  senatorial  party  had  raised  troops 
in  Africa  and  called  in  the  aid  of  the  Numidian  king.  Caesar 
crushed  them  at  Thapsus.  Somewhat  later,  Pompey's  sons  and 
the  last  remnants  of  their  party  were  overthrown  in  Spain  at 
Munda. 

Cato,  stern  Republican  that  he  was,  committed  suicide  at  Utica,  after 
this  defeat,  unwilling  to  survive  the  commonwealth.  His  death  was  ad- 
mired by  the  ancient  world,  and  cast  an  undeserved  halo  about  the  expiring 
Republican  cause.  More  than  anything  else,  it  has  led  many  later  writers 
to  treat  Caesar  as  the  ambitious  destroyer  of  his  country's  liberty.  The 
story  may  be  read  in  Plutarch's  Life  of  Cato. 

556.  Policy  of  Reconciliation.  —  The  first  efforts  of  the  new 
ruler  went  to  reconcile  Italy  to  his  government.    All  respectable 


The  Fobuh  at  Pompbii. 


classes  there  had  trembled  when  he  crossed  the  Rubicon,  expect- 
ing new  Marian  massacres  or  at  least  a  new  war  upon  property. 
But  Caesar  maintained  strict  order,  guarded  property  carefully, 
and  punished  no  political  opponent  who  laid  down  arms. 


§557]  CAESARVS   FIVK   YEARS  451 

Only  one  of  his  soldiers  had  refused  to  follow  him  when  he 
decided  upon  civil  war.  Caesar  sent  all  this  ofiB.cer's  property 
after  him  to  Pompey's  camp.  He  continued  the  same  policy, 
too,  toward  the  nobles  who  left  Italy  to  join  Pompey.  On  the 
field  of  victory,  he  checked  the  vengeance  of  his  soldiers,  call- 
ing upon  them  to  remember  that  the  enemy  were  their  fellow- 
citizens  ;  and,  after  Pharsalus,  he  employed  in  the  public  service 
any  Roynan  of  ability,  without  regard  to  the  side  he  had  fought 
on. 

In  Gaul,  Caesar's  warfare  had  been  largely  of  the  cruel  kind 
so  common  in  Roman  annals;  but  his  clemency  in  the  civil 
war  was  without  example.  It  brought  its  proper  fruit :  almost 
at  once  all  classes,  except  a  few  extremists,  became  heartily 
reconciled  to  his  government. 

557.  The  Form  of  the  New  Monarchy.-—  Por  the  most  part,  the 
old  Republican  forms  continued.  The  Senate  deliberated,  and 
consuls  and  praetors  were  elected,  as  before.  But  Caesar 
drew  the  most  important  powers  into  his  own  hands.  He  received 
the  tribunician  power  ^  for  life,  and  likewise  the  authority  of  a 
life  censor.  He  was  already  head  of  the  state  religion  as  Ponti- 
fex  Maximus.  Now  he  accepted  also  a  dictatorship  for  life  and 
the  title  of  Imperator  for  himself  and  his  descendants. 

" Imperator  "  (from  which  comes  our  "  Emperor")  had  meant  simply 
"  general,"  or  "supreme  commander."  It  suggested  the  absolute  power 
of  the  master  of  the  legions  in  the  field.  This  power  (the  closest  survi- 
val of  the  ancient  imperium  of  the  kings)  was  now  conferred  upon  a  civil 
officer  in  the  city  itself.  Caesar's  power  really  resulted  from  a  union 
(§  550)  of  the  tribunician  power  in  the  city  with  the  proconsular  power  over  all 
the  provinces.  The  title  Imperator  sums  up  this  union,  and  indicates 
supreme  authority  throughoirt  the  empire. 

Probably  Caesar  would  have  liked  the  title  of  king,  since 
the  recognized  authority  that  went  with  it  would  have  helped 
to  maintain  order.     But  when  he  found  that  term  still  hate- 

1  Caesar  was  from  an  old  patrician  family,  and  so  could  not  hold  the  o&ce 
of  tribune  (§§  308,  324).  Therefore  he  devised  this  new  grant  of  **  tribunician 
power,"  to  answer  the  purpose. 


452  ROME:    FOUNDING   THE   EMPIRE  (§558 

lul  to  the  pupiilace,  lie  seeins  to  have  planned  this  hereditary 
Imperatorship  for  the  title  of  the  new  monarchy. 

558.  Constructive  Reform.  —  Caesar's  reforms  embraced 
Rome,  Italy,  and  the  provinces.  A  bankrupt  law  released  all 
debtors  from  further  claims,  if  they  surrendered  their  property 
to  their  creditors,^  —  and  so  the  demoralized  society  was  given 
a  fresh  start.  A  commission,  like  that  of  the  Gracchi,  was 
put  at  work  to  reclaim  and  allot  public  lands.  Landlords 
were  required  to  employ  at  least  one  free  laborer  for  every  two 
slaves.  Italian  colonization  in  the  provinces  was  pressed  vig- 
orously. In  his  early  consulship  (59  b.c),  Caesar  had  re- 
founded  Capua ;  now  he  did  the  like  for  Carthage  and  Corinth, 
and  these  noble  capitals  which  had  been  criminally  destroyed 
by  the  narrow  jealousy  of  the  Roman  oligarchy,  rose  again  to 
wealth  and  power.  Eighty  thousand  landless  citizens  of  Rome 
were  provided  for  beyond  seas ;  and  by  these  and  other  means 
the  helpless  poor  in  the  capital,  dependent  upon  free  grain, 
were  reduced  from  320,000  to  150,000.  Beyond  doubt,  with 
longer  life,  Caesar  would  have  lessened  the  evil  further. 

';^  Soon  after  the  time  of  the  Gracchi,  it  became  necessary  to  extend  the 
practice  of  selling  cheap  grain  to  distributing  free  grain,  at  state  expense, 
to  the  populace  of  the  capital.  This  became  one  of  the  chief  duties  of 
the  government.  To  have  omitted  it  would  have  meant  starvation  and 
a  horrible  insurrection.  For  centuries  to  come,  the  degraded  populace 
was  ready  to  support  any  political  adventurer  who  seemed  willing  and 
able  to  satisfy  lavishly  its  cry  for  "bread  and  games."  To  have 
attacked  the  growing  evil  so  boldly  is  one  of  Caesar's  chief  titles  to 
honor.     His  successors  abandoned  the  task. 

Rigid  economy  was  introduced  into«all  branches  of  the  gov- 
ernment. Taxation  was  equalized  and  reduced.  A  compre- 
hensive census  was  taken  for  all  Italy,  and  measures  were 
under  way  to  extend  it  over  the  empire,  as  was  done  later  by 
Augustus.  Caesar  also  began  the  codification  of  the  irregular 
mass  of  Roman  law,  created  a  great  public  library,  built  a  new 

1  This  principle  has  been  adopted  in  modern  legislation. 


559] 


CAESAR'S  FIVE   YEARS 


453 


Forum,  began  vast  public  works  in  all  parts  of  the  empire, 
and  reforined  the  coinage  and  the  calendar. 

The  Roman  calendar  had  been  inferior  to  the  Egyptian  and  had  got 
three  months  out  of  the  way,  so  that  the  spring  equinox  came  in  June. 
To  correct  the  error,  Caesar  made  the  year  46  ("the  last  year  of  con- 
fusion") consist  of  four  hundred  and  forty-five  days,  and  for  the  future, 
instituted  the  system  of  leap  years,  as  we  have  it,  except  for  a  slight 
correction  by  Pope  Gregory  in  the  sixteenth  century.  The  reform  was 
based  upon  the  Egyptian  system   (§  23). 


^, 


The  Roman  Forum  To-day  —  looking  south. 


559.  The  system  of  provincial  government  was  made  over. 
The  old  governors  had  been  irresponsible  tyrants,  with  every 
temptation  to  plunder.  Under  Caesar  they  became  trained 
servants  of  a  stern  master  who  looked  to  the  welfare  of  the  whole 
empire.  Their  authority,  too,  was  lessened,  and  they  were 
surrounded  by  a  system  of  checks  in  the  presence  of  other 
officials  who  were  dependent  directly  upon  the  Imperator. 
Soon  the  governors  came  to  be  paid  fixed  salaries,  and  were 
not  allowed  even  to  accept  presents  from  the  provincials. 


454 


ROME:    FOUNDING  THE   EMPIRE 


[§  560 


560.  Wider  Plans.  —  Even  more  important  was  Caesar's  plan 
to  put  the  provinces  upon  an  equality  with  Italy.  "  As  provinces 
they  were  to  disappear,  to  prepare  for  the  renovated  Romano- 
Greek  nation  a  new  and  more  spacious  home,  of  whose  several 
parts  no  one  existed  merely  for  the  others,  but  all  for  each 
and  each  for  all."^     All  Cisalpine  Gaul  vjas  incoi'porated  in 


The  Roman  Forum  To-day  —  looking  north. 

Italy,  and  Roman  citizenship  was  enormously  multiplied  by 
the  addition  of  ivhole  communities'  in  Farther  Gaul,  in  Sjyain, 
and  elsewhere.  Leading  Gauls,  too,  were  admitted  to  the  Senate, 
whose  membership  was  raised  to  900.  It  was  a  strange  thing, 
no  doubt,  to  see  the  tall,  fair-haired  barbarians,  speaking  with 
uncouth  and  almost  unintelligible  accent,  intermingled  on  the 
benches  of  the  Senatehouse  with  the  proud  Italian  aristo- 
crats, even  though  the  new  members  had  laid  aside  the  breeches, 
at  which  Rome  jeered,  for  the  white,  purple-bordered  togas 
of  Senators.     But  Caesar  hoped   to  make   the  Senate  into  a 

iMommsen,  V,  415-417,  also  427,  428. 


§561] 


CAESAR'S  FIVE   YEARS 


455 


Grand  Council  which  would  really  represent  the  needs  and 
feelings  of  the  whole  empire. 

561.  The  Unforeseen  Interruption.  —  In  a  few  months  Caesar 
had  won  the  favor  of  the  Roman  populace,  the  sympathy  of 
the  respectable  classes  in  Italy,  and  the  enthusiastic  reverence 
of  the  provinces.  He  was  still  in  the  prime  of  a  strong  and 
active  manhood,  and  had  every  reason  to  hope  for  time  to 
complete  his  work. 

No  public  enemy  could  be  raised  against  him  within  the 
empire.  One  danger  there  was:  lurking  assassins  beset  his 
path.  But  with  characteristic  dignity"  he  quietly  refused  a 
bodyguard,  declaring  it  better  to  die  at  any  time  than  to  live 
always  in  fear  of 
death.  And  so,  in 
the  midst  of  prep- 
aration for  expedi- 
tions ggainst  the 
Parthians  and  Ger- 
mans to  secure  the 
frontiers,  the  daggers 
of  men  whom  he  had 
spared  struck  him 
down. 

A  group  of  irrecon- 
cilable nobles  plotted 
to  take  his  life,  —  led 
by  the  envious  Cas- 
sius  and  the  weak 
enthusiast  Brutus, 
whom  Caesar  had 
heaped  with  favors. 
They  accomplished 
their  crime  in  the 
Senatehouse,  on  the 
Ides  of  March  (March  15),  44  b.c.  Crowding  aroimd  him,  and 
fawning  upon  him  as  if  to  ask  a  favor,  the  assassins  suddenly 


Marcus  Bbutus.  —  A  bust  now  in  the  Capito- 
line  Museum. 


456  ROME:    FOUNDING  THE   EMPIRE  [§562 

drew  their  daggers.  According  to  an  old  story  Caesar  at  first, 
calling  for  help,  stood  on  his  defense  and  wounded  Cassius ;  but 
when  he  saw  the  loved  and  trusted  Brutus  in  the  snarling  pack, 
he  cried  out  sadly,  "  Thou,  too,  Brutus ! "  and  drawing  his  toga 
about  him  with  calm  dignity,  he  resisted  no  longer,  but  sank  at 
the  foot  of  Pompey's  statue,  bleeding  from  three  and  twenty  stabs. 

562.  Caesar's'Character.  —  Caesar  has  been  called  the  one 
original  genius  in  Boman  history.  His  gracious  courtesy  and 
unrivaled  charm  won  all  hearts,  so  that  it  is  said  his  enemies 
dreaded  personal  interviews,  lest  they  be  drawn  to  his  side. 
Toward  his  friends  he  'ue\^r  wearied  in  forbearance  and  love. 
In  the  civil  war  young  Curio,x)fe.  dashing  but  reckless  lieutenant, 
lost  two  legions  and  undid  much  ^od  work  —  to  Caesar's  great 
peril.  Curio  refused  to  survive  his  blunder,  ^d  found  death  on 
the  field  ;  and  Caesar,  with  no  word  of  r^roafe,  refers  to  the 
disastier  only  to  excuse  it  kindly  by  Reference  to  Curio's  youth 
and  to  "  his  faith  in  his  good  fortune  fiN!jm  his  former^ccess." 

No  man  ever  excelled  Caesar  in  quick  perception  of  ^njahis, 
fertility  of  resource,  dash  in  execution**  or/^tiireless  activity. 
His  opponent  Cicero  said  of  him :  "  He  nad^&nius,  under- 
standing, memory,  taste,  reflection,  industry,  exactness." 
Numerous  anecdotes  are  told  of  the  many  activities  he  could 
carry  on  at  one  time,  and  of  his  dictating  six  or  more  letters  to 
as  many  scribes  at  once.  Says  a  modern  critic,  "  He  was  great 
as  a  captain,  statesman,  lawgiver,  jurist,  orator,  poet,  historian, 
grammarian,  mathematician,  architect." 

No  doubt,  "  Caesar  was  ambitious."  He  was  not  a  philan- 
thropic enthusiast  merely,  but  a  broad-minded,  intellectual 
genius,  with  a  strong  man's  delight  in  ruling  well.  He  saw 
clearly  what  was  to  do,  and  knew  perfectly  his  own  sujpreme 
ability  to  do  it.  Caesar  and  Alexander  are  the  two  great  captains 
whose  conquests  have  done  most  for  civilization.  Both  were 
snatched  away  from  their  work  by  untimely  death.  But  Caesar, 
master  in  war  as  he  was,  always  preferred  statesmanship,  and 
was  free  from  Alexander's  boyish  liking  for  mere  fighting. 

The  seven  campaigns  in  the  five  years  after  Caesar  crossed 


§5631  FROM   JULIUS  TO  OCTAVIUS  457 

the  Rubicon  left  less  than  eighteen  months  for  reorganization. 
Even  this  short  time  was  in  broken  intervals,  between  wars, 
while,  too,  the  whole  routine  of  ordinary  government  had  to  be 
taken  care  of.  The  new  work  remained  incomplete ;  and  it  is 
not  always  possible  to  tell  just  what  Caesar  planned  to  do.  But 
that  which  was  actually  accomplished  dazzles  the  imagination. 
Caesar's  genius,  too,  marked  out  the  lines,  along  which,  on  the 
whole,  his  successors,  less  grandly,  had  to  move. 

The  murder  was  as  imbecile  as  it  was  wicked.  It  struck  the 
wise  monarch,  but  not  the  monarchy,  and  left  Caesar's  work  to 
be  completed  by  smaller,  men  after  a  new  period  of  anarchy. 
There  is  no  better  way  to  leave  '•  the  foremost  man  of  all  this 
world,"  than  to  use  the  words  of  Mommsen :  "  Thus  he  worked 
and  created  as  never  any  mortal  before  or  after  him ;  and  as  a 
worker  and  creator  he  still,  after  two  thousand  years,  lives  in 
the  memory  of  the  nations — the  first  and  the  unique  Impera- 
tor  Caesar  !  "  ^ 

For  Further  Reading.  —  Specially  suggested :  Davis'  Headings, 
II,  Nos.  50-54  (7  pages)  ;  and,  on  Caesar's  constructive  work,  Warde- 
Fowler's  Caesar,  326-359,  or  How  and  Leigh,  539-551. 

Additional :  Davis'  A  Friend  of  Caesar  (fiction)  ;  Plutarch's  Lives 
("Caesar,"  "Pompeius,"  "Cicero")  ;  Warde-Fowler's  Caesar. 

FROM   JULIUS   TO   OCTAVIUS,    44-31    B.C. 

563.  Flight  of  the  Assassins.  —  Caesar's  assassination  led  to 
fourteen  years  more  of  dreary  civil  war,  before  the  Empire  was 
finally  established  on  a  firm  foundation.  The  murderers  had 
hoped  to  be  greeted  as  liberators.  For  the  moment  they  were 
the  masters  of  the  city ;  but,  to  their  dismay,  all  classes  (even 
the  senatorial  order)  shrank  from  them.  In  a  few  days  they 
found  themselves  in  extreme  peril.  At  Caesar's  funeral  his 
lieutenant  and  friend,  Marcus  Antonius  ("  Mark  Antony  ")  was 
permitted  to  deliver  the  usual  oration  over  the  dead  body.  His 
artful  and  fiery  words  roused  the  populace  to  fury  against  the 

1  Mommsen's  fine  summary,  V,  441-442,  and,  for  Caesar's  character,  the 
famous  passage,  pp.  305-314,  should  he  read,  if  in  the  school  library. 


458 


ROME:    FOUNDING  THE    EMPIRE 


[§  r>64 


assassins.*  The  mob  rose  ;  all  Italy  was  hostile  ;  and  the  con- 
spirators fled  to  the  Eastern  provinces,  where  Caesar  had  given 
governorships  to  some  of  them,  and  where  the  fame  of  Pompey 
was  still  a  strength  to  the  aristocrats. 

564.  In  the  West,  control  fell  to  two  men,  Antonius  and 
Octavius  Caesar.     Antonius,  the  orator  of  Caesar's  funeral,  was 

a  dissolute,  resolute,  dar- 
ing soldier.  Octavius  was 
a  grand-nephew  and 
adopted  son  of  Julius 
Caesar.  He  was  an  un- 
known sickly  youth  of 
eighteen,  and  at  first  he 
owed  his  importance 
wholly  to  his  connection 
with  the  great  dictator. 
Each  party  despised,  or 
thought  to  use,  "the 
boy  " ;  but  he  soon  proved 
himself  the  shrewdest  and 
strongest  statesman  of  the 
empire. 

At  first  these  two  lead- 
ers were  rivals,  each  pos- 
ing as  the  heir  and  suc- 
cessor of  Caesar.  By  the  shrewd  policy  of  Octavius,  however, 
they  united  their  forces,  and,  to  secure  the  West  thoroughly, 
they  took  into  partnership  Lepidus,  governor  of  Gaul  and  Spain. 

565.  Second  Triumvirate.  —  The   three  men  got  themselves 
appointed   triumvirs^   by    the    Senate   (43   b.c).     They   were 


Octavius  Caesar  (Augustus)  as  a  Boy 
A  bust  now  in  the  Vatican. 


1  Davis'  Readings,  II,  No.  53,  gives  Appian's  account  of  this  speech.  The 
student  may  compare  it  with  Shakspere's  version  in  his  dra^ma,,  Julhis  Caesar. 

2  The  term  triumvirate  is  official  in  this  use,  while  the  so-called  ^r«<  trium- 
virate (§  540)  was  an  unofficial  league,  or  ring,  of  public  men.  The  trium- 
virate of  43  B.C.  was  a  triple  dictatorship;  just  as  the  ancient  decemvirate 
(§  364)  was  a  dictatorship  of  ten  men. 


§567]  THE   SECOND  TRIUMVIRATE  459 

given  unlimited  j)dwer  for  five  years  to  reorganize  the  state ; 
and  this  dictatorship  they  afterward  extended  at  will. 

The  union  was  cemented  with  blood.  To  their  shame,  the 
triumvirs  abandoned  the  merciful  policy  of  Caesar.  Their 
first  deed  was  to  get  rid  of  their  personal  foes  in  Italy  by  a 
horrible  proscription.  Each  marked  off  on  the  fatal  list  those 
whose  deaths  he  demanded,  and  each  surrendered  an  uncle,  a 
brother,  or  a  trusting  friend  to  the  others'  hate.  It  was  at  this 
time  that  Cicero  perished,  abandoned  by  his  friend  Octavius  to 
the  hatred  of  Antonius.  More  than  three  thousand  victims  — 
all  men  of  high  position  —  were  slain,  and  opposition  in  Italy 
was  crushed. 

566.  Philippi.  —  Meantime  Brutus  and  Cassius  had  been 
rallying  the  old  Pompeiian  forces  in  the  East.  Their  army 
contained  troops  from  Parthia,  Armenia,  Media,  Pontus,  and 
Thrace.  Octavius  and  Antonius  marched  against  them.  Again 
the  East  and  West  met  in  conflict,  and  again  the  West  won  — 
at  Philippi  in  Macedonia  (42  b.c).  The  "  Republicans  "  never 
appeared  again  in  arms. 

567.  Actium.  —  Then  Octavius  and  Antonius  set  aside  Lepi- 
dus  and  divided  the  Roman  world  between  themselves.  Soon 
each  was  plotting  for  the  other's  share.  The  East  had  fallen 
to  Antonius.  In  Egypt  he  became  infatuated  with  Cleopatra 
until  he  lost  care  even  for  his  military  fame  and  sank  into 
sensual  indolence,  with  only  fitful  gleams  of  his  old  energy. 

Octavius  was  preparing  to  take  advantage  of  this  condition, 
when  a  pretext  was  made  ready  to  his  hand.  Antonius  be- 
stowed rich  provinces  upon  Cleopatra,  and,  it  was  rumored,  he 
planned  to  supplant  Rome  by  Alexandria  as  chief  capital. 
The  West  turned  to  Octavius  as  its  champion.  In  31,  the 
rivals  met  in  the  naval  battle  of  Actium  off  the  coast  of  Greece. 
This  was  the  third  of  the  decisive  battles  in  the  establishment 
of  the  Empire  :  and,  like  Pharsalus  and  Philippi,  it  also  was 
a  victory  for  the  West.^ 

1  Special  report:  death  of  Antonius  and  of  Cleopatra. 


460  THE   ROMAN  EMPIRE  [§568 

OCTAVIUS  AUGUSTUS,   31  B.C.-14  A.D. 

568.  The  Empire  Established.  —  Actiuni  made  Octavius  sole 
master  of  the  Roman  world.  He  proceeded  to  the  East  to 
restore  order  aud  to  annex  Egypt  as  a  province.  On  his  re- 
turn to  Rome  in  29  u.c,  the  gates  of  the  Temple  of  Janus 
were  closed,  in  token  of  the  reign  of  peace.  ^  He  declared  a 
general  amnesty,  and  thereafter  welcomed  to  favor  and  public 
office  the  followers  of  his  old  enemies ;  and,  by  prudent  and 
generous  measures,  he  soon  brought  back  prosperity  to  long- 
distracted  Italy.  In  27,  he  laid  down  his  office  of  triumvir 
(which  had  become  a  sole  dictatorship),  and  declared  th£.  Me- 
public  restored.  The  act  really  showed  that  he  was  absolute 
master  and  that  the  Empire  was  safely  established. 

569..  Under  Republican  Forms. — To  be  sure,  Octavius  him- 
self wrote  (Monwmentmn,^  xxxiv)  :  "  After  that  time  I  excelled 
all  others  in  dignity,  but  of  power  I  held  no  more  than  those 
who  were  niy  colleagues  in  any  magistracy."  And  indeed 
jRepublican  forms  were  respected  scrupulously.  The  Senate 
^1  deliberated;  the  Assembly  m.et  to  elect  consuls  and  the  other 
officers  of  the  old  constitution.  But,  even  in  form,  the  Senate 
at  once  gave  -back  to  Octavius  his  most  important  authority 
in  various  ways,^  and,  in  reality,  supreme  power  lay  in  his 
hands  as  Impei-ator.^  —  master  of  the  legions.  This  office 
Octavius  kept,  and  the  s;piiafp  now  t^^lflprl  \^  it  the  new  title 
Augustus,  which  had  before  been  used  Only  of  the  gods.  It 
is  by  this  name  that  he  is  thenceforth  known  in  history. 

1  These  gates  were  always  open  when  the  Romans  were  engaged  in  any  war. 
In  all  Roman  history,  they  had  been  closed  only  twice  before,  —and  one  of 
these  times  was  in  the  legendary  reign  of  King  Nuraa 

2  See  References,  page  4<)4.  The  student  must  be  on  his  guard  in  reading 
such  "  sources  "  :  Augustus'  account  is  true  to  the  letter,  not  to  the  spirit. 

3  There  is  an  excellent  statement  in  Pelham,  iOT-lOi). 

4  Octavius,  however,  wa.^  so  intrenched  in  popular  favoi  that  he  did  not 
need  open  support  from  the  army.  The  legions  were  stationed  mostly  on  the 
frontiers,  far  from  Italy.  Octavius  did  create  a  body  of  city  troops,  nine 
thousand  in  number,  the  praetorian  guards^  to  presei-ve  order  at  Rome;  but, 
during  his  rule,  even  these  guards  were  encamped  outside  the  city. 


AUGUSTUS,  31  B.C.-14  A.D.  461 

Augustus,  however,  carefully  refused  the  forms  and  pomp 
of  monarchy,  and  exercised  his  real  control  of  the  government 


Augustus.  —  Now  in  the  Vatican. 


through  disguised  channels,  instead  of  ruling  openly  as  Julius 
had  done.  He  lived  more  simply  than  many  a  noble,  and 
walked  the  streets  like  any  citizen,  charming  all  by  his  frank 
courtesy.     He  preferred  to  all   his   other   titles  the  name  of 


462 


THE   ROMAN  EMPIRE 


[§570 


honor,  Princeps  ("Prince"),  which  was  popularly  conferred 
upon  him  and  which  signified  "  the  first  citizen "  of  the 
Republic. 

570.  Character  of  Augustus.  —  In  his  early  career  Augustus 
had  proven  himself  able,  adroit,  unscrupulous,  cold-blooded. 
He  had  shrunk  from  no  cruelty,  and  had  been  moved  by  no 
passion.  But  absolute  power,  which  drives  small  men  to 
frenzy,  warmed  this  cold,  unlovely  schemer  into  something 
akin  to  greatness.^  H^became  an  impartial  and  faithful  ruler, 
and  took  up  the  work^  the  great  Julius,  though  with  a  more 
cautious  spirit.  The  remaining  forty  years  of  his  life  he  gave 
to  unremitting  toil  in  strengthening  the  Empire  and  in  improv- 
ing the  condition  of  the  people  throughout  the  Roman  world. 


Bridge  built  by  Augustus  at  Kimini,  —  a  town  on  the  Adriatic  ten  miles 
south  of  the  Rubicon.    The  structure  is  still  in  perfect  condition. 

571.   The   Augustan   Age.  —  Augustus  extended  the  bound- 
aries of  the  empire,  especially  on  the  north,  to  secure  safer 


1  Bead  Capes,  Early  Empire,  6-9,  if  accessible. 


§  572]  AUGUSTUS,   31  B.C.-14  A.D.  463 

frontiers  (§  605).  But  his  chief  work  lay  in  internal  organi-  (/^ 
zation.  He  organized  the  administration  of  the  capital.  A 
police  department,  a  fire  department,  and  a  department  for  the 
rJistriLTtion  of  ^varn^  each  under  its  proper  head,  were  created, 
and  the  work  of  founding  colonies  outside  Italy  was  renewed 
on  a  large  scale.  In  like  manner,  the  needs  of  Italy  and  the  ^"^"^ 
provinces  received  careful  attention.  Throughout  the  empire, 
peace  reigned.  Order  was  everywhere  established.  Industry 
rftvivp.rl  a.nd  f.hrovp..  Marshes  were  drained.  Roads  were  built. 
A  postal  system  was  organized.  A  great  census  of  the  whole 
empire  was  carried  out.  The  number  ot  citizens  was  increased 
by  aoout  one  nttn,*'and  many  important  public  works  were 
carried  through. 

Above  all,  out  of  the  long  century  of  anarchy,  Augustus  reared 
a  new  structure  of  imperial  government  (§§  592-599),  build- 
ing so  firmly  that  even  his  death  did  not  shake  his  work.  For 
three  centuries  ("until  the  time  of  "ninplpfian  §  f>H2)  his  suc- 
cessors  tor  tiie  most  part  followed  his  general  policy.  He  was 
also  a  generous  and  ardent  patron  of  literature  and  art,^  and  the 
many  famous  writers  of  his  reign  (§  626)  gave  splendor  to  his 
memory.  In  the  history  of  Latin  literature,  the  Augustan  Age 
is  synonymous  with  "golden  age."  The  chief  cities  of  the 
empire  were  adorned  with  noble  buildings,  —  temples,  theaters, 
porticoes,  baths.  Augustus  tells  us  in  a  famous  inscription 
that  in  one  year  he  himself  began  the  rebuilding  of  eighty-two 
temples,  and  of  Rome  he  said,  "I  have  found  it  brick  and 
left  it  marble." 

The  details  of  much  of  his  work  will  appear  more  fully  in 
chapter  xxxviii.  ^"C""^ 

572.  The  Worship  of  the  Dead  Augustus.  —  At  the  death  of 
Augustus,  the  Senate  decrep^l  V^im  rjivin?  h^n^^-"  Temples 
were  erected  in  his  honor,  and  he  was  worshiped  as  a   god. 

1  In  this  patronage  Augustus  was  imitated  by  many  great  nobles  and  espe- 
cially by  his  minister  Maecenas,  whose  fame  in  this  respect  outshines  even 
that  of  his  master.  Maecenas  was  the  particular  friend  and  patron  of  Virgil 
and  Horace. 


464  THE   ROMAN  EMPIRE    ^  [§573 

Impious  as  such  worship  seems  to  us,  it  was  natural  to  the  Ro- 
mans. It  was  connected  with  the  idea  of  ancestor  worship 
in  each  family,  and  with  the  general  worship  of  ancient  heroes, 
and  was  a  way  of  recognizing  the  emperor  as  "  the  father  of  all 
his  people."  The  practice  was  adopted  for  the  successors  of 
Augustus,  and  this  worship  of  dead  emperors  soon  became  the 
most  general  and  widespread  religious  rite  in  the  Roman 
world,  as  well  as  a  mighty  bond  of  union.* 

573.   The  Birth  of  Christ.  —  In  connection  with  the  beginning 
of  the  worship  of  dead  emperors,  it  is  interesting  to  remember 


Church  of  the  Nativity  at  Brthlehem  —  on  the  site  of  the  stable  where 
Christ  was  born. 

the  most  important  event  of  that  splendid  age.  When  the 
reign  of  Augustus  was  a  little  more  than  half  gone,  there  was 
born  in  a  manger  in  an  obscure  hamlet  of  a  distant  corner  of 
the  Roman  world,  the  child  Jesus,  whose  religion,  after  some 
centuries,  was  to  replace  all  religious  faiths  of  the  pagan  world. 


For  Further  Reading.  —  On  the  work  of  Augustus :  —  specially  sug- 
gested :  Davis'  Headings,  II,  No.  56  (a  six-page  series  of  extracts  from  Au- 

1  Bead  Capes,  Early  Empire,  41-44. 


§573]  AUGUSTUS,  31  B.C.-14  A.D.  465 

gustus'  inscription  known  as  the  Monumentum  Ancyranum) ,  a.nd  No.  59 ; 
Pelham's  Outlines,  398-406,  or  (better)  Capes'  Early  Empire,  ch.  1.  y 

Additional:  Pelham's  account  of  the  Triumvirate  (Outlines,  357-397)  ;         )\ 
Firth's  Augustus.  ' ~^ 

REVIEW  EXERCISES 

1.  Catchword  review,  49-27  b.c. 

2.  Review  the  growth  of   Roman  citizenship  from  early  times  (see 

index) . 

3.  Review  the  theme  sentences  at  the  heads  of  chapters  in  Roman  his- 

tory up  to  this  point,  and  note  how  they  apply. 

4.  Fact  drills.  ^^^^^      ^ 

a.  List  of  important  battles  in  Roman  history,  to  this  point,  with 

results  of  each. 

b.  List  of  Rome's  wars  after  390  b.c. 

c.  Dates.     Continued  drill  on  the  list  given  on  p.  295.     Fill  out  the 

following  table,  and  group  other  dates  around  these:  — 

510  (?)  B.C.  "Expulsion  "  of  the  kings. 

390  "  Sack  of  Rome  by  the  Gauls. 

367  " • 

266  "  

218  "  (Cf.  222  B.C.  in  Greek  History.) 

146  "  

133  "  

49  "  

31  "  


^^ 


CHAPTER   XXXVII 

THE  EMPIRE  OF  THE  FIRST  TWO  CENTURIES,  31  B.C.-180  A.D. 
AUGUSTUS   TO  AURELIUS 

(^The  Story  of  the  Emperors) 

574.  Treatment  of  this  Period.— With  the  Age  of  Augustus  the 
history  of  the  Empire  ceases  to  be  centered  in  the  city  of  Rome.  Nor 
is  it  centered  even  in  the  emperors.  Much  depends,  of  course,  upon  the 
ruler ;  but  the  great  movements  go  on  in  a  good  deal  the  same  way, 
no  matter  who  sits  upon  the  throne.  Our  study  will  not  concern  itself 
with  court  scandal.  For  the  next  three  centuries  our  interest  lies  not  so 
much  in  a  narrative  of  any  kind  as  in  a  topical  survey  of  the  institutions 
of  the  Empire,  upon  which,  in  large  measure,  modern  society  rests. 

Such  a  topical  study  is  given  in  the  next  chapter.  But,  since  it  is 
convenient  to  refer  to  the  reigns  as  dates,  this  chapter  gives  a  brief 
summary  of  the  emperors.  This  chapter  is  for  reading  and  reference,  not 
for  careful  study  at  this  stage.  In  review,  after  studying  the  topical 
treatment,  important  names  and  dates  in  this  chapter  may  be  memorized. 


THE   JULIAN   CAESARS 

575.'  Augustus,  31  B.C.-14  AD.  —  The  work  of  Augustus  has 
been  discussed,  but  aiirief  summary  is  added  here.     Augustus 

fixed  the  imperial  con- 
stitution, establishiyig 
despotism  under  Repub- 
lican forms.  He  fixed 
the  boundaries  of  the 
empire  (meeting  with 
a  check  from  the  Ger- 
mans in  the  defeat  of 
the  Teutoberg  Forest^ 
He  restored  order,  promoted  prosperity,  carried  out 
466 


A  Gold  Coin  of  Augustus. 


605). 


§576]  AUGUSTUS  TO  AURELIUS  467 

a  census  of  the  empire,  extended  Roman  citizenship,  constructed 
many  vast  public  works.  His  age  was  the  "  golden  age "  of 
Latin  literature.  He  "  found  Rome  brick  and  left  it  marble." 
During  his  reign,  Christ  was  born.  To  the  end  Augustus  kept 
perfectly  his  chosen  part  of  an  uncrowned  "  first  citizen."  No 
doubt  it  was  with  gentle  irony  at  this  pretense,  that  he  said  to 
the  friends  about  his  death-bed  —  like  an  actor  in  the  epilogue 
to  a  Roman  drama — "If  you  think  I  have  played  well  my 
part  on  the  stage  of  life,  applaud." 
X  .  576.  Tiberius,  14-37  a.d.  — Augustus  was  succeeded  by  his 
stepson  Tiberius,  whom  he  had  adopted  as  his  heir.  Tiberius 
was  stern,  morose,  suspicious;  but  he  was  also  an  able,  con- 
scientious ruler.  The  nobles  of  the  capital  conspired  against 
him,  and  were  punished  cruelly.  The  populace  of  Rome,  too, 
hated  him  because  he  restricted  the  distribution  of  grain  and 
refused  to  amuse  them  with  gladiatorial  sports.  To  keep  the 
capital  in  order,  Tiberius  brought  the  praetorians  (§  569,  note) 
into  the  city.  He  also  made  the  law  of  treason  (majestas) 
apply  to  words  against  the  emperor,  as  well  as  to  acts  of 
violence;  and  he  encouraged  a  system  of  paid  spies.  Such 
wretches  sometimes  invented  plots,  when  there  were  none, 
so  as  to  share  in  the  confiscation  of  the  property  of  the  man 
they  accused.  So  the  people  of  Rome  with  some  reason 
looked  upon  Tiberius  as  a  gloomy  tyrant.  But  in  the  prov- 
inces he  was  proverbial  for  fairness,  kindness,  and  good  govern- 
ment, "  A  good  shepherd  shears  his  sh^ep ;  he  does  not  flay 
them,"  was  one  of  his  sayings.  On  one  occasion,  after  a  great 
earthquake  in  Asia  Minor,  he  rebuilt  twelve  cities  which  had 
been  destroyed  there.  In  this  reign  occurred  the  crucifixion 
of  Christ. 

The  great  authority  for  this  period  is  the  Roman  historian  Tacitus. 
But  Tacitus  is  affected  by  the  prejudice  of  the  Roman  nobles,  and  he 
paints  Tiberius  in  colors  much  too  dark.  (Munro's  Source  Book,  140- 
150,  gives  extracts.)  The  worst  cruelties  of  Tiberius'  reign  were  due, 
too,  to  his  misplaced  trust  in  Sejanus,  his  minister  and  commander  of 
the  praetorians.    For  a  time  this  infamous  miscreant  virtually  ruled  the 


468 


THE   ROMAN  EMPIRE 


577 


capital,  while  Tiberius,  in  disgust,  withdrew  to  his  beautiful  retreat  on 
the  island  of  Capri,  near  the  Bay  of  Naples,  to  manage  the  affairs  of  the 
empire  at  large.  Finally  Sejanus  plotted  against  the  life  of  Tiberius, 
and  was  himself  put  to  death. 

577.  Caligula,  37-41.  —  In  the  absence  of  nearer  heirs, 
Tiberius  adopted  his  grandnephew  Caligula.  This  prince 
had  been  a  promising  youth,  but,  crazed  by  power,  or  by  a 
serious  illness,  he  became  a  capricious  madman,  with  gleams 
of  ferocious  humor.     "  Would  that   the  Romans  had  all  one 


Ruins  of  the  Claudian  Aqukduct, 

Near  Rome ;  from  a  photograph.    See  also  the  same  in  the  view  of  the  Appian 

Way,  on  page  344. 

neck ! "  he  exclaimed,  wishing  that  he  might  behead  them  all 
at  one  stroke.  His  deeds  were  a  series  of  crimes  and  ex- 
travagant follies.  The  gladiatorial  shows  and  the  wild-beast 
fights  of  the  amphitheater  fascinated  him  strangely.  It  is 
said  that  sometimes,  to  add  to  the  spectacle,  he  ordered 
spectators  to  be  thrown  to  the  animals,  and  he  entered  the 


§  579]  AUGUSTUS  TO  AURELIUS  469 

arena  himself  as  a  gladiator,  to  win  the  applause  of  the  people 
whom  he  hated.  After  four  years,  he  was  slain  by  oflBcers  of 
his  guard,  —  the  only  way  to  rid  the  world  of  an  insane 
monster. 

578.  Claudius,  41-54.  —  Caligula  had  named  no  successor. 
For  a  moment  the  Senate  hoped  to  restore  the  old  Republic ; 
but  the  praetorians  (devoted  to  the  great  Julian  line)  set  up  as 
emperor  Claudius,  the  uncle  of  Caligula.  Claudius  had  been 
a  timid,  gentle,  awkward,  well-meaning  scholar  and  an  author 
of  several  tiresome  books.  He  ruled,  in  a  large  measure, 
through  two  of  his  freedmen,  who  committed  many  crimes 
and  heaped  up  huge  fortunes  for  themselves,  but  who  were 
capable  administrators.  Claudius  himself  gave  his  time 
faithfully  to  the  hard  work  of  governing,  with  fairly  good 
results.  His  reign  is  famous  for  a  great  extension  of  citizen- 
ship to  provincials  and  for  legislation  to  protect  slaves  against 
cruel  masters.^  The  Roman  conquest  of  southern  Britain  took 
place  in  this  reign  (§  606).^ 

579.  Nero  (54-68),  Claudius'  stepson,  became  emperor  as 
a  likeable  boy  of  sixteen.  He  had  been  trained  by  the  philoso- 
pher Seneca  (§  627),  and  for  two 
thirds  of  his  reign  he  was  ruled  by 
this  great  thinker  and  by  other  wise 
ministers.  The  young  emperor  cared 
little  for  affairs  of  government,  but 
was  fond  of  art,  and  ridiculously 
vain  of  his  skill  in  music  and  poetry. 
After  some  years  his  fears,  together 
with  a  total  lack  of  principle,  led 

him  to  crime  and  tyranny.     He  poi-     g^^^^^  ^oiT^  ^kkc-  t.. 
soned  his  half-brother,  and  had  his        commemorate  the  closing  of 

ambitious     mother     murdered.        5^^  ^°f  ^  l^^l^  ^^"^P^^  ""^ 

Janus  (ci.  §  568). 

Wealthy  nobles  were  put  to  death 

in  numbers,  and  their  property  confiscated,  Seneca  himself  be- 

1  Munro,  Source  Book,  187.  2  Special  report. 


470 


THE   ROMAN  EMPIRE 


[§579 


ing  among  the  victims.  Like  Caligula,  Nero  entered  the  lists 
as  a  gladiator,  and  he  sought  popular  applause  also  for  his 
music  and  dancing. 

During  this  reign,  half  of  Rome  was  laid  in  ashes  by  the 
"  Great  Fire."  ^     For  six  days  and  nights  the  flames  raged 

unchecked,  surging  in 
billows  over  the  slopes 
and  through  the  valleys 
of  the  Seven  Hills.  By 
some,  Nero  was  believed 
to  have  ordered  the  de- 
struction, in  order  that 
he  might  rebuild  in  more 
magnificent  fashion.  On 
better  authority  he  was 
reported  to  have  enjoyed 
the  spectacle  from  the 
roof  of  his  palace,  with 
music  and  dancing,  sing- 
ing meanwhile  a  poem 
he  had  composed  on  the 
''  Burning  of  Troy." 
The  new  sect  of  Chris- 
tians also  were  accused  of  starting  the  fire,  out  of  their  sup- 
posed "hatred  for  the  human  race."  To  many,  some  color 
was  given  to  the  accusation  by  the  talk  of  the  Christians  about 
an  approaching  destruction  of  the  world.  To  turn  attention 
from  himself,  Nero  took  up  the  charge,  and  carried  out  the  j^rs^ 
persecution  of  the  Christians  (§  654),  one  of  the  most  cruel  in  all 
history.  Victims,  tarred  with  pitch,  were  burned  as  torches  in 
the  imperial  gardens,  to  light  the  indecent  revelry  of  the  court 
at  night ;  and  others,  clothed  in  the  skins  of  animals,  were  torn 
by  dogs  for  the  amusement  of  the  mob.  The  persecution,  how- 
ever, was  confined  to  the  capital,  and  was  not  religious  in  purpose. 


Agrippina  —  mother  of  Nero. 


1  Davis'  Readings,  II,  No.  65. 


581] 


AUGUSTUS  TO  AURELIUS 


471 


Nero  sank  deeper  and  deeper  in  vice  and  crime.  Except  for 
the  disgrace,  his  capricious  tyranny  did  not  reach  far  beyond 
the  city  of  Rome;  but  finally  the  legions  in  the  provinces 
revolted.  The  tyrant  was  deserted  by  all,  and  the  Senate  con- 
demned him  to  death.  To  avoid  capture  he  stabbed  himself, 
exclaiming,  "  What  a  pity  for  such  an  artist  to  die ! " 

THE    FLAVIAN   CAESARS 

580.  The  year  69  was  one  of  wild  confusion.  The  legions  in 
Spain  had  proclaimed  their  general  Galha  emperor.  Galba  was 
soon  thrust  from  the  throne  by  Otho,  supported  by  the  praeto- 
rians. Otho,  in  turn,  was  overthrown  by  Vitellius,  at  the  head 
of  the  army  of  the  Rhine.  Then  the  legions  in  Syria  pro- 
claimed their  general.  Flavins  Vespasianus  (Vespasian).  From 
his  name  Flavins,  he  and  his  two  sons  are  known  as  the 
Flavian  emjmrors. 

581.  Vespasian  (70-79)  was  the  grandson  of  a  Sabine  laborer. 
He  was  a  rude  soldier,  —  stumpy  in  build,  blunt  in  manner, 


1^^ 

MK' 

Rfi^^tfMiaip'* 

Thk  Coliseum  {Flavian  Amphitheater)  To-day  (§  622) 


472 


THE   ROMAN  EMPIRE 


[§582 


homely  in  tastes,  but  honest,  industrious,  experienced,  and 
broad-minded.  He  had  distinguished  himself  in  Britain  and 
in  Asia,  and  he  knew  the  needs  of  the  empire.  He  quickly- 
made  himself  master,  and  brought  to  an  end  the  disorder  into 
which  Nero's  misrule  had  plunged  the  state.  His  reign  was 
economical  and  thrifty,  and  was  notable  as  an  era  of  great 
public  works  and  magnificent  buildings  (§  622).  He  loved 
simple  manners  and  homely  virtues,  and  hated  shams.  So,  at 
the  end,'  as  he  felt  the  hand  of  death  upon  him,  he  said,  with 
grim  irony,  "  I  think  I  am  becoming  a  god,"  —  in  allusion  to 
the  fact  that  dead  emperors  were  worshiped  as  divinities. 

582.  The  siege  and  destruction  of  Jerusalem  was  the  most 
striking  event  in  Vespasian's  reign.  The  kingdom  of  the 
Jews,  which  the  heroic  Maccabees  established  (§  467),  had  been 
made  a  tributary  state  by  Pompey,  during  his  Eastern  wars. 


DsTAiL  FROM  THE  TRIUMPHAL  Arch  OF  TiTus  —  showing  the  seveii-branclied 
candlestick  taken  from  the  Temple  at  Jerusalem. 

in  the  year  63  b.c.     From  40  b.c.  to  4  a.d.  the  tributary  ruler 
kwas  Herod  the  Great,  who  was  bitterly  hated  by  the  people. 


i83] 


AUGUSTUS  TO  AURELIUS 


473 


After  his  death,  Judea  became  a  Roman  province,  but  the  Jews 
were  restless  under  foreign  rule.  The  question  pressed  upon 
Jesus  — whether  it  were  "lawful"  to  pay  tribute  to  Caesar  — 
was  a  matter  of  constant  agitation ;  and  in  the  year  66,  in 
Nero's  time,  a  national  uprising  drove  out  the  Roman  ofBcers. 

Nero  sent  his  general  Vespasian  with  three  legions  to  put 
down  this  revolt.  Vespasian  reduced  the  many  hill  fortresses 
of  the  country  in  the  next  two  years,  and  was  about  to  lay 
siege  to  Jerusalem,  when  the  disorders  of  the  year  69,  and  the 
struggle  for  the  Empire,  called  him  to  Italy.  In  the  year  70 
A.D.,  his  oldest  son,Titus,  besieged  and  destroyed  the  city.  He 
had  made  many  liberal  offers  of  terms  for  surrender  to  the 
starving  citizens ;  but  the  desperate  Jews  made  a  frenzied  re- 
sistance, and  when  the  walls  were  finally  stormed,  many  of 
them  slew  their  women  and  children  and  died  in  the  flames. 
The  miserable  remnant  for  the  most  part  were  sold  into  slav- 
ery, and  they  have  remained  a  dispersed  peculiar  people  to  this 
day. 

583.  Titus  (79-81)  had  been  associated  in  the  government 
with  his  father.  His  kindness  and  indulgence  toward  all 
classes  made  him  the  most  popular  of  all  the  emperors.  Once 
at  supper,  not  able  to  remem- 


_  Puieoli 


ber  that  he  had  made  any  one 
happy  during  the  day,  he  ex- 
claimed, "  I  have  lost  a  day  !  " 
The  most  famous  event  of 
his  two  years'  reign  was  the 
destruction  of  Pompeii  and 
Herculaneum.  The  volcano 
Vesuvius  was  believed  extinct, 
and  its  slopes  were  covered 
with  villas  and  vineyards. 
With  little  warning  it  belched 
forth  in  terrible  eruption, 
burying  two  cities  and  many 
villages  in  ashes  and  volcanic  mud.     In  the  eighteenth  century 


Vicinity  of  the  Bay  of  Naples. 


474  THE   ROMAN   EMPIRE  [§584 

by  the  chance  digging  of  a  well,  the  site  of  Pompeii,  the  largest 
of  the  two  cities,  was  rediscovered.  In  recent  years  it  has  been 
excavated ;  and  to-day  a  visitor  can  walk  through  the  streets  of 
an  ancient  city,  viewing  perfectly  perserved  houses,  shops, 
temples,  baths,  theaters,  ornaments,  and  utensils  of  the  men  of 
eighteen  hundred  years  ago,  just  as  they  chanced  to  stand 
when  the  volcanic  ashes  and  lava  flood  came  upon  them.^ 

584.  Dqjaitian  (81-96),  younger  brother  of  Titus,  was  a  strong, 
stern  ruler.     His  general  Agricola  completed  the  conquest  of 

Britain  to  the  highlands  of  Caledonia" 
(Scotland).    The  southern  part  of  the 
island  was  now  to  enjoy  a  long  peace, 
Roman  roads  were  built ;  camps  grew 
into  rich  cities  ;  merchants  thronged 
to  them ;  the  country  was  dotted  with 
beautiful   villas.     Britain   became  a 
Roman  province  with  Roman  civiliza- 
tion.    To  protect  the  southern  dis- 
CoiN  OF  DoMiTiAN- struck     ^'"^ts  agaiust  the  inroads  of  the  un- 
to commemorate   the     conquered  highlanders,  Agricola  built 
smnn  ^  ^^^    ^       ^     ^  '      ^  ^^^®  ^^  fortresses  from  the  Forth  to 

the  Clyde. 
At  home,  Domitian  reduced  the  power  of  the  Senate,  disregard- 
ing the  threadbare  pretense  of  a  joint  rule  by  Senate  and 
Princeps.  He  took  the  office  of  Censor  for  life,  and  so  could 
legally  make  and  unmake  senators  at  will.  This  power  was 
retained  by  his  successors,  even  when  it  was  not  used ;  and 
Domitian's  reign  therefore  marks  an  important  change  toward 
the  outward  form  of  monarchy. 

These  facts  led  the  Roman  nobles  to  conspire  against  him. 
He  put  down  their  plots  with  cruelty,  earning  from  their  sym- 
pathizers the  name  of  tyrant.  Finally  he  was  assassinated  by 
members  of  his  household.  In  this  rei'gn  took  place  the  second 
persecvMon  of  the  Christians. 

1  Several  illustrations  of  ancient  life,  as  revealed  by  excavations  at  Pompeii, 
have  been  given  in  preceding  pages. 


§587]  AUGUSTUS  TO  AURELIUS  475 

THE   ANTONINE    CAESARS 

585.  Nerva  (96-98).  —  The  Senate  chose  the  next  ruler  from 
its  own  number ;  and  that  emperor  with  his  four  successors  gov- 
erned in-  harmony  with  it.  These  princes  are  known  as  the  Jive 
good  emperors.  The  first  of  the  five  was  Nerva,  an  aged  sena- 
tor of  Spanish  descent,  who  died  after  a  kindly  rule  of  sixteen 
months. 

586.  Trajan  (98-117  a.d.)  was  the  adopted  son  of  Nerva. 
He  was  a  Spaniard  by  birth  and  a  great  general.  Once  more 
the  boundaries  of  the  empire  were  advanced,  though  with 
doubtful  wisdom  (§  606).  Trajan  conquered  Dado,  a  vast  dis- 
trict north  of  the  Danube,  and  then  attacked  the  Parthians  in 
Asia.  That  power  was  humbled,  and  new  provinces  were  added 
beyond  the  Euphrates.  These  victories  mark  the  greatest  extent 
of  the  Moman  empire. 

Trajan's  reign  was  the  most  famous  in  Roman  history  for  the 
construction  of  roads  and  other  usef  id  public  works  throughout  the 
provinces.  Despil^  his  wars,  his  rule  was  humane  as  well  as 
just.  By  loans  from  the  treasury,  he  encouraged  the  cities  of 
Italy  to  care  for  and  educate  many  thousands  of  poor  children,^ 
arid  slaves  were  protected  by  strict  laws  against  cruelty.  A 
slight  persecution  of  Christians  took  place  under  this  emperor. 

587.  Hadria!i,_a  Spanish  kinsman  of  Trajan,  succeeded  him 
(117-138  A.D.).  He  was  a  wise  and  prudent  man,  and  his  rule 
was  one  of  general  reorganization.  He  reformed  the  army  and 
strengthened  its  discipline,  and  at  the  same  time  he  looked  to 

'^the  fortification  of  the  exposed  frontiers.  His  most  famous 
work  of  this  kind  was  the  wall  (Hadrian's  Wall)  in  Britain, 
from  the  Sol  way  to  the  Tyne,  to  replace  the  less  satisfactory 
wall  of  Agricola,  farther  to  the  north.  Wisely  and  coura- 
geously, he  abandoned  most  of  Trajan's  conquests  in  Asia  (dis- 
regarding the  sneers  and  murmurs  of  nobles  and  populace),  and 
withdrew  the  frontier  there  to  the  old  line  of  the  Euphrates. 

1  Capes'  Antonines,  19-21,  gives  the  details. 


476 


THE   ROMAN  EMPIRE 


[§587 


Hadrian  spent  most  of  his  twenty  years'  rule  in  inspecting 
the  provinces.  Now  he  is  in  Britain,  nqw  in  Dacia ;  again  in 
Gaul,  or  in  Africa.  Syria  and  Egypt  were  both  visited.  He 
spent  several  months  in  Asia  Minor,  and  in  Macedonia ;  and 
twice  he  visited  Athens,  liis  favorite  city,  which  he  adorned  with 
splendid  buildings.  Indeed,  everywhere  memorials  of  his  stay 
sprang  up  in  useful  public  works,  —  aqueducts,  baths,  schools, 


Ruins  of  the  Temple  of  Zeus  built  by  Hadhian  at  Athens.  —  x>ote 
the  Corinthian  architecture  (§  154) . 

basilicas  (§  623),  highways,  temples.  Hadrian  organized  the 
'civil  service  of  the  empire,  —  the  whole  body  of  officers  who 
carried  on  the  administration.  Every  emperor,  necessarily, 
had  been  surrounded  by  assistants  and  advisers ;  and  sometimes 
these  had  been  vicious  adventurers  or  greedy  freedmen.  The 
nobles  had  felt  it  beneath  their  dignity  to  take  regular  office 
as  secretary  to  a  "Princeps."  But  Hadrian  brought  nobles 
and  "  knights  "  (§  480)  into  such  public  service,  and  built  up 
^  body  of  trained  public  servants,  who  thereafter  continued 


588] 


AUGUSTUS  TO  AURELIUS 


477 


from  reign  to  reign,  with  definite  customs  and  ideals  of  gov- 
ernment. In  particular,  Hadrian  brought  together  the  heads 
of  important  administrative  divisions  into  a  true  Privy  Council, 
to  advise  and  inform  the  Emperor. 

Among  the  Emperor's  varied  accomplishments  was  the  ability 
to  write  graceful  verse.  The  lines  he  addressed  to  his  soul, 
as  he  felt  death  approach,  are  true  poetry :  — 

"  Soul  of  mine,  pretty  one,  flitting  one, 
Guest  and  partner  of  my  clay. 
Whither  wilt  thou  hie  away, 
Pallid  one,  rigid  one,  naked  one,  — 
Never  to  play  again,  never  to  play  ?  " 


m 

■Iff  1 

...^■JH^it 

%^^ 

^ 

''\:'M 

KLtiHl. 

- 

^3^ 

Ibh 

The  Tomb  of  liAi>KiA.\. 


588.  Antoninus  Pius,  1 38-161  a.d.,  who  had  been  adopted  by 
Hadrian,  was  his  successor.  His  reign  was  singularly  peaceful 
and  uneventful,  and  might  well  have  given  rise  to  the  saying, 
"  HapPy'  the  people  whose  annals  are  meager."  Antoninus 
himself  was  a  pure  and  gentle  spirit.     The  chief  feature  of 


478 


THE   ROMAN   EMPIRE 


[§588 


his  rule  was  legislation  to  prevent  cruelty  to  slaves  mid  to  lessen 
suffering. 

On  the  evening  of  his  death,  when  asked  by  the  officer  of 
the  guard  for  the  watchword  for  the  night,  he  gave  the  word 
Equanimity  J  which  might  have  served  as  the  motto  of  his 
life.     His  adopted  son  wrote  of  him :  "  He  was  ever  prudent 


Marcus  Aurklius. 


590] 


AUGUSTUS  TO  AURELIUS 


479 


and  temperate.  ...  He  looked  to  his  duty,  and  not  to  the 
opinion  o£  men.  .  .  .  There  was  in  his  life  nothing  harsh, 
nothing  excessive,  nothing  overdone."  (Davis'  Headings,  II, 
No.  69,  gives  two  pages  of  this  noble  tribute.) 

589.  Marcus  Aurelius  Antoninus  (i6i-i8o),  nephew  and 
adopted  son  of  Antoninus  Pius,  was  the  next  emperor.  He  was 
a  philosopher  and  student.  He  belonged  to  the  Stoic  school 
(§  317),  but  in  him  that  stern  philosophy,  without  losing  its 
lofty  tone,  was  softened  by  a  gracious  gentleness.  His  Thoughts 
(§  628)  is  one  of  the  world's  noblest  books,  deeply  religious,  and 
closer  to  the  spirit  of  Christ  than  any  other  writing  of  the 
pagan  world. 

The  tastes  of  Marcus  Aurelius  made  him  wish  to  continue 
in  his  father's  footsteps,  but  he  had  fallen  upon  harsher  times. 
The  barbarians  renewed  their  attacks  upon  the  Danube,  the 
Ehine,  and  the  Euphrates.  The  Emperor  and  his  lieutenants 
beat  them  back,  but  at  the  cost  of  almost  incessant  war ;  and 
the  gentle  philosopher  lived  and  wrote  and  died  in  camp,  on 
the  frontiers.  A  great  Asiatic  plague,  too,  swept  over  the  empire. 
Not  only  did  it  cause  terrible  loss  of  life :  it  also  demoralized 
society.  The  populace  thought  the  disease  a  visitation  from 
offended  gods,  and,  in  many  parts  of  the  empire,  they  were 
frantically  excited  against  the  unpopular  sect  of  Christians  who 
refused  to  worship  the  gods  of  Rome.  Thus  the  reign  of  the 
kindly  Aurelius  was  marked  by 
a  cruel  persecution. 

Bury  writes:  "  To  come  to  the  aid 
of  the  weak,  to  mitigate  the  lot  of 
slaves,  to  facilitate  manumission,  to 
protect  wards,  were  the  objects  of 
Marcus  as  of  his  predecessor."  Says 
Merivale,  "  The  blameless  career  of 
these  illustrious  princes  has  furnished 
the  best  excuse  for  Caesarism  in  all 
after  ages." 

590.  Commodus,  180-192  A.D._  CoMMODUs.-Fromacoin  of 
The  "five  good  emperors"  end  with  192  a.d. 


480  THE  ROMAN  EMPIRE  [§591 

Marcus  Aurelius.  His  son,  Commodus,  was  an  infamous  wretch  who 
repeated  the  crimes  and  follies  of  the  worst  of  his  predecessors.  He  was 
finally  murdered  by  his  officers. 

591.  Summary  31  B.C.-192  AD.  —  This  first  long  period  of  224 
years  was  an  age  of  settled  government  and  regular  succession,  except 
for  two  or  three  slight  disturbances  and  for  the  disorders  of  the  one  ter- 
rible year  69,  at  the  close  of  Nero's  reign.  That  brief  anarchy  subdivides 
the  period  into  nearly  equal  parts.  The  five  Julian  emperors  (Romans 
and  related  to  the  great  Julius)  covered  just  a  century.  After  the  three 
Flavians  (Italians)  came  the  six  Antonines,^  who  also  covered  nearly  a 
hundred  years.  They  were  provincials.  The  majority  of  the  fourteen 
rulers  were  good  men.  Nearly  all  were  good  rulers.  The  few  tyrants 
had  short  reigns,  and  their  cruelties  did  not  much  affect  the  empire  out- 
side the  capital  city. 

1  This  name  (from  Antoninus  Pius)  is  sometimes  applied  to  this  entire  group, 
from  Nerva  to  Commodus. 


CHAPTER  XXXVIII 

THE  EMPIRE  OF  THE  FIRST  TWO  CENTURIES 

(A  Topical  Treatment^) 

THE   IMPERIAL   GOVERNMENT 

Seldom  has  the  government  of  so  large  a  part  of  the  world  been  carried 
on  for  so  long  a  time  loith  such  good  order.  —  Mommsen. 

592.  The  "  Principate."  —  We  have  noted  how  Augustus 
cloaked  the  new  Monarchy  in  old  Republican  forms.  In  all 
his  words  and  outward  forms,  he  conciliated  Republican  feel- 
ings far  more  tl\an  Julius  Caesar  had  done.  Tlie  Senate  ex- 
ercised much  real  power.  It  was  no  longer  a  close  oligarchy. 
It  had  become  a  chosen  body  of  distinguished  men,  selected 
by  the  emperors  from  all  parts  of  the  realm ;  and  it  gave 
powerful  expression  to  the  feelings  and  needs  of  the  empire. 
On  the  whole,  this  continued  to  be  true  for  three  centuries. 
Most  of  the  better  emperors  treated  the  Senate  with  respect, 
and  welcomed  its  help  in  carrying  on  the  government. 

Some  writers  call  the  government  from  Augustus  to  Diocletian  by  the 
name  Dyarchy^  to  signify  a  '•'■joint  rule''''  of  emperor  and  Senate.  In 
reality,  however,  a  strong  emperor  was  an  absolute  monarch  whenever  he 
cared  to  assert  bis  authority.  Indeed,  constitutionally,  he  could  change 
the  membership  of  the  Senate  at  will  (§  584).  Another  term  for  the 
disguised  despotism  of  these  centuries  is  the  Principate,  from  the  title 
Priuceps  (§669). 


1  The  plan  of  this  chapter  iuvolves  some  repetition  of  chapter  xxxvii.  It  is 
convenient,  also,  to  carry  some  of  the  topics  on  through  the  following  third 
century  a.d.,  though  that  century  is  not  treated  as  a  whole  until  chapter 
xxxix. 

481 


482  THE   ROMAN  EMPIRE,  31  B.C.-192  A.D.        [§  593 

593.  Power  of  the  Emperors.^ — Even  under  Augustus,  the 
duties  of  the  consuls  and  other  officers  of  the  early  Republican 
constitution  were  confined  more  and  more  to  the  city  of  Rome. 
For  the  government  of  the  Empire,  there  grew  up  an  imperial 

[/^machinery,  centralized  in  one  man. 

This  machinery  was  partly  old  in  origin,  and  partly  new. 
Following  the  example  of  Julius  Caesar  (§  557),  each  emperor 
concentrated  in  his  own  person  a  number  of  the  most  important 
offices  of  the  later  Republic,  — powers  which  had  originally  been 
intended  to  check  one  another.     Each  emperor  held  the  tribu- 

^y^nician  power  and  the  proconsular  poicer  throughout  all  the 
provinces  for  life,  and  so  was  leader  of  the  city  and  master  of 
the  legions.  Usually  he  became  Pontifex  Maximus,  the  head 
of  the  state  religion.  With  the  power  of  censor,  he  could 
appoint  and  degrade  senators f2i.ndi  so  could  at  any  time  make 
himself  absolute  master  of  the  Senate,  or,  as  Princeps,  he  could 
lead  the  debates  in  the  Senate,  and  virtually  control  its  decrees, 
which  had  become  the  chief  means  of  law;naking.  He  ap- 
pointed the  governors  of  the  provinces  ^  and  the  generals  of 
the  legions,  the  city  prefect,  the  head  of  the  city  police,  and 
the  prefect  of  the  praetorians ;  and,  at  will,  he  called  together 
his  chief  officers  and  friends  to  advise  and  assist  in  carrying 
on  the  government.  Each  successor  of  Augustus  was  hailed 
Imperator  Caesar  Augustus.  (The  imperial  title  Caesar  sur- 
vives in  Kaiser,  and  perhaps  in  Tsar.) 

594.  The  establishment  of  the  Empire  was  a  gradual  process. 
It  is  dated  sometimes  from  the  year  27  b.c,  when  Octavius 
received  the  title  of  Augustus ;  sometimes  from  31  b.c,  when 
he  became  sole  dictator ;  sometimes  from  49  b.c,  when  Caesar 
crossed  the  Rubicon  to  become  master  of  Rome. 

But  the  process  was  not  complete,  even  with  Augustus.    The 

1  There  is  an  admirable  discussion,  unhappily  long,  in  Pelham,  398-449,  and 
a  shorter  one  in  Capes'  Early  Empire,  11-18. 

2  The  Senate  appointed  the  governors  for  some  of  the  older  provinces;  but 
even  for  these  the  candidate  favored  by  the  Princeps  was  practically  sure  of 
appointment. 


§595] 


THE  PRINCIPATE 


483 


practical  master  was  not  yet  the  acknowledged  monarch.     An- 
other step  was  taken  when,  on  Augustus'  death,  all  the  world 
quietly  recognized  that  he  must  have  a  successor.     To  be  sure, 
in  granting  titles  and  authority  to  Tiberius,  the  Senate  made 
no  reference  to  the  term  of  his  office ;  and  Tiberius  pretended 
that  he  would  lay  it  down  as  soon  as  the  state  no  longer 
needed  him.     No  one  took  these  words  seriously,  however; 
and  soon  it  became  the  practice  for  the  Senate  to  confer  all  theX 
imperial  powers   upon  each  new  "imperator"  for  life.     The 
appointment  of  the  emperor  by  the  praetorians,  and  then  by    « 
the  legions,  was  another  step  toward  making  plain  the  char-  i^ 
acter  of  the  new  military  despotism.     Domitian's., assumption  „^ 
of  a  life-censorship  (§  584),  and  Hadrian^.S^reation  of  a  stand-    ^ 
ing  Privy  Council,  were  othgE^^teps.    The  most  significant  step 
of  all  was  yet  to  come  — with  Diocletian  (§§  662  ff.). 

595.  The  uncertainty  about  the  succession  was  the  weakest 
point  in  the  imperial  constitution.  Unlike  Caesar,  Augustus 
did  not  venture  to  make  any  of  the  imperial  titles  hereditary. 


iNTKRIOR   OF   CoLISBUM   To-DAY. 


484  THE   ROMAN  EMPIRE,  31  B.C.-192  A.D.        [§  596 

In  theory,  just  as  the  early  Republican  magistrates  nominated 
their  successors,  so  each  emperor  nominated  the  ablest  man  in 
his  dominions  to  the  Senate  for  his  successor.  But  this  prin- 
ciple was  confused  from  the  first  by  family  claims,  and  later 
by  the  whims  of  the  legions.  The  monarchy  was  neither 
elective  nor  hereditary,  but  in  time  it  came  to  combine  the 
evils  of  both  systems.  The  best  results  were  secured  when  an 
emperor,  during  his  lifetime,  associated  a  younger  man  in  some 
of  the  imperial  offices,  and  had  him  formally  appointed  by  the 
Senate  as  the  successor.  Even  then,  the  praetorian  guards  in 
Rome  had  to  be  conciliated  by  presents  from  each  new  ruler ; 
and,  after  these  two  centuries,  the  throne  became,  for  a  hun- 
dred years,  the  sport  of  military  adventurers  (§§  639-646). 

MUNICIPAL  GOVERNMENT 

596.  At  Rome,  the  Assembly  ceased  to  be  a  lawmaking  body 
at  the  beginning  of  the  Empire.  During  the  forty  years  of 
Augustus,  it  continued  to  go  through  the  form  of  electing 
consuls  and  other  officers,  and  Augustus  canvassed  hi  person 
for  its  votes  for  himself  and  for  his  nominees.  But  Tiberius 
transferred  all  such  elections  to  the  Senate,  and  the  Roman 
Assembly  faded  away.  Even  the  local  government  of  the 
capital  (like  that  of  Alexandria  and  some  of  the  other  largest 
cities)  was  placed  wholly  in  the  hands  of  officers  appointed  by 
the  emperor  or  by  the  Senate. 

597.  Municipal  institutions,  for  local  self-government,  did 
survive,  however,  in  the  thousands  of  smaller  cities  through- 
out the  empire.  Long  after  the  Roman  Assembly  had  passed 
away,  popular  assemblies  in  the  cities  of  Gaul  and  of  Dacia 
continued  to  elect  each  year  their  consuls  (a  sort  of  twin 
mayors),  aediles,  to  oversee  the  police  and  the  public  works, 
and  quaestors,  to  care  for  the  city  finances.  Election  placards, 
painted  on  the  walls  of  the  houses  in  Pompeii  (§  583)  show 
that  the  contests  for  office  were  very  real  and  quite  modern  in 
method. 


§598]  LOCAL  GOVERNMENT  485 

Some  1500  political  posters  were  painted  on  the  walls  of  Pompeii's 
streets.  Probably  these  all  concerned  one  recent  election;  for  when  their 
purpose  was  served,  the  space  would  be  whitewashed  over,  and  used  for 
new  notices.  These  notices  are  painted  in  red  letters  from  two  to  ten 
inches  high,  on  a  white  background.  Each  man,  apparently,  could  use  his 
own  wall  to  recommend  his  favorite  candidates  ;  but  hired  and  zealous 
"bill-posters"  blazoned  their  placards  even  upon  private  buildings  and 
upon  funeral  monuments.  A  baker  is  nominated  for  quaestor  (city  treas- 
urer) on  the  ground  that  he  sells  "  good  bread  "  ;  and  nearby  a  leading  aris- 
tocrat is  supported  as  one  of  whom  it  is  known  that  "  he  will  guard  the 
treasury."  Trade  gilds  make  some  of  these  nominations,  and  even  women 
take  part  in  them, — though  of  course  not  in  the  voting.  One  "wide- 
open"  candidate  for  "  police  commissioner  "  is  attacked  by  an  ironical 
wag  in  several  posters  —  as  in  one  that  reads,  "All  the  late-drinkers  ask 
your  support  for  Valia  for  the  Aedileship.i  " 

In  each  town  of  this  sort,  the  ex-magistrates  made  up  a  town  council 
(senate) ,  which  voted  local  taxes,  expended  them  for  town  purposes,  and 
looked  after  town  matters  in  general.  The  council's  ordinances  were 
submitted,  in  some  towns,  to  an  Assembly  of  citizens  for  ratification. 

598.    Tendency    to    centralize    Local    Government.  —  In    the , 

early  Empire  the  spirit  of  local  self-government  was  intense.4' 
Gradually,  however,  the  interference  of  provincial  governors 
sapped  this  hopeful  political  independence.  The  many  vari- 
eties and  irregularities  of  the  local  institutions  in  the  different 
cities  of  a  province  caused  vexatious  delays,  no  doubt,  to  the 
central  goverment.  Strong  rulers  were  sometimes  disposed  to 
sweep  away  the  local  institutions,  in  order  to  make  the  admin- 
istration more  uniform  and  to  secure  quicker  results. 

Finally,  it  came  about  that  minute  details  were  referred  to 
the  governor,  and  sometimes  by  him  to  the  emperor,  for  deci- 
sion. Oftentimes,  the  better  intentioned  the  ruler,  the  stronger 
this  evil  tendency.  Pliny  (§  628)  was  a  worthy  servant  of  a 
noble  emperor;  but  we  find  Pliny  writing  to  ask  Trajan 
whether  he  shall  allow  the  citizens  of  a  town  in  his  province 
of  Bithynia  to  repair  their  public  baths,  as  they  desire,  or 

1  Davis'  Readings,  IT,  No.  99,  gives  several  of  these  Pompeiian  posters,  with 
other  Pompeiian  inscriptions.  There  is  an  interesting  discussion  of  local  city 
government  under  the  Empire  in  Capes'  Early  Empire,  193-198. 


--a: 


486  THE   ROMAN  EMPIRE,  31  B.C.-192  A.D.        [§  599 

whether  he  shall  require  them  to  build  new  ones,^  and  whether 
he  shall  not  interfere  to  compel  a  wiser  use  of  public  moneys 
lying  idle  in  another  town,  and  to  simplify  varieties  of  local 
politics  in  other  cities.^ 

Trajan,  wiser  than  his  minister,  gently  rebukes  Pliny's  over- 
zeal  in  this  last  matter  and  will  have  no  wanton  meddling 
with  established  rights  and  customs.  But  later  rulers  were 
not  so  far-sighted,  and  local  life  did  decline  before  the  spirit 
of  centralization.  Still,  the  forms  of  this  municipal  life  never 
died  out.  The  Empire  passed  them  on  —  even  through  the 
dark  period  of  the  Middle  Ages  —  to  our  modern  world. 

599.  The  Provinces . —  Above  the  towns  there  was  no  local 
self-gOYevnment,  The  administration  ^  of  the  provinces  was 
regulated  along  the  lines  Julius  Caesar  had  marked  out,  and 
the  better  emperors  -gave  earnest  study  to  provincial  needs. 
But  the  imperial  government,  however  paternal  and  kindly, 
was  despotic  and  absolute.  Provincial  Assemblies,  it  is  true, 
were  called  together  sometimes,  especially  in  Gaul,  but  only 

o  give  the  emperor  information  or  advice.  These  Assem- 
blies were  made  up  of  delegates  from  the  various  towns  in  a 
province.  At  first  sight,  they  have  the  look  of  representa- 
tive legislatures,  but  they  never  acquired  any  real  political 
power,  except  that  they  could  petition  the  emperor  against  a 
tyrannical  or  incapable  governor,  —  a  petition  always  sure  of 
careful  consideration. 

IMPERIAL   DEFENSE 

600.  The  Army.  —  The  standing  army  counted  thirty  legions. 
The  auxiliaries  and  naval  forces  raised  the  total  of  troops,  at 
the  highest,  to  some  four  hundred  thousand.  They  were  sta- 
tioned almost  wholly  on  the  three  exposed  frontiers, — the 
Rhine,  the  Danube,  and  the  Euphrates.     The  inner  provinces. 


1  Read  the  excellent  extracts  from  this  correspondence  in  Davis'  Readings, 
II,  No.  75. 

2  "  Administration,"  in  this  common  use,  refers  to  the  machinery  by  which 
the  will  of  the  government  is  carried  out. 


602] 


THE  ARMY 


487 


as  a  rule,  needed  only  a  handful  of  soldiers  for  police  purposes. 
Twelve  hundred  sufficed  to  garrison  all  Gaul. 

It  is  a  curious  fact  that  the  civilized  Christian  nations  which 
now  fill  the  old  Eoman  territory,  with  no  outside  barbarians  to 
dread,  keep  always  under  arms  twelve  times  the  forces  of  the 
Roman  emperors.  One  chief  cause  of  the  Empire,  it  will  be 
remembered,  had  been  the  need  for  better  jjrotection  of  the 
frontiers.     This  need  the  Empire  met  nobly  and  economically, 

601.  Sources.  —  Roman  citizens  had  long  ceased  to  regard 
military  service  as  a  first  duty.  The  army  had  become  a 
standing  body  of  disciplined  mercenaries,  with  intense  pride, 
however,  in  their  fighting  power,  in  their  privileges,  and  in 
the  Roman  name.  Even  in  the  Early  Empire,  the  recruits 
were  drawn  from  the  provinces  rather  than  from  Italy;  and 
more  and  more  the  armies  were  renewed  from  the  frontiers  yV/ 


where  they  stood.     In  the  third  century  harhariayi  mercenaries 


A  German  Bodyguard.  —  A  detail  from  the  Column  of  Marcus  Aurelius. 

were  admitted  on  a  large  scale,  and  in  the  following  period  they 
came  to  make  the  chief  strength  of  the  legions.  From  the  hun- 
gry foes  surging  against  its  borders,  the  Empire  drew  the  guard- 
ians of  its  peace. 

602.  Industrial  and  Disciplinary  Uses. —  The  Roman  legions 
were  not  withdrawn  wholly  from  productive  labor.  In  peace, 
they  were  employed  upon  public  works.      ''They  raised  the 


488  THE   ROMAN  EMPIRE,  31  B.C.-192  A.D.        [§  603 

marvelous  Roman  roads  through  hundreds  of  miles  of  swamp 
and  forest ;  they  spanned  great  rivers  with  magnificent  bridges ; 
they  built  dikes  to  bar  out  the  sea,  and  aqueducts  and  baths  to 
increase  the  well-being  of  frontier  cities."  The  steady  discipline 
of  the  legions  afforded  also  a  moral  and  physical  training,  for 
which  there  were  fewer  substitutes  then  than  now. 

The  legions  proved,  too,  a  noble  school  for  commanders. 
Merit  was  carefully  promoted,  and  military  incompetence  disap- 
peared. Great  generals  followed  one  another  in  endless  series, 
and  several  of  the  greatest  emperors  were  soldiers  who  had 
risen  from  the  ranks. 

603.  A  Social  Value. —  At  the  expiration  of  their  twenty 
years  with  the  eagles,^  the  veterans  become  full  Roman  citizens 
(no  matter  whence  they  had  been  recruited).  They  were  com- 
monly settled  in  colonies,  with  grants  of  land.  Here  they 
became  valuable  members  of  the  community,  and,  in  particular, 
they  helped  to  mix  the  many  races  of  the  Roman  world  into  one. 
Spanish  troops  were  stationed  in  Switzerland;  Swiss,  in  Brit- 
ain; Panonians,  in  Africa;  Illyrians,  in  Armenia.  They  set- 
tled and  married  in  these  new  homes.  Augustus  said  that  he 
had  spent  over  ten  million  dollars  in  purchasing  lands  for  mili- 
tary colonies  in  the  provinces;  and  this  process  continued, 
generation  after  generation. 

-^^04.  The  Frontiers  as  Augustus  found  them. —  Julius  Caesar 
left  the  empire  bounded  by  natural  barriers  on  three  sides  and 
on  part  of  the  fourth :  the  North  Sea  and  the  Rhine  to  the 
northwest,  the  Atlantic  on  the  west,  the  African  and  Arabian 
deserts  on  the  south,  Arabia  and  the  upper  Euphrates  on  the 
east,  and  the  Black  Sea  to  the  northeast. 

The  Euphrates  limit  was  not  altogether  satisfactory.  It  sur- 
rendered to  Oriental  states  half  the  empire  of  Alexander,  and 
let  the  great  Parthian  kingdom  border  dangerously  upon  the 
Roman  world.  Julius  seems  to  have  intended  a  sweeping 
change  on  this  side ;  but  none  of  his  successors,  until  Trajan, 

1  The  Roman  military  standards  —with  the  form  of  eagles  —  are  commonly 
referred  to  in  this  way. 


§605]  THE  FRONTIERS  489 

seriously  thought  of  one.     The  only  other  unsafe  line  was  on 
the  north,  in  Europe,  between  the  Rhine  and  the  Black  Sea. 

605.  The  Frontiers  as  Augustus  corrected  them.  —  Augustus 
aimed  to  make  this  northern  line  secure.  He  easily  annexed 
the  lands  south  of  the  lower  Danube  (modern  Bulgaria)  ;  and, 
after  many  years  of  stubborn  warfare,  he  added  the  remaining 
territory  between  the  Danube  and  the  Alps.  The  four  great 
provinces,  formed  out  of  the  conquered  regions,  were  rapidly 
colonized  and  Romanized;  and  the  line  of  the  Danube  was 
firmly  secured. 

In  Germany,  Augustus  wished  to  move  the  frontier  from 
the  Rhine  to  the  Elbe.  The  line  of  the  Danube  and  Elbe  is 
much  shorter  than  that  of  the  Danube  and  Rhine,  though  it 
guards  more  territory  (see  map).  Moreover,  it  could  have  been 
more  easily  defended,  because  the  critical  opening  between  the 
upper  courses  of  these  rivers  is  filled  by  the  natural  wall  of 
the  mountains  of  modern  Bohemia  and  Moravia.  But  here 
the  long  success  of  Augustus  was  broken  by  his  one  failure. 
The  territory  between  the  Rhine  and  the  Elbe  was  subdued, 
it  is  true,  and  it  was  held  for  some  years.  But  in  the  year  . 
9  A.D.  the  Germans  rose  again  under  the  hero  Hermann.^ 
Varus,  the  Roman  commander,  was  entrapped  in  the  Teutoherg 
Forest,  and  in  a  three-days'  battle  his  three  legions  were  utterly 
annihilated  (Davis'  Readings,  II,  No.  62). 

The  Roman  dominion  was  at  once  swept  back  to  the  Rhine. 
This  was  the  first  retreat  Rome  ever  made  from  territory 
she  had  once  occupied.  Roman  writers  recognized  the  serious 
nature  of  the  reverse.  Said  one  of  them :  ^'  From  this  disaster 
it  came  to  pass  that  that  empire  which  had  not  stayed  its 
march  at  the  shore  of  ocean  did  halt  at  the  banks  of  the 
Rhine." 

The  aged  Augustus  was  broken  by  the  blow,  and  for  days 
moaned  repeatedly,  ^'  0  Varus,  Varus !  give  me  back  my 
legions ! "  At  his  death,  five  years  later,  he  bequeathed  to 
his  successors  the  advice  to  be  content  with  the  boundaries 
as  they  stood.     This  policy  was  adopted,  perhaps  too  readily. 


490 


THE   ROMAN   EMPIRE,   31  B.C.-192  A.D.        [§  606 


Tiberius  did  send  expeditions  to  chastise  the  Germans,  and 
Roman  armies  again  marched  victoriously  to  the  Elbe.  The 
standards  of  the  lost  legions  were  recovered ;  but  no  attempt 
was  made  to  restore  the  lost  Roman  province,  and  the  Rhine 
became  the  accepted  boundary. 

Still,  the  general  result  was  both  efficient  and  grand.  About 
the  civilized  world  was  drawn  a  broad  belt  of  stormy  waves 
and  desolate  sands,  and  at  its  weaker  gaps  —  on  the  Rhine,  the 
Danube,  the  Euphrates  —  stood  the  mighty,  sleepless  legions 
to  watch  and  ward. 

606.  The  Extreme  Limits.  —  Claudius  renewed  Caesar's  at- 
tempt to  conquer  Britain  (§  578).     If  the  work  had  been  car- 


Part  of  thk  Aqukixk't  of  Claitdius  (cf.  page  468),  now  used  as  agate  in 
a  wall.    Note  parts  of  the  arches  in  the  wall. 

ried  bo  completion,  it  might  have  been  well ;  but,  after  long, 
costly  wars,  the  Roman  power  reached  only  to  the  edge  of  the 
highlands  in  Scotland.  Thus  a  new  frontier  was  added  to  the 
long  line  that  had  to  be  guarded  by  the  sword,  and  little 
strength  was  gained  to  the  empire.     Trajan,  with  more  prov- 


§608]  THE  FRONTIERS  491 

ocation  than  that  which  had  lured  Claudius  into  Britain, 
added  Dacia  north  of  the  lower  Danube,  and  Armenia,  Mesopo- 
tamia, and  Assyria,  in  Asia  (§  586). 

The  two  latter  provinces  were  at  once  abandoned  by  Tra^ 
jan's  successor  (§  587).  Dacia,  however,  even  more  than 
Britain,  became  Roman  in  speech,  culture,  and  largely  in 
blood ;  and  though  it  was  abandoned  after  only  a  hundred 
years,  in  the  weak  period  toward  the  close  of  the  third  century 
(§  646),  still  the  modern  Roumanians  claim  to  be  Roman  in 
race  as  well  as  in  name.  Britain  was  the  next  province  to  be 
given  up,  when  the  frontier  began  to  crumble  in  earnest  in 
the  next  great  period  of  decay  (§  720).  It  had  been  Roman 
for  three  hundred  and  fifty  years. 

607.  Frontier  "Walls.  —  Since  the  attempt  had  failed  to  secure 
the  mountain  barrier  of  Bohemia  for  part  of  the  northern  fron- 
tier, Domitian  wisely  constructed  a  line  of  forts  and  castles, 
with  occasional  long  stretches  of  earth  walls  between,  to  protect 
the  open  frontier  of  336  miles  between  the  upper  Danube  and 
the  upper  Rhine.  Better  known,  however,  is  the  similar  work 
built  shortly  after  in  Britain,  called  Hadrian's  Wall  (§  587). 
Its  purpose  was  to  help  shut  out  the  wild  Picts  of  the  north. 
It  extended  from  the  Tyne  to  the  Solway,  and  considerable 
remains  still  exist.  Under  Antoninus,  a  like  structure  was 
made  farther  north,  just  at  the  foot  of  the  highlands,  from  the 
Clyde  to  th-e  Forth,  along  the  line  of  Agricola's  earlier  rampart. 

Hadrian's  Wall  was  seventy  miles  long,  extending  almost  from  sea  to 
sea.  It  consisted  of  three  distinct  parts,  (1)  a  stone  wall  and  ditch,  on  the 
north  ;  (2)  a  double  earthen  rampart  and  ditch,  about  one  hundred  and 
twenty  yards  to  the  south  ;  and  (3)  between  wall  and  rampart  a  series 
of  fourteen  fortified  camps  connected  by  a  road.  The  northern  wall  was 
eight  feet  broad  and  twenty  feet  high,  with  turreted  gates  at  mile  inter- 
vals, and  with  numerous  large  towers  for  guard-stations. 

LIFE   IN  THE   EMPIRE 

608.  Good  Government  even  by  Bad  Emperors.  —  The  first  two 
centuries  were  one   long  period  of   good  government  for  the 


492  THE  ROMAN  EMPIRE,  31  B.C.-192  A.D.        [§  609 

Roman  world.  A  few  of  the  Caesars  at  Rome  were  weak  or 
wicked,  but  their  follies  or  crimes  were  felt  only  by  the  nobles 
of  the  capital.  The  system  of  government  had  become  so  fixed 
that  the  world  moved  on  along  much  the  same  lines  whether  a 
philanthropic  Aurelius  or  a  mad  Caligula  sat  upon  the  throne. 

"  To  the  Roman  city  the  Empire  was  political  death  ;  to  the  provinces 
it  was  the  beginning  of  new  life.  ...  It  was  not  without  good  reason  that 
the  provincials  raised  their  altars  to  more  than  one  prince  for  whom  the 
citizens  [of  Rome],  also  not  without  good  reason,  sharpened  their  daggers." 
—  Freeman,  Chief  Periods^  69. 

"  It  was  in  no  mean  spirit  of  flattery  that  the  provincials  raised  statues 
and  altars  to  the  Emperors,  to  some  even  of  the  vilest  who  have  ever 
ruled.  .  .  .  The  people  knew  next  to  nothing  of  their  vices  and  follies,  and 
thought  of  them  chiefly  as  the  symbol  of  the  ruling  Providence  which, 
throughout  the  civilized  world,  had  silenced  war  and  faction  and  secured 
the  blessings  of  prosperity  and  peace,  before  unknown."  — Capes,  Early 
Empire,  202. 

609.  Peace  and  Prosperity.  —  The  year  69  (§  580)  was  the  only 
serious  break  in  the  quiet  of  the  first  two  centuries.  In  Britain 
there  was  a  revolt,  under  the  queen  Boadicea,^  in  58  a.d.  ;  but, 
like  the  rising  of  the  Germans  under  Hermann  (§  605),  this 
was  really  a  frontier  war.  A  rebellion  of  some  Gallic  tribes, 
under  their  gallant  chieftain  Civilis,^  was  connected  with  the 
disorders  of  the  year  69.  The  rebellion  of  the  Jews  (§  582) 
came  at  almost  the  same  time,  and,  to  the  empire  at  large,  even 
this  was  only  a  trivial  disturbance.  All  in  all,  an  area  as  large 
as  the  United  States,  with  a  population  about  the  same  as  ours, 
rested  for  more  than  two  hundred  years  in  the  ^^  good  lioman 
peace. ^^ 

Never,  before  or  since,  has  so  large  a  part  of  the  world  known 
such  unbroken  rest  from  the  horrors  and  waste  of  war.  Few 
troops  were  seen  within  the  empire,  and  "  the  distant  clash  of 
arms  upon  the  Euphrates  or  the  Danube  scarcely  disturbed  the 
tranquillity  of  the  Mediterranean  lands."  The  reign  of  the 
Antonines  has  been  called  the  "  golden  age  of  humanity."    Gib- 

1  Special  report. 


610] 


PEACE   AND  PROSPERITY 


493 


bon  believed  that  a  man,  if  allowed  his  choice,  would  prefer  to 
have  lived  then  rather  than  at  any  other  period.  And  says 
Mommsen:  — 

The  Empire  fostered  the  peace  and  prosperity  of  the  many  nations  united 
under  its  sway  longer  and  more  completely  than  any  other  leading  power 
has  ever  succceeded  in  doing.  .  .  .  And  if  an  angel  of  the  Lord  were  to 
strike  a  balance  whether  the  domain  ruled  by  Severus  Antoninus  ^  was 
governed  with  the  greater  intelligence  and  greater  humanity  at  that  time 
or  in  the  present  day,  whether  civilization  and  national  prosperity  gen- 
erally have  since  that  time  advanced  or  retrograded,  it  is  very  doubtful 
whether  the  decision  would  prove  in  favor  of  the  present.''^ 

610.  Wealth  and  City  Growth.  —  Everywhere  rude  stockaded 
villages  changed  into  stately  marts  of  trade,  huts  into  palaces, 


§iMjmMMm^ 


Aqueduct  near  Nimes,  France,  built  by  Antoninus  Pius  to  supply  the  city 
with  water  from  distant  mountain  springs;  present  condition  of  the  long 
gray  structure,  where  it  crosses  a  deep  valley.  The  water  pipes  were  carried 
across  streams  and  valleys  on  arches  like  these,  and  through  hills  by  tunnels. 
Some  of  these  Roman  aqueducts  remained  in  use  till  very  recent  days. 

footpaths  into  paved  Roman  roads.     Roman  irrigation  made  part 
of  the  African  desert  the  garden  of  the  world,  where,  from  drift- 


1  An  emperor  of  the  third  century,  after  decay  had  set  in  (§  643) . 


494  THE   ROMAN  EMPIRE,   31  B.C.-192  A.D.         [§  611 

iug  sands,  desolate  ruins  mock  the  traveler  of  to-day.^  The 
regular  symbol  of  Africa  in  art  was  a  stately  virgin  with  arms 
filled  with  sheaves  of  golden  grain.  In  Gaul,  Caesar  found  no 
real  towns ;  but  in  the  third  century  that  province  had  116 
flourishing  cities,  with  baths,  temples,  amphitheaters,  works 
of  art,  roads,  aqueducts,  and  schools  of  eloquence  and  rhetoric. 
One  of  the  two  Spanish  provinces  had  174  towns,  each  with  a 
charter  from  some  emperor  defining  its  rights  of  self-govern- 
ment. Such  grants  were  common,  especially  in  the  Western 
half  of  the  empire. 

Particular  attention  was  paid  in  cities  to  the  water  supply. 
That  of  Rome  was  better  than  that  of  London  or  Paris  to-day. 
The  cities  had  more  and  better  public  baths  than  the  modern 
capitals  of  Europe  or  the  cities  of  America.  In  Rome  the 
public  baths  would  accommodate  more  than  60,000  people  at 
one  moment. 

The  early  Christians  were  not  overfriendly  toward  the 
Pagan  Empire,  which  persecuted  them,  nor  very  much  in- 
clined to  praise  worldly  prosperity,  anyway.  But  Tertullian, 
one  of  the  greatest  of  the  Christian  "  Fathers,"  wrote,  about 
200  A.D. :  — 

"Each  day  the  world  becomes  more  beautiful,  more  wealthy,  more 
splendid.  No  corner  remains  inaccessible.  Every  spot  is  the  scene  of 
trade.  Recent  deserts  now  bloom  with  verdure.  Forests  give  way  to 
tilled  acres ;  wild  beasts  retreat  before  domestic  animals.  Everywhere  are 
houses,  people,  cities.     Everywhere  there  is  life." 


^« 


611.  Forms  of  Industry. — The  empire  pulsed  with  busy, 
throbbing  life.  In  the  main,  it  was  a  city  life ;  but  most  cities 
rested  directly  on  agriculture.  There  were  a  few  great  centers 
of  trade,  —  Rome,  with  perhaps  two  million  people,  Alexandria 
and  Antioch  with  half  a  million  each,  and  Corinth,  Carthage, 
Ephesus,  and  Lyons  (Lugdunum)  with  some  250,000  each. 
These  commercial  cities  were  also  centers  of  manufactures. 


1  Under  French  rule  North  Africa,  in  the  last  of  the  nineteenth  century, 
began  to  recover  its  Roman  prosperity  after  a  lapse  of  fifteen  hundred  years 


§011] 


PEACE  AND  PROSPERITY 


495 


A  letter,  ascribed  to  Hadrian,  declares  that  in  Alexandria  "No 
one  is  idle;  some  work  glass,  some  make  paper  (papyrus),  some 
weave  linen.  Money  is  the  only  god."  The  looms  of  Sidon 
and  other  old  Phoenician  cities  ceaselessly  turned  forth  their 
precious  purple  cloths.  Miletus,  Rhodes,  and  the  other  old 
Greek  cities  of  the  Asiatic  coast,  were  famous  for  their  woolen 


A  City  Gate  at  Pompeii. 

manufactures.  Syrian  factories  poured  silks,  precious  tapes- 
tries, and  morocco  leather  into  the  western  trade.  The  silver- 
smiths of  Ephesus  were  numerous  enough  to  stir  up  a  formidable 
riot,  on  occasion.^  In  Rome  the  bakers'  gild  listed  254  dif- 
ferent shops,  and  there  were  2300  places  where  olive  oil  was 
for  sale.2 

In  these  larger  towns  there  was  always  a  rabble;  and  in 


^Acts  of  the  Apostles,  xix,  23-41.  That  passage  gives  also  a  valuable  pic- 
ture of  city  political  life  under  the  empire. 

2  Olive  oil  had  many  uses  iu  the  ancieut  world,  and  was  a  necessity  in 
every  household. 


496  THE   ROMAN  EMPIRE,  31  B.C.-192  A.D.        [§611 

Rome,  Alexandria,  and  Antioch,  the  government  regularly- 
supported  the  unemployed  by  distributions  of  free  grain.  But 
after  all,  these  large  cities,  taken  all  together,  were  only  a  small 
part  of  the  Roman  world,  —  holding  perhaps  a  twentieth  or 
twenty-fifth  of  the  total  population.  Most  of  the  other  seventy- 
five  or  eighty  million  people  lived  in  small  towns,  of  20,000  and 
less.  We  should  learn  to  think  of  the  empire  as  mapped  into 
municipia,  and  understand  that  each  of  these  was  a  farming  dis- 
trict, with  the  town  for  its  core. 

The  devouring  of  small  farms  by  large  landlords,  which  had 
ruined  much  of  Italy  in  the  second  century  b.c,  began  to  show 
ominously  in  the  provinces  by  the  second  century  a.d.  ;  but  on 
the  whole,  for  this  period,  especially  in  the  western  half  of 
the  empire,  the  farmers  were  a  plain,  sturdy  peasantry,  owning 
their  own  lands,  or,  generation  after  generation,  tilling  the 
same  farms  as  tenants.^  Market  gardening  was  a  profitable 
employment  near  the  cities,  and  Varro  (§  625)  tells  of  two  old 
soldiers  who,  with  half  an  acre  of  land,  made  $500  a  year  from 
their  bees,  —  an  amount  equivalent  to  an  income  of  several 
thousand  dollars  to-day. 

As  always  in  the  Old  World,  this  farming  peasantry  lived, 
not  each  family  on  its  own  farmstead  as  with  us,  but  either 
in  the  city  or  in  small  hamlets  grouped  about  it.  (Cf.  §  15.) 
Each  town  had  its  numerous  gilds  of  artisans,  weavers,  fullers, 
and  shopkeepers.  Slaves  performed  most  of  the  unskilled 
hand-labor  in  the  towns.  Thus  a  baker  or  a  mason  would 
usually  have  two  or  three  or  a  dozen  slaves  to  work  under 
his  direction.  For  the  "  gentleman  class  "  (nobles)  there  were 
the  occupations  of  law,  the  army,  literature,  and  the  farming 
of  large  estates.  A  middle  class  furnished  merchants  (as  dis- 
tinguished from  shopkeepers),  engineers,  architects,  bankers, 
teachers,  and  many  of  the  men  of  letters.  In  medicine  there 
was  considerable  subdivision  of  labor.  We  read  of  dentists, 
and  of  eye-and-ear    specialists.      Many    so-called  physicians 

1  For  this  last  condition,  even  in  Italy  (in  the  North),  see  Davis'  Headings, 
II,  No.  88. 


§  612]  TRAVEL  497 

were  cheap  quacks,  and  many  were  slaves ;  but  the  more 
skilled  members  of  this  progression  came  from  the  middle 
class.  One  physician  speaks  of  his  income  as  600,000  sester- 
ces a  year  (about  $24,000  in  our  money,  or  nearly  $150,000 
a  year  in  purchasing  power  to-day) ;  and  many  of  them  left 
large  fortunes.  Medicine,  commerce,  and  banking,  however, 
were  not  for  the  noble  class. 

612.  Communication  and  Travel.  —  The  roads  were  safe. 
Piracy  ceased  from  the  seas,  and  trade  flourished  as  it  was 
not  to  flourish  again  until  the  days  of  Columbus.  The  ports 
were  crowded  with  shipping-,  and  the  Mediterranean  was  spread 
with  happy  sails.  One  Roman  writer  exclaims  that  there  are 
as  many  men  upon  the  waves  as  upon  land.^  An  immense 
traffic  flowed  ceaselessly  between  Europe  and  Central  Asia 
along  three  great  arteries :  one  in  the  north  by  the  Black  Sea 
and  by  caravan  (along  the  line  of  the  present  Russian  trans- 
Caspian  railway)  ;  one  on  the  south  by  Suez  and  the  Red  Sea ; 
one  by  caravan  across  Arabia,  where,  amid  the  sands,  arose 
white-walled  Palmyra,  Queen  of  the  Desert. 

From  frontier  to  frontier,  communication  was  safe  and  rapid. 
The  grand  military  and  post  roads  ran  in  trunk-lines  —  a  thou- 
sand miles  at  a  stretch  —  from  every  frontier  toward  the  cen- 
tral heart  of  the  empire,  with  a  dense  network  of  ramifications 
in  every  province.  Guidebooks  described  routes  and  distances. 
Inns  abounded.  The  imperial  couriers  that  hurried  along  the 
great  highways  passed  a  hundred  and  fifty  milestones  a  day ; 
and  private  travel,  from  the  Tliames  to  the  Euphrates,  teas  swifter, 
safer,  and  more  comfortable  than  ever  again  until  the  days  of  rail- 
roads, ivell  into  the  nineteerith  century. 

Naturally,  travel  was  very  popular.  The  gravestones  of 
ancient  Syrian  merchants  are  found  to-day  scattered  from 
Roumania  to  France,  and  the  monuments  of  Gallic  traders  in 

1  The  aucient  merchant  vessel  was  not  unlike  the  sailing  ships  engaged  in 
Mediterranean  coasting  trade  to-day.  Multitudes  of  them  could  carry  two 
or  three  hundred  passengers,  besides  their  freight,  and  we  hear  of  an  occasional 
" three-decker"  which  could  carry  a  thousand  or  fifteen  hundred  people. 


498  THE   ROMAN   EMPIRE,  31  B.C.-192  A.D.        [§  612 

Asia  witness  to  this  ancient  intercourse.  One  Phrygian  mer- 
chant who  died  at  home  asserts  on  his  gravestone  that  he  had 
sailed  "  around  Greece  to  Italy  seventy-two  times ! "  And  men 
traveled  for  pleasure  as  well  as  for  business.  There  was  a 
keen  desire  in  each  great  quarter  of  the  empire  to  see  the 
other  regions  which  Rome  had  molded  into  one  world.  It 
seems  to  have  been  at  least  as  common  a  thing  for  the  gentle- 
man of  Gaul  or  Britain  to  visit  the  wonders  of  Rome  and  of 
the  Nile  as  for  the  modern  American  to  spend  a  summer  in 
England  and  France.  One  great  annoyance  to  modern  travel, 
indeed,  was  absent.  One  language,  or  at  most,  two,  answered 
all  needs  from  London  to  Babylon.  Whole  families  took 
pleasure  trips  in  a  body ;  and,  quite  in  modern  fashion,  they 
sometimes  defaced  precious  monuments  of  the  past  with  their 
scrawls.  One  of  the  most  famous  statues  of  Egypt  bears  a 
scratched  inscription  that  it  has  been  visited  by  a  Roman 
^*  Gemellus  "  with  "  his  dear  wife,  Rufilla  "  and  their  children. 
And  a  lonely  Roman  lady  scrawled  upon  one  of  the  pyramids 
her  tearful  lamentation  that  she  was  compelled  to  see  these 
wonders  "  without  you,  dearest  of  brothers." 

Much  of  this  travel  was  in  wheeled  and  cushioned  carriages, 
which  rolled  smoothly  along  the  perfectly  faced  stones  of  the 
Roman  roads.  But  many  people  chose  instead  luxurious  lit- 
ters, each  swung  along  by  its  eight  even-paced  Cappadocian 
slaves.^  The  motion  was  so  easy,  we  are  told  by  ancient 
authors,  that  reading  and  even  writing  were  pleasant  employ- 
ments in  them  —  as  in  a  modern  "Pullman." 

Strangely  enough,  though  the  imperial  postal  service  for 
official  business  was  well  organized  throughout  the  empire, 
there  was  no  public  postal  service  for  private  correspondence. 
This  was  one  reason  why  merchants  had  to  travel  so  inces- 

1  In  all  this  treatment,  I  am  greatly  indebted  to  the  recent  invaluable  study 
by  William  Stearns  Davis,  —  The  Influence  of  Wealth  in  Imperial  Rome. 
That  book  is  not  designed  for  young  high  school  students ;  but  the  lucid  and 
interesting  style  makes  it  usable  even  by  them,  and  a  teacher  will  find  many 
valuable  readings  in  it. 


§  613]  COMMERCE  499 

santly  in  person  —  instead  of  doing  business  through  corre- 
spondents and  agents  in  other  provinces.  There  were  many 
private  post  companies,  however,  to  carry  people  and  letters 
from  city  to  city,  and  the  wealthy  sometimes  sent  letters 
to  distant  lands  by  trusted  slaves. 

'  613.  "  Foreign  "  Commerce.  —  It  was  to  be  expected,  with  so 
much  travel  in  the  Roman  world,  that  the  products  of  one 
part  of  the  empire  would  be  known  and  used  in  every  other 
part.  We  are  hardly  surprised  to  find  that  women  of  the  Swiss 
mountains  wore  jewelry  made  in  Asia  Minor,  or  to  learn  that 
Italian  wines  were  drunk  in  Britain  and  in  Cilicia.  But  there 
was  also  a  vast  commerce  with  regions  beyond  the  boundaries 
of  the  empire.  Roman  writers  are  provokingly  brief  and  vague 
in  their  many  allusions  to  this  trade,  and  the  barbarians,  of 
course,  have  left  no  records  of  it.  We  know  that  Caesar  fcund 
that  the  trader  had  preceded  his  legions  to  the  most  distant  parts 
of  Gaul  in  his  day  ;  and,  just  as  English  and  Dutch  traders 
journeyed  three  hundred  years  ago  far  into  the  savage  interiors 
of  America  for  better  and  better  bargains  in  furs,  so  did 
the  indomitable  Roman  trader  continue  to  press  on  into  re- 
gions where  the  legions  never  camped.  We  know  they  visited 
Ireland;  and  both  by  sea  and  by  overland  routes  from  the 
Danube,  they  found  their  way  to  the  Baltic  shores.  Thence 
they  brought  back  amber,  furs,  and  flaxen  German  hair  with 
which  the  dark  Roman  ladies  liked  to  deck  their  heads.  Such 
goods  the  trader  paid  for  in  toys  and  trinkets  and  in  wine  and 
sometimes  in  Roman  arms  and  tools  —  as  our  colonial  traders 
got  their  furs  from  the  Indians  with  beads  and  whisky  and  guns 
and  powder  and  knives.  Roman  iron  arms  have  been  found  on 
the  Jutland  coast, —  probably  left  there  in  such  commerce. 

On  the  south,  East  Africa  and  Central  Africa  rewarded 
the  venturesome  trader  with  ivory,  spices,  apes,  rare  marbles, 
wild  beasts,  and  negro  slaves. 

On  the  east,  the  trader  reached  civilized  lands.  Unhappily 
it  is  just  this  trade  that  has  the  least  history.  A  Latin  poet 
of  Hadrian's   time   speaks   of   the   "  many   merchants "   who 


^ 


^ 


500  THE   ROMAN  EMPIRE,   31  B.C.-192  A.D.        [§  614 

reaped  "  immense  riches "  by  venturesome  voyages  over  the 
Indian  Ocean  "  to  the  mouth  of  the  Ganges."  India,  Ceylon, 
y^and  Malasia  sent  to  Europe  indigo,  spices,  pearls,  sapphires, 
and  other  precious  stones.  The  East  did  not  care  for  Western 
products  in  exchange,  but  had  to  be  paid  in  coin ;  and  in  Tra- 
jan's time,  Pliny  the  Elder  (§  627)  estimated  that  India  drew 
:$2,000,00Q  a  year  in  gold  and  silver  away  from  the  Roman 
world.  From  shadowy  regions  beyond  India  came  the  silk 
yarn  which  kept  the  Syrian  looms  busy.  Chinese  annals  of 
the  year  166  a.d.  tell  of  an  "  embassy"  from  the  Emperor 
Marcus  Aurelius  ;  and  200  years  later  they  speak  again  of  the 
port  of  Canton  receiving  from  Roman  traders  glass  and  metal 
wares,  amber,  jewels,  and  drugs. 

614.  Banking  and  Panics.  —  Banking  had  long  been  an  im- 
portant business.  The  early  Romans  and  Greeks  often  buried 
their  money  in  the  earth  for  safe  keeping,  but  that  practice 
had  long  ceased  except  with  such  ignorant  or  slothful  rustics 
as  are  rebuked  in  Christ's  parable.  Instead,  all  over  the 
Roman  world,  men  placed  money  with  the  bankers,  to  receive 
it  again  with  interest.  The  bankers,  of  course,  had  earned  the 
interest  (and  their  own  profits)  by  lending  the  money  out  mean- 
while at  higher  rates  than  they  paid.  As  with  our  own  day, 
so  in  the  Roman  empire,  a  large  part  of  the  business  was  done 
on  borrowed  capital  furnished  by  bankers. 

And  as  trade  grew,  it  added  another  featur^l^o  the  banking 
business.  Innumerable  merchants  in  every  part  of  the  empire 
would  come,  day  by  day,  to  owe  one  another  large  sums.  To 
carry  the  coin  from  one  frontier  to  another  for  each  such  debt 
would  be  costly  —  and  indeed  impossible  for  business  of  such 
volume  as  had  grown  up.  So  banks,  as  with  us,  had  come  to 
sell  "  bills  of  exchange,"  or  drafts.  A  merchant  in  Alexandria 
who  owed  money  to  a  citizen  of  Cologne  could  pay  the  amount 
into  a  home  bank  (plus  some  "  premium  "  for  the  bank's  serv- 
ice) and  receive  an  order  for  the  amount  on  a  bank  in  Co- 
logne. This  slip  of  paper  would  then  be  sent  to  the  creditor  in 
Cologne,  who  could  present  it  at  his  bank  and  get  his  money. 


§615j  BANKING  AND   "PANICS"  501 

The  Cologne  bank,  sooner  or  later,  would  have  occasion  to  sell 
a  draft  upon  the  Alexandria  bank,  in  like  fashion.  At  some 
convenient  time,  the  two  banks  would  have  to  settle  their  bal- 
ance in  coin;  but  the  amount  to  be  carried  from  one  to  the 
other  would  be  very  small,  compared  with  the  total  amount  of 
business. 

With  such  a  wide-spread  system  of  "credits,"  the  Roman  world,  Hke 
our  own,  had  its  money  flurries  and  "  panics."  A  crop  failure  in  Africa, 
or  the  loss  of  a  richly  laden  merchant  fleet  by  a  hurricane  in  the  Red  sea, 
or  a  period  of  rash  speculation  in  Gaul,  was  felt  at  once  in  the  money 
market  in  every  part  of  the  empire.  The  failure  of  a  great  banking 
house  in  Antioch  might  drag  down  others  in  Rome  and  Alexandria. 
Thus  in  the  year  of  Christ's  crucifixion  there  happened  the  first  great 
money  panic  in  history,  —  an  event  which  made  much  more  noise  in  the 
Roman  world  than  the  vague  rumor  of  a  slight  disturbance  in  Judea. 

The  Emperor  Tiberius  checked  the  disaster  by  promptly  placing 
$4,000,000  in  coin  from  the  imperial  treasury  in  certain  central  banks,  to 
be  loaned  to  hard-pressed  debtors,  and  by  ordering  that  debtors  who 
could  give  ample  security  in  real  estate  should  have  a  three-years'  extension 
of  time.  But  it  is  clear  that  if  the  Roman  world  had  many  of  the  ad- 
vantages which  the  modern  world  finds  in  a  credit  system,  it  had  also  the 
modern  troubles,  i 

615.    Taxation  and  Roads.  —  Taxation  by  the  central  govern-  J      .. 
ment  was  heavy,  no  doubt,  but  during  these  two  centuries  it  '   L^ 
was  less  in  amount  than  most  of  the  provinces  had  had  to  pay 
to  their  earlier  native  rulers.     Every  farmer  and  landlord  paid   «-^ 
a  tax  on  land.     In  the  towns,  every  citizen  and  every  trader  — • 
paid  a  poll  tax.    -Tariffs  were  sometimes  collected  at  the  fron- «..« 
tiers  of  a  province  on  goods  entering  or  departing.     Koman  «— ^ 
citizens  paid  a  tax  of  five  per  cent  on  inheritances.     Further-  — 
more,  Africa  and  Egypt  paid  a  peculiar  tax  in   grain.     The 
Egyptian  grain  tax,  some  144,000,000  bushels  each  year,  was   ^ 
carried  to  Eome  to  feed  the  hungry  m.asses,  —  largely  in  free 
distributions.     Although  the  imperial  tax  was  heavy,  it  was 
usually  collected  with  the  greatest  possible  consideration.     In 

1  See  Davis'  Readings,  II,  No.  76.    Dr.  Davis  has  a  striking  picture  of  this 
panic  in  the  opening  chapter  of  his  Influence  of  Wealth  in  Imperial  Rome. 


502  THE  ROMAN  EMPIRE,  31  B.C.-192  A.D.        [§  616 

a  bad  season,  in  a  given  province,  the  amount  was  lessened 
promptly  by  imperial  order.  If  an  Egyptian  village,  in  a  dry 
year,  received  too  little  water  from  the  Nile  for  its  usual  crop, 
the  tribute  in  grain  was  remitted  or  lightened. 

What  did  the  government  do  for  the  people  in  return  for  the 
taxes  it  took  from  them?  Many  things  which  a  government 
does  to-day,  it  did  not  do  then.  It  did  not  build  hospitals  or 
asylums,  or  maintain  complete  systems  of  education,  or  care 
systematically  for  the  public  health.  Yet  the  government  of 
the  Roman  empire  came  nearer  doing  these  things  than  any 
government  in  the  world  was  to  do  after  it  until  very  recent 
times.     And  two  things  in  particular  it  did  do.     It  kept  the 

\"  good  Roman  peace  "  of  which  so  much  has  been  said  above, 

I  and  it  built  and  kept  in  repair  the  Roman  roads,  —  the  bonds  of 
union  and  means  of  intercourse  in  the  Roman  world.  This 
meant  a  huge  expense.  We  happen  to  be  informed  that  in 
Hadrian's  rule  a  mile  of  road  in  southern  Italy  cost  $4000. 
On  the  frontiers  and  in  mountain  districts,  the  cost  must  have 
been  many  times  that  amount.  The  one  island  of  Sicily  had  a 
<  thousand  miles  of  such  roads.  In  France,  13,200  miles  of 
4-  road  can  still  be  traced.  Every  province  shared  in  this  great 
work,  which  was  looked  after  by  a  special  department  of  the 
government.  Besides  the  imperial  roads,  each  province  was 
expected  and  sometimes  required  to  build  many  radiating 
branches  at  its  own  expense. 

616.  The  "World  becomes  Roman.  —  Julius  Caesar  had  begun 
the  rapid  expansion  of  Roman  citizenship  beyond  Italy. 
Through  his  legislation  the  number  of  adult  males  with  the 
franchise  rose  from  some  nine  hundred  thousand  to  over  four 
million.  Augustus  was  more  cautious,  but  before  his  death 
the  total  reached  nearly  five  million.^  This  represented  a  popu- 
lation of  some  twenty-five  million  people,  in  an  empire  of 
something  more  than  three  times  that  number,  including 
slaves.     Claudius  made  the  next  great  advance,  after  a  curious 

1  Augustus  is  our  authority  for  both  these  sets  of  figures.  See  extract  in 
Davis'  Readings,  II,  No.  56. 


§617]  UNITY  OF  FEELING  503 

debate  in  tlie  Senate/  raising  the  total  of  adult  male  citizens,  tit 
for  military  service,  to  about  seven  millions.  Hadrian  com- 
pleted the  enfranchisement  of  Gaul  and  Spain.  The  final  step 
was  taken  a  little  later  by  Caracalla  (§  642),  who  made  all  free 
inhabitants  of  the  empire  full  citizens  in  212  a.d.  This  com- 
pleted the  process  of  political  absorption  that  began  when  the 
Eomans  and  Sabines  of  the  Palatine  and  Quirinal  made  their 
first  compact  (§  338). 

By  the  time  of  Caracalla  the  franchise  was  no  longer  exercised,  for  the 
Roman  Assembly  had  ceased  except  as  a  mob  gathering.  Moreover, 
most  of  the  provincials  had  already  come  to  possess  many  of  the  advan- 
tages of  citizens.  Caracalla  probably  acted  from  a  desire  to  increase  the 
revenues, — since  citizens  were  subject  to  some  taxes  not  paid  by  non- 
citizens.  Still  the  gift  of  complete  citizenship,  with  its  eligibility  to  office 
and  its  rights  before  the  law,  was  no  slight  gain.  The  apostle  Paul  before 
Festus,  lays  stress  upon  his  privileges  as  a  Roman  citizen  (§  653). 

'  617.  Unity  of  Feeling.  —  By  its  generous  policy,  by  its  pros- 
perity and  good  government,  by  its  uniform  law,  and  its  means 
of  close  communication,  the  empire  won  spiritual  dominion 
over  the  hearts  and  minds  of  men.  Rome  molded  the  manifold 
races  of  her  realms  into  one,  —  not  by  conscious  effort  or  by 
violent  legislation,  but  through  their  own  affectionate  choice. 
This  Romanization  of  the  provincials  was  very  different  from 
the  violent  measures  used  by  Russia  or  Germany  to-day  to 
nationalize  their  mixed  populations,  and  more  like  the  uncon- 
scious absorption  of  many  stocks  in  the  United  States.  Gaul, 
Briton,  Dacian,  African,  Greek,  called  themselves  Romans.  They 
were  so,  in  life,  thought,  and  feeling.  The  East  kept  its  Greek 
tongue  and  a  pride  in  its  earlier  civilization  (§  475) ;  but  it, 
too,  turned  from  the  glories  of  Miltiades  and  Leonidas  for 
what  seemed  the  higher  honor  of  the  Roman  name.  And  East 
and  West  alike  used  the  Roman  law  and  Roman  political  iyistitu- 
tions. 


1  Cf .  §  587.    Read  the  speech  of  the  Emperor  (Davis'  Readings,  II,  No.  63), 
and  note  also  the  freedom  and  character  of  interruptions  by  the  Senators. 


504  THE   ROMAN  EMPIRE,  31  B.C.-192  A.D.        [§  617 

The  union  of  the  Roman  world  was  not,  like  that  of  previous 
empires,  one  of  external  force.^  It  was  in  the  inner  life  of  the 
people.  The  provincials  had  no  reason  to  feel  a  difference 
between  themselves  and  the  inhabitants  of  Italy.  From  the 
provinces  now  came  the  men  of  letters  who  made  Roman  litera- 
ture glorious,  and  the  grammarians  who  defined  the  Roman 
language  (§§  626  ff.).     They  furnished  nearly  all  the  emperors. 


rr 

ft^V^^^^H 

1 

1 

Palace  of  the  Roman  Emperors  at  Trier. 

In  their  cities  arose  schools  of  rhetoric  that  taught  the  use  of 
Latin  even  to  youth  born  by  the  Tiber. 

The  poet  Claudian,  an  Egyptian  Greek  of  the  fourth  century, 
expressed  this  noble  unity  in  patriotic  lines :  — 

"  Rome,  Rome  alone  has  found  the  spell  to  charm 
The  tribes  that  bowed  beneath  her  conquering  arm; 

1  Note  that  the  physical  conquests  of  Rome  were  chiefly  made  under  the 
Republic.  The  Empire  was  a  defensive  civilized  state ;  and  its  wars,  with 
rare  exceptions,  were  not  for  conquest. 


617] 


UNITY  OF   PEELING 


505 


Has  given  one  name  to  the  whole  human  race, 
And  clasped  and  sheltered  them  in  fond  embrace,  — 
Mother,  not  mistress;  called  her  foe  her  son  ; 
And  by  soft  ties  made  distant  countries  one. 
This  to  her  peaceful  scepter  all  men  owe,  — 
That  through  the  nations,  wheresoever  we  go 
Strangers,  we  jBnd  a  fatherland.     Our  home 
We  change  at  will;  we  count  it  sport  to  roam 
Through  distant  Thule,  or  with  sails  unfurled 
Seek  the  most  drear  recesses  of  the  world. 
Though  we  may  tread  Rhone's  or  Orontes'i  shore, 
Yet  are  we  all  one  nation  evermore." 

And  at  the  very  close  of  the  dark  fourth  century,  when  to  us 
the  glory  of  Kome  seems  to  have  departed  (§  687),  a  Christian 
writer  dwells  glowingly  upon  this  same  unity :  "  We  live,  no 


The  Black  Gate   {Porta   Nigra)   at  Trier. 
This  is  called  the  noblest  Roman  ruin  in  Germany. 

1  A  Syrian  river. 


506  THE   ROMAN  EMPIRE,  31  B.C.-192  A.D.        [§  618 

matter  where  we  are  in  the  world,  as  fellow-citizens,  ...  in- 
closed within  the  circuit  of  one  city  and  grown  up  at  the  same 
domestic  hearth  ...  an  equal  law  has  made  all  men  equal." 
(See  the  rest  of  this  tribute  in  Davis'  Readings,  II,  No.  115.) 

618.  Diffusion  of  Social  Life.  —  Life  did  not  remain  centered 
at  Rome  as  in  the  first  century  b.c.  To  condense  a  passage 
from  Freeman's  Impressions  of  Rome :  — 

"  Her  walls  were  no  longer  on  the  Tiber,  but  on  the  Danube,  the 
Rhine,  and  the  German  Ocean.  Instead  of  an  outpost  at  Janiculum, 
her  fortresses  were  at  York  and  Trier.  Many  of  the  emperors  after  the 
first  century  were  more  at  home  in  these  and  other  distant  cities  than  in 
the  ancient  capital,  —  which  they  visited  perhaps  only  two  or  three  times 
in  a  reign,  for  some  solemn  pageant.^  In  these  once  provincial  towns 
the  pulse  of  Boman  life  heat  more  strongly  than  in  Old  Borne  itself" 

619.  The  Universities.  —  The  three  great  centers  of  learning 
were  Rome,  Alexandria,  and  Athens.  In  these  cities  there 
were  universities,  as  we  should  call  them  now,  with  vast  libra- 
ries and  numerous  professorships.  The  early  Ptolemies  in 
Egypt  had  begun  such  foundations-  at  Alexandria  (§  319). 
Augustus  followed  their  example  at  Athens,  from  his  private 
fortune.  Vespasian  was  the  first  to  pay  salaries  from  the 
public  treasury  ;  and  Marcus  Aurelius  began  the  practice  of 
permanent  state  endowments.  That  is,  the  government  gave 
large  sums  of  money  or  valuable  property,  the  income  of  which 
was  to  be  used  for  the  support  of  the  institution  receiving  the 
gift,  —  as  with  our  national  land  grants  to  State  universities. 

The  professors  had  the  rank  of  Senators,  with  good  salaries, 
and  with  assured  pensions  after  twenty  years  of  service.  At 
Rome  there  were  ten  chairs  of  Latin  Grammar  (language  and 
literary  criticism) ;  ten  of  Greek ;  three  of  Rhetoric,  which 
included  law  and  politics;^  and  three  of  Philosophy,  which 
included  logic.     These  represent  the  three  .chief  studies  (the 

1  This  statement  holds  good  for  most  of  the  better  emperors.  As  a  rule  it 
was  the  weak  or  wicked  ones  who  spent  their  reigns  in  the  capital. 

2  Because  these  were  subjects  to  which  rhetoric  was  especially  applied  and 
on  account  of  which  it  was  studied. 


§621]  EDUCATION  507 

trivium)  —  language,  rhetoric,  and  philosophy.  There  was 
also  a  group  of  raathematical  studies,  —  music,  arithmetic,^ 
geometry,  astronomy  (the  quadrivium).  In  some  universities 
special  studies  flourished.  Thus,  law  was  a  specialty  at  Rome, 
and  medicine  at  Alexandria. 

^  -  620.  Schools.  —  Below  the  universities,  in  all  large  provincial 
towns,  there  were  ^^  grammar  schools.'^  These  were  endowed  by 
the  emperors,  from  Vespasian's  time,  and  corresponded  in 
some  measure  to  advanced  high  schools,  or  small  colleges. 

Those  in  Gaul  and  Spain  were  especially  famous ;  in  partic- 
ular, the  ones  at  Massilia,  Autun,  Narbonne,  Lyons,  Bordeaux, 
Toulouse.  The  reputation  of  the  instructors  in  the  best  schools 
drew  students  from  all  the  empire.  The  walls  of  the  class 
rooms  were  painted  with  maps,  dates,  and  lists  of  facts.  The 
masters  were  appointed  by  local  magistrates,  with*  life  tenure 
and  good  pay.  Like  the  professors  in  the  universities,  they 
were  exempt  from  taxation  and  had  many  privileges. 

In  the  small  towns  were  many  schools  of  a  lower  grade.  But 
all  this  education  was  for  the  upper  and  middle  classes,  and  for 
occasional  bright  boys  from  the  lower  classes  who  found  some 
wealthy  patron.  Little  was  done  toward  dispelling  the  dense 
ignorance  of  the  masses.  Rich  men  and  women,  however, 
sometimes  bequeathed  money  to  schools  in  their  home  cities  for 
the  education  of  poor  children.^ 

^  621.  Architecture  was  the  chief  Roman  art.  With  the  Early 
Empire  it  takes  on  its  distinctive  character.  To  the  Greek 
columns  it  adds  the  noble  Roman  arch,  with  its  modification, 
the  dome.  As  compared  with  Greek  architecture,  it  has 
more  massive  grandeur  and  is  more  ornate.  The  Romans  com- 
monly used  the  rich  Corinthian  column  instead  of  the  simpler 
Doric  or  Ionic  (§  154). 

1  When  Koman  numerals  were  used,  arithmetic  could  not  be  an  elementary 
study.    To  appreciate  this,  let  the  student  try  to  multiply  xliv  by  xix. 

2  Davis'  Readings,  II,  No.  80,  gives  Pliny's  account  of  such  an  endowment. 
No.  79  —  Horace's  story  of  how  his  father,  a  poor  farmer,  gave  him  an  educa- 
tion —  throws  light  on  this  topic. 


508  THE   ROMAN  EMPIRE,  31  B.C.-192  A.D.        [§  621 


■^ 

1 

1  llK-'iMI  iHII 

H 

^yS^^jMlP'  Ir^WHH^^U 

The  Pantheon  To-day. 


A  Section  of  the  Pantheon. 


§622] 


ARCHITECTURE 


509 


622.  Famous  Buildings. — The  most  famous  building  of  the  Augustan 
Age  is  the  Pantheon^  —  "shrine  of  all  saints  and  temple  of  all  gods," — 
built  in  the  Campus  Martins  by  the  minister  Agrippa.^    It  is  a  circular 


Che  Coliseum,  seen  through  the  Arch  of  Titus.    Cf.  pp.  471,  478. 


i  Some  recent  archaeologists  say  that  Hadrian  built  the  Pautheon  in  its 
present  form,  retaining  the  inscription  in  honor  of  Agrippa  from  an  earlier 


510 


THE   ROMAN  EMPIRE,  31  B.C.-192  A.D.        [§  622 


structure,  132  feet  in  diameter  and  of  the  same  height,  surmounted  by  a 
majestic  dome  that  originally  flashed  with  tiles  of  bronze.     The  interior 

is  broadly  flooded  with  light  from  an  aper- 
ture in  the  dome  26  feet  in  diameter.  The 
inside  walls  were  formed  of  splendid  col- 
umns of  yellow  marble,  with  gleaming  white 
capitals  supporting  noble  arches,  upon 
which  again  rested  more  pillars  and  another 
row  of  arches  —  up  to  the  base  of  the  dome. 
Under  the  arches,  in  pillared  recesses,  stood 
the  statues  of  the  gods  of  all  religions  ;  for 
this  grand  temple  was  symbolic  of  the 
grander  toleration  and  unity  of  the  Roman 
world.  Time  has  dealt  gently  with  it,  and 
almost  alone  of  the  buildings  of  its  day  it 
has  lasted  to  ours.i 

The  Coliseum  was  begun  by  Vespasian 
and  finished  by  Domitian.  It  is  a  vast 
stone  amphitheater  {two  theaters,  face  to 
face)  for  vy^ild  beast  shows  andL.gan^es.  It 
covers  six  acres,  and  the  walls  rise  150  feet. 
It  seated  45,000  spectators.  For  centuries, 
in  the  Middle  Ages,  its  ruins  were  used  as 
a  quarry  for  the  palaces  of  Roman  nobles, 
but  its  huge  size  has  prevented  its  complete 
destruction, 

A  favorite  application  of  the  arch  was  the 
triumphal  arch,  adorned  with  sculptures 
and  covered  with  inscriptions,  spanning  a 
street,  as  if  it  were  a  city  gate.  Among 
the  more  famous  structures  of  this  kind  in 
Rome  were  the  arches  of  Titus,  Trajan, 
Antoninus,  and,  later,  of  Constantine  (see 
pages  609,  514,  515,  etc.). 
Trajan's  Column.  The  Romans  erected  also  splendid  mon- 

building*  Agrippa  was  an  early  friend  of  Augustus  and  a  faithful  assistant 
through  his  whole  life.  He  was  an  able  soldier  and  an  ardent  builder.  In  his 
patronage  of  art  and  architecture  he  filled  a  place  like  that  of  Maecenas  in 
literature  (§  571,  note).  Agrippa's  generalship  won  the  battle  of  Actium.  He 
became  the  son-in-law  of  Augustus,  and,  except  for  his  death  shortly  before 
that  of  the  Emperor,  he  would  probably  have  succeeded  to  his  power. 
1  Read  the  picture  in  Byron's  Childe  Harold,  canto  iv. 


i 

J 

i 
i 

1 

\ 

1 

m^ 

^ 

pi^A'.. 

^"^Itwmamm i 

6231 


ARCHITECTURE 


511 


umental  columns.     The  finest  surviving  example  is  TrajarVs  Column,  one 
hundred  feet  high,  circled  with  spiral  bands  of  sculpture  containing  twenty- 


X^ 

Aisle 

1 

•^    •   .'      n 

Nave 

^i 

Aisle 

(tENeral  Plan  of  a  Basilica. 


five  hundred  human  figures.     It  commemorated  and  illustrated- Trajan's 
Dacian  expedition. 

623.   Roman  Basilicas  and  the  Later  Christian  Architecture. — 

One  other  kind  of  building  must  have  special  mention.     A  little  before 


Interior  of  Trajan's  Basilica,  —  a  "restoration"  by  Canina. 

the  Empire,  the  Romans  adopted  the  Greek  basilica  ^  and  soon  made  it  a 
favorite  form  of  building  for  the  law  courts. 


1  So  called  from  the  hall  at  Athens  where  the  basileus  archon  (king  archon) 
heard  cases  at  law  involving  religious  questions.    Cf .  §  134. 


512  THE   ROMAN   EMPIRE,  31  B.C.-192  A.D.        [§  624 

The  general  plan  was  that  of  a  great  oblong  hall,  its  length  some  two 
times  its  breadth,  with  a  circular  raised  apse  at  the  end,  where  sat  the  numer- 
ous judges.  The  hall  itself  was  divided  by  two  long  rows  of  pillars  into 
three  parts  running  from  the  entrance  to  the  apse  —  a  central  nave  and 
two  aisles,  one  each  side  of  the  nave.  Sometimes  there  were  double  rows 
of  pillars,  making  two  aisles  on  each  side.  The  nave  was  left  open  up  to 
the  lofty  roof  ;  but  above  the  side  aisles  there  were  galleries  shut  off  by  a 
parapet,  which  supported  a  row  of  elevated  pillars.  These  galleries  were 
for  the  general  public. 

The  Christians  found  this  building  admirably  adapted  for  their  worship. 
After  the  conversion  of  the  Empire,  numerous  basilicas  were  converted 
into  churches,  and  for  centuries  all  ecclesiastical  buildings  had  this 
general  plan.     With  slight  changes,  it  grew  into  the  plan  of  the  medieval 


'   "       LITERATURE 

Until  just  before  the  Empire,  literature  plays  a  small  part  in 
Roman  life ;  and  it  has  not  been  needful  to  mention  it  until  now. 
To  grasp  the  literary  conditions  under  the  Empire,  however,  it 
is  desirable  to  review  briefly  the  earlier  period  also.  The  fol- 
lowing outline  is  designed  only  for  reading  and  reference,  not 
for  careful  study.  If  the  teacher  likes,  it  can  be  discussed  in 
class,  with  open  books. 

624.  Before  the  Age  of  Cicero.  —  Rome  had  no  literature  until  the 
middle  of  the  third  century  b.c.  Then  the  influence  of  her  conquest  of 
Magna  Graecia  began  to  be  felt.  Livius  Andronicus,  a  Greek  slave  from 
Tarentum,  introduced  the  drama  at  Rome  ;  but  his  plays,  and  those  of  his 
successor  Naevius^  were  mainly  translations  from  older  Greek  writers. 

Fnnius,  also  from  Magna  Graecia,  comes  in  the  period  just  after  the 
Second  Punic  War.  He  translated  Greek  dramas,  but  his  chief  work  was 
an  epic  on  the  legendary  history  of  Rome. 

Comedy  was  represented  by  two  greater  names,  Plautus  (of  Italian 
origin)  and  Terence  (a  slave  from  Carthage) .  Both  modeled  their  plays 
upon  those  of  the  Greek  Menander  (§313).  Plautus  (254-184  b.c.)  is 
rollicking  but  gross.     Terence  (a  generation  later)  is  more  refined. 

To  the  period  between  the  Second  and  Third  Punic  wars  belong  also 
Cato''s  Origines  (an  early  history  of  Rome),  an  earlier  history  by 
Fabhis  Pictor,  and  the  great  history  by  the  Greek  Polybius,  all  of  which 
have  been  referred  to  before  in  this  volume. 

625.  The  part  of  the  first  century  b.c.  preceding  Augustus  is 
sometimes  known  as  the  Age  of  Cicero  from  the  name  that  made  its  chief 


§  627]  LITERATURE  513 

glory.  Cicero  remains  the  foremost  orator  of  Rome  and  the  chief  master 
of  Latin  prose. 

Two  great  poets  belong  to  the  period  :  Lucretius  the  Epicurean,  a 
Roman  knight,  who  reaches  a  sublimity  never  attained  by  other  Latin 
poets ;  and  Catullus  from  Cisalpine  Gaul,  whose  lyrics  are  unsurpassed 
for  delicacy,  and  who  attacked  Caesar  with  bitter  infective,  to  meet 
gentle  forgiveness. 

History  is  represented  by  the  concise,  graphic,  lucid  narrative  of 
Caesar^  the  picturesque  stories  of  Sallust  (who  is  our  chief  authority  for 
the  conspiracy  of  Catiline  and  the  Jugurthine  War),  and  by  the  inferior 
work  of  Nepos  and  Varro. 

626.  In  the  Augustan  Age  the  stream  broadens,  and  only  the  more 
important  writers  can  be  mentioned. 

Horace  (son  of  an  Apulian  freedman)  wrote  the  most  graceful  of  Odes  and 
most  playful  of  Satires,  while  his  Epistles  combine  agreeably  a  serene 
common  sense  with  beauty  of  expression. 

Virgil  (from  Cisalpine  Gaul)  is  probably  the  chief  Roman  poet.  He  is 
best  known  to  school  boys  by  his  epic,  the  Aeneid,  but  critics  rank 
higher  his  Georgics  (exquisite  poems  of  country  life).  In  the  Middle 
Ages  Virgil  was  regarded  as  the  greatest  of  poets,  and  Dante  was  proud 
to  acknowledge  him  for  a  master. 

Ovid  (Roman  knight)  has  for  his  chief  work  the  Metamorphoses,  a  mytho- 
logical poem.  Ovid's  last  years  were  spent  in  banishment  on  the  shores 
of  the  Black  Sea,  where  he  wrote  pathetic  verses  that  will  always  keep 
alive  a  gentle  memory  for  his  name. 

Livy  (of  Cisalpine  Gaul)  and  Dionysius  (an  Asiatic  Greek)  wrote  their 
great  histories  of  Rome  in  this  reign.  Diodorus  (a  Sicilian  Greek)  wrote 
the  first  general  history  of  the  world.  Greek  science  is  continued  by 
Strabo  of  Asia  Minor  (living  at  Alexandria),  who  produced  a  system- 
atic geography  of  the  Roman  world,  and  speculated  on  the  possibility 
of  one  or  more  continents  in  the  unexplored  Atlantic  between  Europe 
and  Asia.     The  last  three  authors  wrote  in  Greek. 

627.  In  the  first  century,  later  than  Augustus,  we  have  among 
other  authors  the  following:  the  poets  Lucan  and  Martial  (famous  for  his 
satirical  wit),  both  Spaniards ;  the  Jewish  historian  Josephus  (writing  in 
Greek)  ;  the  scientist  Pliny  the  Elder  (of  Cisalpine  Gaul),  who  perished 
in  the  eruption  of  Vesuvius  in  his  scientific  zeal  to  observe  the  phenomena  ; 
the  rhetorician  Quintilian  (a  Spaniard)  ;  the  philosophers  Epictetus  and 
Seneca  (both  Stoics).  Seneca  was  a  Roman  noble  of  Spanish  birth  ; 
Epictetus  was  a  slave  from  Phrygia.  Both  taught  a  lofty  philosophy, 
but  the  slave  was  the  nobler  both  in  teaching  and  in  life. 


514 


THE  ROMAN   EMPIRE,   31  B.C.-192  A.D. 


628.    In  the  second   century  contemporary  society  is  charmingly 
illustrated  in  the  Letters  of   PJimj  the    Younger  (from  Cisalpine  Gaul), 


Arch  of  Titus. 

and  is  gracefully  satirized  in  the  Dialogues  of  Lucian  (a  Syrian  Greek). 
In  history  we  have  :  — 

Appian  (an  Alexandrian  Greek),  who  wrote  (in  Greek)  a  history  of  the 
different  parts  of  the  empire  ; 

Arrian  (an  Asiatic  Greek),  who  wrote  (in  Greek)  biographies  of  Alexan- 
der and  his  successors,  and  treatises  on  geography  ; 

Plutarch  (a  Boeotian),  the  author  of  the  famous  Lives  ("  the  text-book 
of  heroism  ")  and  of  a  great  treatise  on  Morals  (in  Greek)  ; 

Suetonius,  the  biographer  of  the  first  twelve  Caesars  ; 

Tacitus  (a  Roman  noble),  author  of  the  Germania  (a  description  of  the 
Germans),  and  of  a  great  history  of  the  Empire  from  Tiberius  to  Nerva. 
Unhappily  only  fragments  survive,  under  the  names  of  the  Annals  and 
the  Histories. 

Poetry  is  represented  chiefly  by  the  Satires  of  Juvenal  (an  Italian). 
Science  is  represented  by  :  — 

Galen  (an  Asiatic  Greek),  who  wrote  treatises  on  medicine  (in  Greek), 
and  who  was  revered  for  many  centuries  as  the  greatest  medical  author- 
ity; 


628] 


LITERATURE 


515 


Ptolemy^  an  Egyptian  astronomer  and  geographer,  whose  work  {in  Greek) 
was  the  chief  authority  for  centuries.  He  taught  that  the  earth  was 
round,  and  that  the  heavens  revolved  about  it  for  their  center  ; 


Trajan's  Arch,  at  Benkvkntum. 

Pausanias  (an  Asiatic  Greek),  a  traveler  and  writer  {in  Greek). 

Philosophy  has  for  its  chief  representative:  — 
Marcus  Aurelius,  the  emperor  (§§  589,  638). 

For  the  Christian  religion :  the  books  of  the  New  Testament  received 
their  present  form  in  Greek. 


516  THE   ROMAN   EMPIRE,   31  B.C.-192  A.D.        [§  629 

Exercise.  —  Note  the  significance  in  the  use  of  Greek  or  Latin  by  the 
authors  named  above  (cf .  §  475).    Observe  the  increase  in  prose  literature. 

MORALS 

629.  The  Dark  Side.  —  Many  writers  dwell  upon  the  im- 
morality of  Roman  society  under  the  Empire.  It  is  easy  to 
blacken  the  picture  unduly.  The  records  give  most  prominence 
to  the  court  and  the  capital ;  and  there 'the  truth  is  dark  enough. 
During  some  reigns,  the  atmosphere  of  the  court  was  rank  with 
hideous  debauchery.  At  all  times,  many  of  the  great  nobles  were 
sunk  in  coarse  orgies ;  and  the  rabble  of  Rome,  defiled  with  the 
offscourings  of  all  nations,  was  ignorant,  cruel,  and  wicked.  In 
other  great  cities,  also,  the  mob  was  wretched  and  vicious. 

Particular  evil  customs  shock  the  modern  reader.  To  avoid 
the  cost  and  trouble  of  rearing  children,  the  lower  classes,  with 
horrible  frequency  and  indifference,  exposed  their  infants  to 
die.  The  old  family  discipline  was  gone.  The  growth  of 
divorce  was  railed  at,  as  in  our  own  day,  by  the  satirists  of  the 
times.  Slavery  threw  its  shadow  across  the  Roman  world.  At 
the  gladiatorial  sports,  delicate  ladies  thronged  the  benches  of 
the  amphitheater,  without  shrinking  at  the  agonies  of  the  dying ; 
and  the  games  grew  in  size  and  in  fantastic  character  until  they 
seem  to  us  a  blot  beyond  anything  else  in  human  history. 

Under  Trajan  one  set  of  games  continued  123  days.  In  a  single  day's 
games,  when  the  Coliseum  was  first  opened  by  Titus,  6000  animals  were 
slain.  The  jaded  spectators  demanded  ever  new  novelties,  and  the  ex- 
hibitors sought  out  fantastic  forms  of  combat.  Thousands  of  men 
fought  at  once  in  hostile  armies.  Sea  fights  were  imitated  on  artificial 
lakes.  Distant  regions  were  scoured  for  new  varieties  of  beasts  to  slay 
and  be. slain.  Women  entered  the  arena  as  gladiators,  and  dwarfs  en- 
gaged one  another  in  deadly  combat.  The  wealthy  aristocrats  laid  wagers 
upon  the  skill  of  their  favorite  gladiators,  as  with  us  at  the  prize  ring. 

630.  The  Danger  of  Exaggeration.^  —  Yet  it  is  certain  that  a 
picture  from  such  materials  alone  is  grossly  misleading.     There 

1  Capes'  Early  Empire,  223-227,  has  a  wholesome  statement  about  the  dan- 
ger of  exaggerating  the  evils. 


630] 


MORALS 


517 


was  much  good,  though  it  made  less  noise  than  the  evil.  Some 
old,  rude  virtues  were  going  out  of  fashion ;  but  new,  gentler 
virtues  were  coming  in.  The  unexhausted  populations  of  North 
Italy  and  of  Gaul,  Spain,  and  Britain,  and  the  great  middle 
class  over  all  the  empire,  remained  essentially  sound  in  morals. 
Satirists  like  Juvenal  (§  628)  or  moralists  like  Tacitus  (§  628) 


The  Way  of  Tombs  at  Pompkii. 

The  higher  stones,  at  the  edge  of  the  pavement,  are  "  burial  stones,"  each  with 
its  inscription.  The  inscriptions  quoted  on  page  518  and  in  §  634  come 
mainly  from  these  stones. 

are  no  more  to  be  accepted  as  authority,  without  correction,  than 
racy  wits  and  scolding  preachers  for  our  own  day. 

On  the  whole,  the  first  two  centuries  show  a  steady  gain,  even 
if  we  look  only  at  pagan  society.  The  Letters  of  Pliny  reveal,  in 
the' court  circle  itself,  a  society  high-minded,  refined,  and  vir- 
tuous. Pliny  is  a  type  of  the  finest  gentleman  of  to-day,  in  del- 
icacy of  feeling,  sensitive  honor,  genial  and  thoughtful  courtesy.^ 

1  There  is  a  charming  essay,  A  Roman  Gentleman  under  the  Empire  (Pliny), 
by  Harriet  Walters  Preston,  in  The  Atlantic  for  June,  1886.    Thomas'  Roman 


518  THE   ROMAN  EMPIRE,  31  B.C.-192  A.D.        [§631 

Marcus  Aurelius  and  his  father  illustrate  like  qualities  on  the 
throne.  Epictetus  (§  627)  shows  them  in  slavery.  All  these 
people  are  surrounded  by  friends  whom  they  think  good  and 
happy.  One  husband  inscribed  upon  his  wife's  monument: 
"Only  once  did  she  cause  me  sorrow  —  and  that  was  by  her 
death."  Another  praises  in  his  wife  '•  purity,  loyalty,  affection, 
a  sense  of  duty,  a  gentle  nature,  and  whatever  other  qualities 
God  would  wish  to  give  woman."  The  tombstone  of  a  poor 
physician  declares  that  "  to  all  the  needy  who  came  to  him,  he 
gave  his  services  free  of  charge."  Over  the  grave  of  a  little 
girl  there  is  inscribed :  "  She  rests  here  in  the  soft  cradle  of 
the  Earth  .  .  .  comely,  charming,  keen  of  mind,  gay  in  her 
talk  and  play.  If  there  be  aught  of  compassion  in  the  gods, 
bear  her  aloft  to  the  stars  and  the  light." 

631.  The  Bright  Side.  —  Over  against  each  evil  we  can  set  a 
good.  The  position  of  women  was  improved.  Charity  to  the 
poor  abounded.  Animals  were  treated  more  kindly.  Slavery 
grew  milder.  The  sympathies  of  men  broadened.  Law  showed 
a  gentler  spirit.  A  harsh  skepticism  toward  religion  had  pre- 
vailed among  the  educated  classes  during  the  last  days  of  the 
Republic ;  but  under  the  Empire,  this  gave  way  to  more  devout 
religious  feeling.  All  this  was  true  without  referring  to  the 
Christianpartof  society,  of  which  we  shall  speak  later  (§§  652  ff.). 

An  interesting  "  back  to  the  land  "  movement  proved  that 
Roman  gentlemen  could  still  value  simple  delights  above  the 
artificial  pleasures  of  the  court.  Martial  (§  627)  writes  of 
country  life  with  true  enthusiasm,  —  where  a  man  can  be  "  rich 
with  the  spoils  of  grove  and  field,  unfold  before  the  fire  his 
well-filled  hunting  nets,  lift  the  leaping  fish  from  the  quivering 
line,  draw  forth  the  yellow  honey  from  the  cask,  while  his  own 
eggs  are  cooking  over  a  fire  that  has  not  cost  a  penny.  My 
wish  [he  concludes]  is  that  the  man  who  loves  not  me  may  not 
love  this." 

And  if  we  suspect  that  there  was  some  literary  affectation  in 

Life,  chs.  xi  and  xiv,  and  Capes'  Antonines,  ch.  v,  present  similar  pictures. 
See  Davis'  Readings,  II,  Nos.  69,  70,  74,  and  especially  88,  106,  107. 


§632]  POSITION  OF  WOMEN  519 

this  praise  by  an  ex-courtier,  the  same  suspicion  cannot  be  held 
in  the  case  of  a  certain  Similis,  an  iron-handed  soldier  who  had 
been  commander  of  the  praetorians  in  Hadrian's  time.  At 
sixty-nine  he  resigned  his  high  office  and  spent  his  last  seven 
years  among  green  fields.  On  his  tombstone  he  caused  to  be 
carved :  "  Here  lies  Similis,  who  existed  seventy-six  years,  and 
lived  seven.^^  ^ 

Some  of  the  lines  of  improvement  which  have  been  mentioned 
are  noted  in  more  detail  in  the  following  sections. 

632.  Woman  became  freer ,2  the  equal  of  man  in  law,  and  his 
companion  instead  of  his  servant  in  the  family.  A  higher  view 
of  marriage  appeared  than  ever  before  in  pagan  world.  Plu- 
tarch and  Seneca,  for  the  first  time  in  history,  insisted  that 
men  be  judged  by  the  same  moral  standard  as  women ;  and  Ro- 
man law  adopted  this  principle  in  the  decrees  of  Antoninus  and 
the  maxims  of  Ulpian  (§  643).  Plutarch's  precepts  on  mar- 
riage ''  fall  little  if  at  all  below  any  of  modern  days,"  and  his 
own  family  life  afforded  a  beautiful  ideal  of  domestic  happiness.'* 
Plutarch  urges  the  highest  intellectual  culture  for  women ;  and 
says  Lecky :  — 

"Intellectual  culture  was  much  diffused  among  them,  and  we  meet 
with  noble  instances  of  large  and  accomplished  minds  united  with  all  the 
gracefulness  of  intense  womanhood  and  all  the  fidelity  of  the  truest  love. 
.  .  .  When  Paetus,  a  noble  Koman,  was  ordered  by  Nero  to  put 
himself  to  death,  his  friends  knew  that  his  wife  Arria,  with  her  love  and 
her  heroic  fervor,  would  not  survive  him.  Her  son-in-law  tried  to  dissuade 
her  from  suicide  by  saying  :  '  If  /  am  called  upon  to  perish,  would  you 
wish  your  daughter  to  die  with  me  ? '  She  answered,  '  Yes,  if  she  has 
then  lived  with  you  as  long  and  happily  as  I  with  Paetus.'  Paetus  for  a 
moment  hesitated  to  strike  the  fatal  blow,  but  Arria,  taking  the  dagger, 
plunged  it  deeply  into  her  breast,  and,  dying,  handed  it  to  her  husband, 
exclaiming,  '  My  Paetus,  it  does  not  pain  ! ' " 


1  Dr.  Davis'  Influence  of  Wealth  in  Imperial  Rome,  284-287,  gives  these 
and  other  illustrations. 

2  On  the  position  of  women,  there  is  a  good  discussion  in  Lecky,  European 
Morals,  eh.  v. 

3  Lecky,  European  Morals,  II,  289. 


520  THE   ROMAN   EMPIRE,  31  B.C.-192  A.D.        [§  633 

Women  became  physicians,  —  though  their  practice  was  re- 
stricted to  other  women,  —  and  they  entered  various  trades.  As 
in  our  day,  however,  they  seem  to  have  had  more  time  or  more 
taste  for  literature.  They  wrote  much;  but  no  great  literary 
work  from  a  woman's  pen  has  survived  for  us.  The  scolding 
Juvenal,  whose  vanity  seems  to  have  been  offended,  rails  at  the 
sort  of  woman  who  at  table  "  weighs  in  the  balance  Homer  and 
Virgil  [so  that]  teachers  of  rhetoric  are  vanquished  [and]  not 
even  a  lawyer  .  .  .  may  speak."  And  again,  "  I  hate  the  woman 
who  is  always  bringing  up  grammatical  rules,  and  who  recalls 
verses  u?iknoicn  to  me,  and  corrects  the  words  of  an  unpolished 
friend,  which  a  man  would  not  notice." 

Certainly,  the  women  of  the  Roman  Empire  possessed  a 
higher  freedom  and  more  culture  than  their  sex  was  to  find 
again  anywhere  in  the  world  until  the  nineteenth  century. 

633.  Charity.  —  There  was  a  vast  amount  of  public  and  pri- 
vate charity.  Homes  for  poor  children  and  orphan  girls  were 
established.  Wealthy  men  loaned  money  below  the  regular 
rate  of  interest,  and  provided  free  medicine  for  the  poor. 
Tacitus  tells  how,  after  a  great  accident  near  Rome,  the  rich 
opened  their  houses  and  gave  theii^^^alth  to  relieve  the  suf- 
ferers. Every  city,  large  or  small,  lieceived  large  gifts  of 
money  from  its  wealthy  sons  —  not  only  to  build  temples  and 
libraries  and  town  halls,  and  to  set  up;  noble  statues,  but  also 
to  repair  pavements  and  build  sewers  (Davis'  Readings,  II, 
No.  77).  / 

True,  there  was  a  dark  side  to  this  ^ort  of  generosity.  The  people 
came  to  do  less  and  less  for  themselves,  and  fell  more  and  more  com- 
pletely under  the  control  of  great  riches.  They  came  to  choose  only 
wealthy  men  for  public  office,  because  of  the  expectation  of  public  bene- 
factions from  them.  Ever  louder  grew  the  cry  for  "  bread  and  games  " 
(§  558). 

634.  Kindness  to  Animals.  —  Literature  for  the  first  time 
abounds  in  tender  interest  in  animals.  Cato  in  the  days  of 
the  "  virtuous  Republic "  had  advised  selling  old  or  infirm 
slaves;   Plutarch   in    the  "degenerate  Empire"   could   never 


§635]  A  GENTLER  SOCIETY  521 

bring  himself  to  sell  an  ox  in  its  old  age.  We  find  protests 
even  against  hunting ;  and  severe  punishments  were  inflicted 
for  wanton  cruelty  to  animals.  There  seems  little  doubt  that 
animals  were  better  treated  under  the  pagan  Empire  than  in 
southern  Europe  to-day.  Some  inscriptions  on  tombstones 
testify  to  a  real  love  for  dogs.  A  small  pet  "  barks  fiercely  " 
if  her  mistress  took  up  another  dog.  One  very  pretty  set  of 
verses  commemorated  a  mistress'  grief  at  the  death  of  a  "  be- 
loved companion ''  of  the  family,  whose  intelligence  is  praised 
as  almost  human,  and  who  "  was  wont  to  come  to  our  table,  and 
to  lick  with  eager  tongue  the  dish  my  hands  held  out  while 
thy  tail  didst  show  thy  joy." 

It  is  true,  the  gladiatorial  games  continued.  They  were  de- 
fended by  arguments  like  those  used  for  bullfights,  bear  bait- 
ing, cockfighting,  and  the  prize  ring  in  later  times.  But  at 
last  critics  began  to  be  heard  (Davis'  Readings,  TI,  No.  97),  and 
Marcus  Aurelius  made  the  combats  harmless  for  his  time  by 
compelling  the  use  of  blunted  swords.  Moreover,  it  is  true  be- 
yond doubt  —  so  strong  is  fashion  even  in  morals  —  that  the 
passion  for  these  inhuman  games  was  not  inconsistent  with 
humanity  in  other  respects. 

635.  Slavery  grew  milder.  Emancipation  became  so  common 
that  faithful  household  slaves  were  freed  commonly  after  six 
years'  service.  The  horrible  story  of  Pollio  (a  noble  who  threw 
a  slave  alive  to  the  lampreys  in  a  fish  pond  for  carelessly  break- 
ing a  precious  vase)  is  often  given  as  typical  of  Roman  treat- 
ment of  slaves.  This  is  misleading.  That  crime  occurred  at 
the  very  beginning  of  the  Empire,  while  there  was  yet  no  check 
in  law  upon  a  master ;  but  even  then,  Augustus,  by  a  stretch 
of  humane  despotism,  ordered  all  the  tableware  in  Pollio's  house 
to  be  broken  and  his  fish  ponds  to  be  filled  up.  Evidently,  such 
a  master  was  socially  ostracized. 

Soon  afterward  a  master  was  murdered  by  a  slave.  The  Sen- 
ate, after  hitter  opposition,  voted  to  put  the  entire  household  of 
slaves  to  death,  according  to  the  old  custom  of  the  Republic. 
The  city  populace  rose  in  indignant  insurrection  to  prevent  such 


522 


THE   ROMAN  EMPIRE,  31  B.C.-192  A.D. 


[§636 


unjust  cruelty ;  and  in  Hadrian's  time,  the  law  was  modified,,  so 
as  to  apply  only  to  those  slaves  who  could  be  proven  to  have  been 
near  enough  to  hear  the  master's  cries.  During  the  reign  of 
Nero,  a  special  judge  was  appointed  to  hear  the  complaints  of 
slaves  and  to  punish  cruelties  to  them,  and  Seneca  tells  us  that 
cruel  masters  were  jeered  in  the  streets.  Law  began  to  protect 
the  slave,  and  imperial  edicts  improved  his  condition  (§§  586, 
588).  "Is  not  the  slave  of  the  same  stuff  as  you,  his  master ! " 
exclaims  Seneca.     (See  Davis'  Headings,  II,  No.  98.) 

636.  Sympathies  Broadened.  —  The  unity  of  the  vast  Roman 
world  prepared  the  way  for  the  thought  that  all  men  are  brothers. 
Philosophers  were  fond  of  dwelling  upon  the  idea.  Said  Mar- 
cus Aurelius,  "  As  emperor  I  am  a  Roman ;  but  as  a  man  my 


A  Detail  iROM  Trajan's  Column  (page  510) :  Trajan  sacrilieing  a  bull 
at  the  bridge  over  the  Danube,  just  completed  by  his  soldiers.  This  bridge 
was  a  remarkable  structure,  —  probably  the  most  wonderful  bridge  in  the 
world  until  the  era  of  iron  and  steel  bridge-work  in  the  nineteenth  century. 


§638]  A  GENTLER  SOCIETY  523 

city  is  the  world."  Even  the  rabble  in  the  Roman  theater  was 
wont  to  applaud  th6  line  of  Terence :  "  I  am  a  man ;  no  calam- 
ity that  can  affect  man  is  without  meaning  to  me." 

The  age  prided  itself,  justly,  upon  its  enlightened  humanity, 
much  as  our  own  does.  Trajan  instructed  a  provincial  governor 
not  to  act  upon  anonymous  accusations,  because  such  conduct 
"  does  not  belong  to  our  age^ 

637.  The  Gentler  Spirit  of  Imperial  Law.  —  This  broad  human- 
ity was  reflected  in  imperial  law.  The  harsh  law  of  the  Re- 
public became  humane.  Women  and  children  shared  its  pro- 
tection. Torture  was  limited.  The  rights  of  the  accused  were 
better  recognized.  From  this  time  dates  the  maxim,  "  Better  to 
let  the  guilty  escape  than  to  punish  the  innocent."  "  All  men 
by  the  law  of  nature  are  equal  "  ^  became  a  law  maxim,  through 
the  great  jurist  Ulpian  (§  643).  Slavery,  he  argued,  had  been 
created  only  by  the  lower  law,  enacted  not  by  nature  but  by 
man.  Therefore,  if  one  man  claimed  another  as  his  slave,  the 
benefit  of  any  possible  doubt  was  to  be  given  to  the  one  so 
claimed.  It  is  curious  to  remember  that  the  rule  was  just  the 
other  way  in  nearly  all  Christian  countries  through  the  Middle 
Ages,  and  in  the  United  States  under  the  Fugitive  Slave  laws 
from  1793  to  the  Civil  War. 

638.  Extracts  from  the  Thoughts  of  Marcus  Aurelius  (to  show 
the  highest  Pagan  Morality)  :  — 

Aurelius  thanks  the  gods  "for  a  good  grandfather,  good  parents,  a 
good  sister,  good  teachers,  good  associates,  and  good  friends." 

"  From  my  mother  I  learned  piety,  and  abstinence  not  only  from  evil 
deeds  but  from  evil  thoughts."  From  a  tutor,  "...  not  to  credit 
miracle  workers  and  jugglers,  with  their  incantations  and  driving  away 
of  demons  ;  ...  to  read  carefully,  and  not  to  be  satisfied  with  a  superficial 
understanding  of  a  book."  "^ 

"There  are  briers  in  the  road?  Then  turn  aside  from  them,  but  do 
not  add,  '  Why  were  such  things  made  ? '  Thou  wilt  be  ridiculed  by  a 
man  who  is  acquainted  with  nature,  as  thou  wouldst  be  by  a  carpenter  or 

1  This  maxim  was  to  work  revolutions  in  distant  ages.  It  played  a  part  in 
both  the  American  and  the  French  Revolutions  of  the  eighteenth  century. 


524  THE   ROMAN  EMPIRE,  31  B.C.-192  A.D.        [§  638 

shoemaker  if  thou  didst  complain  that  there  were  shavings  and  cuttings 
in  his  shop." 

"  All  that  is  from  the  gods  is  full  of  providence." 

"  The  best  way  to  avenge  thyself  is  not  to  become  like  the  wrong-doer." 

"  When  thou  wishest  to  delight  thyself,  think  of  the  virtues  of  those 
who  live  with  thee." 

"Love  men  ;  revere  the  gods."  [Does  not  this  come  near  "the  two 
commandments  "  ?] 

"  Think  of  thyself  as  a  member  of  the  great  human  body,  —  else  thou 
dost  not  love  men  from  thy  heart." 

"  Suppose  that  men  curse  thee,  or  kill  thee  ...  if  a  man  stand  by  a 
pure  spring  and  curse  it,  the  spring  does  not  cease  to  send  up  wholesome 
water." 

"  To  say  all  in  a  word,  everything  which  belongs  to  the  body  is  a  stream, 
and  all  that  belongs  to  the  soul  is  a  dream  and  a  vapor  ;  life  is  a  warfare 
and  a  stranger's  sojourn,  and  after  fame  is  oblivion.  What  then  is  there 
about  which  we  ought  seriously  to  employ  ourselves  ?  This  one  thing  — 
just  thoughts  and  social  acts,  words  that  do  not  lie,  and  temper  which  ac- 
cepts gladly  all  that  happens." 

"  Why  then  dost  J,hou  not  wait  in  tranquillity  for  thy  end,  whether  it  be 
extinction  or  removal  to  another  life  ?  And  until  that  time  comes,  what 
is  sufficient  ?  Why,  what  else  than  to  venerate  the  gods  and  bless  them, 
and  to  do  good  to  men,  and  to  practice  tolerance  and  self-restraint?  " 

'*  Everything  harmonizes  with  me  which  is  harmonious  to  thee,  O  Uni- 
verse !  Nothing  is  too  early  or  too  late  which  is  in  due  time  for  thee  I 
Everything  is  fruit  to  me  which  thy  seasons  bring,  0  Nature  !  From  thee 
are  all  things  ;  in  thee  are  all  things ;  to  thee  all  things  return.  The  poet 
says,  Dear  city  of  Cecrops  ;  and  shall  not  I  say,  Dear  city  of  Zeus  ?  " 

"Many  grains  of  frankincense  upon  the  same  altar;  one  falls  before, 
another  after  ;  but  it  makes  no  difference." 

"  Pass  through  this  little  space  of  time  conformably  to  Nature,  and  end 
thy  journey  in  content  —  just  as  an  olive  falls  when  it  is  ripe,  blessing 
Nature  who  produced  it  and  thanking  the  tree  on  which  it  grew." 

"  What  is  it  to  me  to  live  in  a  universe  if  devoid  of  gods  ?  But  in  truth 
gods  do  exist,  and  they  do  care  for  human  things,  and  they  have  put  the 
means  in  man's  power  to  enable  him  not  to  fall  into  real  evil." 

"  It  is  sweet  to  live  if  there  be  gods,  and  sad  to  die  if  there  be  none."  i 


1  Davis'  Readings,  II,  No.  107,  gives  more  of  these  extracts  ;  and  No.  105 
gives  similar  teachings  of  the  slave  philosopher,  Epictetus.  No.  106  gives 
letters  of  Marcus  Aurelius  when  a  younger  man,  — showing  views  of  a  happy 
home  life. 


§638]  A  GENTLER  SOCIETY  525 

For  Further  Reading.  — The  treatment  of  the  first  two  centuries  of 
the  Empire  is  so  full  in  the  text,  and  the  foot-note  references  for  brief 
readings  have  been  so  numerous,  that  no  other  reading  will  be  "  specially 
suggested,^^  except  the  remaining  numbers  on  the  period  in  Davis'  Head- 
ings, II,  to  No.  108.  But  for  those  who  wish  to  read  furtlier  on  this  im- 
portant period,  tfee  best  and  most  readable  material  will  be  found  in 
Jones'  Boman  Empire  (an  excellent  one-volume  work),  chs.  i-vi  ;  Capes' 
Early  Empire  and  The  Antonines  ;  Pelham's  Outlines^  413-545  ;  Thomas' 
Roman  Life;  Preston  and  Dodge's  Private  Life  of  the  Bomans ;  or 
Johnston's  Private  Life  of  the  Bomans. 

Exercise.  —  To  the  table  of  dates,  add  9  a.d.,  14,  69,  180. 


1 


CHAPTER   XXXIX 

THE   DECLINE  IN   THE   THIRD   CENTURY 

THE   STORY   OF   THE    EMPERORS 

639.  The  *'  Barrack  Emperors,"  193-284  A.D.  —  The  misrule  of 
Commodus  had  again  left  the  throne  the  sport  of  the  soldiery. 
There  followed  ninety  years  of  twenty-seven  "barrack  em- 
perors," set  up  by  the  praetorians  or  the  legions,  and  engaged  in 
frequent  civil  war.  All  but  four  of  the  twenty-seven  emperors 
were  slain  in  some  revolt  ;  and,  of  these  four,  two  fell  in  bat- 
tle against  barbarian  invaders. 

640.  The  Throne  for  Sale.  —  After  the  murder  of  Commodus, 
the  praetorians  set  up  as  Emperor  a  worthy  Senator,  Pertinax ; 
but  in  less  than  three  months  they  mutinied  and  slew  him. 
Then  they  auctioned ,  oE  the  imperial  purple  to  the  highest 
bidder,  knocking  it  down  to  Julianus,  a  rich  noble,  who  had 
offered  $1000  apiece  to  each  of  the  12,000  guards.  (See  Davis' 
Readings,  II,  No.  71.) 

The  three  great  armies  (on  the  Rhine,  the  Danube,  and  the 
Euphrates)  answered  this  disgraceful  news  by  rebellion.  Each 
army  "  proclaimed  "  its  favorite  general.  Septimius  Severus, 
the  (Tommander  on  the  Danube,  was  the  nearest  of  the  rivals  to 
the  capital.     By  swift  action  he  secured  the  prize. 

641.  Septimius  Severus  (193-21 1)  was  a  native  of  North  Africa. 
He  was  a  clear-headed,  determined,  industrious  man,  merciless 
and  cruel  toward  his  foes,  but  sternly  conscientious  about  the 
duties  of  his  great  office.  He  restored  order  and  unity  to  the 
empire,  and  repulsed  the  barbarians.  Most  of  his  reign  was 
spent  in  the  East,  where  the  Parthians  were  growing  more  and 
more  dangerous  ;  but  he  died  in  Britain  —  at  the  opposite  fron- 
tier —  where  he  had  just  been  strengthening  Hadrian's  wall  and 

526 


§644]  "BARRACK  EMPERORS"  527 

repelling  the  Scots.  He  greatly  admired  the  Antonine  em- 
perors, and  took  the  name  Antoninus,  in  addition  to  his  own. 
Another  persecution  of  the  Christians  took  place  in  his  reign. 
For  the  watchword  on  the  night  of  his  death,  he  gave  "  Let  us 
work"  (" Laboremus^'). 

642.  Ten  years  of  anarchy  followed.  Severus'  son,  Caracalla, 
was  a  vicious  weakling,  whose  six-year  reign  (211-217)  is  nota- 
ble for  the  extension  of  citizensh^  t.o...aIl-i*©©  men  in  the  em- 
pire (§  616).  Caracalla  was  murdered  by  his  guards,  as  were 
his  two  unimportant  successors  (Macrinus,  217-218,  and  Elaga- 
balus,  218-222). 

643.  Alexander  Severus  (222-235)  was  a  native  of  Syria.  Like 
his  predecessors,  he  was  set  up,  and  finally  murdered,  by  the 
soldiery.  He  was  a  well-meaning,  gentle  youth  (the  nearest 
heir  of  the  house  of  Septimius  Severus)  ;  but  he  lacked  the 
stern  strength  needful  for  his  place.  His  court  was  simple 
and  pure.  "Do  not  to  another  what  thou  wouldst  not  have 
done  to  thyself  "  was  the  motto  inscribed  upon  the  entrance  to 
the  royal  palace.  Septimius  had  had  for  his  chief  minister 
Papinian,  a  great  jurist.  Alexander  Severus,  in  like  manner, 
was  assisted  by  Ulpian  (§  637),  the  leading  jurist  of  his  day, 
and  the  chief  adviser  of  the  Emperor ;  but  Ulpian  was  finally 
murdered  by  the  soldiery  at  the  helpless  Emperor's  feet.  The 
reign  was  troubled  also  on  the  frontiers  by  new  enemies,  —  by 
a  new  Persian  kingdom  which  had  now  overthrown  the  Par- 
thians  in  the  East,  an'd,  on  the  Rhine,  by  fresh  German  peoples. 
But,  in  spite  of  these  troubles  to  court  and  to  frontier,  for  the 
bulk  of  the  empire  the  thirteen  years  of  Severus  were  an  oasis 
of  peace  and  plenty  in  the  dreary  third  century. 

644.  For  the  next  thirty-three  years  (235-268)  phantom  emperors  fol- 
low one  another  in  bewildering  confusion  which  it  is  profitless  to  trace. ^ 
Many  reigns  are  counted  by  days,  not  by  years.  Only  one  able  ruler  ap- 
peared (Decius,  249-251)  ;  and,  after  two  years,  he  fell  in  a  disastrous 

1  Maximus,  235-238.  Gordianus  I  and  II,  Pupienus,  Balbinus,  238.  Gor- 
dianus  III,  238-244.  Philippus,  244-249.  Decius,  249-251.  Galhis,  .Emilianus, 
Valerian,  Gallienus,  251-268. 


528  THE   EMPIRE  — THIRD  CENTURY  [§645 

battle  against  the  Goths  near  the  Danube.  This  brief  reign  was  marked 
by  a  stem  persecution  of  the  Christians.  The  most  worthy  of  the  succes- 
sors of  Decius  in  this  troubled  period  was  Valerian ;  and  he  was  defeated 
and  captured  by  Sapor,  the  Persian  king,  and  died  in  bitter  and  humiliat- 
ing captivity.  In  the  sixties,  so  many  rival  claimants  for  the  throne  ap- 
peared that  the  period  is  known  as  the  Age  of  the  "  Thirty  Tyrants." 

645.  Clajidius  II.  —  The  Empire  seemed  in  ruins.  It  was 
sunk  in  anarchy  and  split  into  fragments  by  the  jealousies  of 
rival  legions;  and  while  these  false  defenders  turned  their 
swords  upon  one  another,  the  barbarians  swarmed  over  every 
frontier  and  penetrated  toward  the  heart  of  the  Empire. 

Happily  strong  hands  grasped  the  scepter.  The  army  it- 
self wearied  of  disorder.  In  268  it  set  a  great  general,  Clau- 
dius, upon  the  throne.  Claudius  found  his  chief  task  with  the 
Giiths.  That  German  people  had  worked  their  savage  will  in 
the  Balkan  provinces  for  almost  twenty  years  —  since  the 
time  of  Decius.  They  were  now  defeated  after  a  long  cam- 
paign. Then  Claudius  died  quietly  in  his  bed,  —  the  first 
emperor  of  whom  that  was  true  since  Septimius  Severus. 
I  646.  Aurelian.  —  To  the  world  the  death  of  Claudius  mat- 
iJered  little,  because  his  successor  was  an  even  greater  ruler. 
Aurelian  (270-275)  was  an  lUyrian  peasant,  who  had  risen 
from  the  ranks  to  high  military  commands.  The  achievements 
of  his  reign  of  less  than  five  years  rival  those  of  the  first 
Caesar.  He  reorganized^^ the  army  and  restored  the  Empire. 
The  barbarians  were  driven  back  beyond  the  Rhine  and 
the  Danube.^  Gaul,  which  for  some  years  had  become  vir- 
tually a  separate  kingdom,  was  recovered.  Zenobia,  the  great 
Queen  who  had  set  up  a  rival  Arabian  empite  at  Palmyra,  was 
brought  captive  to  Rome  (Davis'  Reading s^  II,  No.  73).  Pros- 
perity began  to  return ;  but  death  snatched  away  the  Emperor, 
just  when  he  was  ready  to  take  up  the  work  of  civil  reform. 

Once  in  this  reign,  the  Aleraanni,  a  German  people,  pene- 
trated to  the  Po,  and  threw  all  Italy  into  a  panic.  When  they 
had  been  repulsed,  Aurelian  built  walls  about  Rome.     Since 

1  Dacia  was  abandoned  to  them  for  their  home. 


646] 


BARRACK  EMPERORS 


529 


HannibaPs  day,  that  proud  capital  had  feared  no  invader  and 
had  spread  out  far  beyond   her   earlier  ramparts.  '  The  new 


ROME 

under  the  Empire 

SCALE  OF  YARDS 

250     sSo  lOOO 

j^Walti  of  Aur*littn 
-Old  "WaU  <tfaerviiu" 


1.  Coliseum. 

2.  Arch  of  Constantine. 

3.  Arch  of  Titus. 

4.  Via  Sacra. 

5.  Via  Nova. 

6.  Vicus  Tuscns. 

7.  Vicus  Jugarius. 

8.  Arch  of  Septimius  Scve- 

rus. 

9.  Clivus  Capitolinus. 


10.  Temple  of  Jupiter  Capi- 

tolinus. 

11.  Arch. 

12.  Column  of  Trajan. 

13.  Column  of  Antoninus. 

14.  Baths  of  Agrippa. 

15.  Pantheon. 

16.  Theater  of  Pompey. 

17.  Portico  of  Pom pej'. 

18.  Circus  Flaminiiis. 


19.  Theater  of  Marcellus. 

20.  Forum  Uolitorium. 

21.  Forum  Boarium. 

22.  Mausoleum  of  Augustus. 
28.  Mausoleum  of  Hadrian. 

24.  Baths  of  Constantine. 

25.  Baths  of  Diocletian. 

26.  Baths  of  Titus. 

27.  Baths  of  Caracalla. 

28.  Amphitheatrum    Cas- 

trense. 


walls  of  Aurelian,  needful  and  grand  as  the  work  waSj  were 
a  somber  symbol  of  a  new  age. 


530  THE   EMPIRE  — THIRD  CENTURY  [§647 

Six  reigns  '  fill  the  next  nine  years,  —  three  of  them  the 
reigns  of  able  and  well-meaning  men ;  and  then  came  Diocle- 
tian to  complete  Aurelian's  work. 

TOPICAL   SURVEY   OF   THE  THIRD   CENTURY 

647.  In  general,  the  third  century  of  the  Empire,  from  Mar- 
cus Aurelius  to  Diocletian  (180-284),  is  a  period  of  decline. 
The  political  anarchy  of  the  period  has  been  treated  briefly. 
There  was  a  similar  falling  away  in  the  defense  of  the  frontiers, 
in  material  prosperity,  and  in  literary  activity.  These  features 
will  now  be  noted  in  some  detail. 

648.  Renewal  of  Barbarian  Attacks.  —  For  the  first  two  cen- 
turies the  task  of  the  legions  was  an  easy  one,  but  in  the  reign 
of  the  peaceful  Marcus  ,4!^J*elius  the  torrent  of  barbarian  inva- 
sion began  again  to  beat  upon  the  ramparts  of  civilization. 
The  Moorish  tribes  were  on  the  move  in  Africa ;  the  Parthians, 
whom  Trajan  had  humbled,  again  menaced  the  Euphrates;  and 
Tartars,  Slavs,  Finns,  and  Germans  burst  upon  the  Danube. 
Aurelius  gave  the  years  of  his  reign  to  campaigns  on  the 
frontier. 

For  the  time,  indeed,  Rome  beat  off  the  attack ;  but  from 
this  date  she  stood  always  on  the  defensive,  with  exhaustless 
swarms  of  fresh  enemies  surging  about  her  defenses  ;  and  after 
the  prosperous  reigns  of  Septimius  and  Alexander  Severus  they 
began  to  burst  through. 

Early  in  the  third  century  the  Parthian  empire  gave  way  to 
a  new  Persian  kingdom  under  the  Sassanidae  kings.  This 
Persian  power  for  a  time  seemed  the  great  danger  to  the  Roman 
world.     In  250  and  260  its  armies  poured  across  the  Euphrates. 

he  Emperor  Valerian  was  taken  prisoner  (§  644),  and  Antioch 
was  captured.  New  German  tribes,  too,  —  the  mightier  foe, 
as  events  were  to  prove,  —  appeared  on  the  European  fron- 
tier. The  Alemanni  crossed  the  Rhine  and  maintained  them- 
selves in  Gaul  for  two  years  (236-238).     In  the  disorders  of 

1  Tacitus,  Florianus,  Probus,  Carus,  Carinus,  Numerianus;  275-282. 


§649]  GENERAL  DECLINE  531 

the  fifties,  bands  of  Franks  swept  over  Gaul  and  Spain.  The 
Goths  seized  the  province  ofjacia  (§  646),  and  raided  the 
Balkan  European  provinces.  In  the  sixties,  Gothic  fleets,  of 
five  hundred  sail,  issuing  from  the  Black  Sea,  ravaged  the 
Mediterranean  coasts,  sacking  Athens,  Corinth,  Argos,  and 
Sparta   (Davis'  Readings,  II,  No.  72). 

Claudius  II  and  Aurelian,  however,  restored  the  old  frontiers, 
except  for  Dacia,  and  chastised  the  barbarians  on  all  sides. 
The  worst  of  the  evil  was  confined  to  the  middle  third  of  the 
century  ;  but  a  fatal  blow  had  been  struck  at  the  military  fame 
of  Rome. 

649.  Decline  of  Population  and  of  Material  Prosperity.  —  By 
the  irony  of  fate,  the  reign  of  the  best  of  emperors  marks  also 
another  great  calamity..  In  the  year  166,  a  new  Asig^tic^ague 
swept  from  the  Euphrates  to  the  Atlantic,  carrying  off,  we  are 
told,  half  the  population  of  the  empire. 

From  Aurelius  to  Aurelian,  at  brief  intervals,  the  pestilence 
returned,  desolating  wide  regions  and  demoralizing  industry. 
Even  vigorous  young  societies  take  a  long  time  to  recover  from 
a  single  blow  of  this  kind.^  To  the  Roman  Empire,  the  re- 
peated disaster  was  the  more  deadly  because  population  had 
already  become  stationary,  if  it  were  not  indeed  already  on  the 
decline. 

The  reasons  for  this  previous  falling  off  in  population  are  not 
altogether  clear.  The  wide-spread  slave  system  was  no  doubt 
one  cause.  A  high  standard  of  comfort  and  a  dislike  for  large 
families,  as  in  modern  France,  was  another.  But  these  seem 
insufficient.  It  is  hardly  possible  to  charge  the  evil  to  immo- 
rality, since  the  victory  of  Christianity  does  not  seem  to  have 
checked  it  afterward.  Whatever  the  cause,  the  fact  of  the  de- 
cline is  beyond  question ;  and  so  the  gaps  left  by  pestilence  re- 
mained unfilled.  "  Year  by  year,  the  human  harvest  was  bad." 
Tlie  fatal  disease  of  the  later  Ejn/pirejwg^s  want  of  men.     There 


1  In  the  fourteenth  century,  England  suffered  from  a  pestilence  known  as 
the  "  Black  Death"  ;  and  it  took  the  island  a  hundred  years  to  recover  from 
the  terrible  ravages  of  that  plague. 


532  THE   EMPIRE  — THIRD  CENTURY  [§650 

followed  a  decline  in  material  prosperity  and  in  tax-paying 
power. 

650.  Slavery The  civil  wars  involved  vast  loss  of  life.  The  barba- 
rian raids  sometimes  swept  off  the  population  of  whole  provinces,  to  die  in 
bitter  slavery  in  the  German  forests.  Marcus  Aurelius  once  compelled 
the  Quadi,  one  German  people,  to  surrender  50,000  such  Roman  captives. 

But  Roman  slavery  itself,  within  the  empire,  was  the  most  power- 
ful cause  of  this  decline  ot4k)pulation.  The  wealthy  classes  of  society 
commonly  do  nq^  have  1^^  faipi)ies^  >%jr  population  grows  from  the 
large  families  pi  the  working  classes.  But  in  the  Roman  world,  the  place 
of  our  free  workmen  was  taken  largely  by  slaves,  and  slaves  rarely  left 
families.  If  they  had  children,  the  master  "exposed  "the  infants, 
since  it  was  easier  and  more  convenient  to  buy  a  new  slave  (from  the 
captures  made  by  the  legions  on  the  frontiers)  than  to  rear  one. 

Besides,  the  competition  of  slave  labor  ground  into  the  dust  what  free 
labor  there  was,  —  so  that  working  people  could  not  rear  a  large  family, 
and  were  driven  to  the  cruel  practice  of  exposure  of  infants  —  which 
ancient  morality  allowed. 

651.  Decay  in  Literature.  —  Great  names  in  poetry,  history, 
and  science  cease.  Philosophy  and  theology  become  a  dreary 
waste  of  controversy.  We  have  multitudes  of  "  Apologies " 
for  Christianity  from  the  Church  Fathers,  like  Lactantius,  Ter- 
tullian,  and  Origen  (all  three,  Africans),  and  volume  upon  vol- 
ume against  them  from  the  New  Platonists,  like  Plotinus  and 
his  disciple  Porphyry  (Asiatics).  Works  on  Christian  doctrine 
and  practice  were  written  also  by  St.  Clement  (of  Alexandria) 
and  St.  Cyprian  (of  Carthage). 

The  one  advance  is  in  Roman  law  (§  637).  This  is  the  age 
of  the  great  jurists,  of  whom  JJlpian  is  the  most  famous.  But 
even  this  progress  is  confined  to  the  early  part  of  the  century, 
closing  with  the  reign  of  Alexander  Severus. 


FoK  Further  Reading. —  Davis'  Headings,  applicable  to  the  chapter, 
have  all  been  referred  to  in  the  notes  or  text.  Jones'  Roman  Empire, 
chs.  vii-ix,  covers  the  period.  Ware's  Zenobia  (fiction)  will  be  read  with 
pleasure  by  some  students. 


\ 


CHAPTER   XL 
RISE  OF  CHRISTIANITY 


652.  In  Judea.  —  The  most  deeply  important  event  of  the 
three  centuries  from  Augustus  to  Aurelian  has  been  left  for 
separate  treatment  in  this  chapter.  All  high  school  students 
know  the  story  of  the  life  and  work  of  Christ  and  of  his 
immediate  disciples;  but  a  brief  review  of  the  facts  will 
give  them  a  setting  in  the  world  history  which  we  have  just 
surveyed. 

Jesus  of  Nazareth  was  born,  probably  in  4  b.c./  at  Bethle- 
hem, a  hamlet  of  Judea.  He  grew  up  as  the  son  of  a  humble 
carpenter  in  an  obscure  corner  of  the  Roman  world.  In 
30  A.D.,  in  the  reign  of  Tiberius,  he  began  to  teach  publicly 
throughout  Judea.  The  poorer  people  in  the  country  districts 
heard  him  gladly  ;  and  the  priests,  angry  at  his  quiet  disregard 
of  religious  ceremonial,  began  to  fear  his  influence.  Judea  was 
seething  with  discontent  at  Koman  rule,  and  the  masses  were 
looking  eagerly  for  a  miraculous  Messiah  to  appear,  to  lead  them 
in  a  glorious  war  against  the  foreign  conqueror  and  to  restore  the 
Jewish  empire  of  David  and  Solomon.  Many  of  those  who 
gathered  about  Jesus  believed  that  he  would  do  these  things. 
In  vain  did  he  declare  to  them,  "  My  kingdom  is  not  of  this 
world,"  and  urge  that  they  should  "render  unto  Caesar  the 
things  that  are  Caesar's.  "  These  expectations  and  the  rumors 
among  the  people  gave  a  handle  to  his  enemies.  To  destroy 
him,  the  priests  declared  that  he  called  himself  King  of  the 
Jews,  and  that  he  was  stirring  up  rebellion  against  Rome. 


1  The  date  of  Christ's  birth  was  computed  some  six  hundred  years  later 
by  a  Greek  monk.  We  know  now  that  the  monk  put  the  date  at  least 
four  years  too  late.  Some  scholars  think  the  true  date  was  the  year  which 
we  call  7  B.C. ;  but  the  whole  question  of  exact  dates  in  Christ's  life  is  obscure. 

533 


534  THE   ROMAN  EMPIRE  [§653 

The  highest  Jewish  tribunal  declared  him  guilty;  but  it 
could  not  impose  a  death  penalty  without  the  approval  of  the 
Roman  governor.  That  officer,  Pontius  Pilate,  declared  that 
he  found  no  truth  in  the  charges,  but  with  careless  Roman 
contempt,  he  let  the  clamoring  priests  have  their  way,  and 
delivered  Jesus  to*  them  to  be  crucified  with  two  thieves. 
.  653.  Paul  the  Apostle  to  the  Gentiles.  —  The  public  life  of 
Jesus  filled  only  three  years ;  and  his  work  had  been  confined 
to  Palestine.  In  spite  of  cruel  persecutions,  his  followers 
there  continued  to  practice  his  teachings  and  to  preach  them ; 
but  at  first  they  seem  to  have  felt  that  the  new  religion  was 
designed  only  for  their  own  "  chosen  people,"  the  Jews.  Soon, 
however,  there  arose  among  them  a  great  man  with  a  nobler 
vision. 

Paul  was  a  native  of  Tarsus  in  Cilicia,  "  no  mean  city,"  and 
he  held  the  prized  Roman  citizenship.  His  family,  however, 
were  Jews,  and  he  had  been  brought  up,  he  tells  us,  in  the 
strictest  sect  of  the  old  Hebrew  religion.  After  the  crucifix- 
ion, Paul  took  a  zealous  part  in  breaking  up  the  little  Christian 
congregations ;  but  after.aiding  in  the  slaying  of  the  glorious 
martyr,  Stephen,  Paul  was  himself  converted  to  the  truth  he 
had  been  persecuting.  Then  he  soon  became  one  of  the  leading 
apostles.  His  early  life  and  his  education  had  given  him  more 
acquaintance  with  the  great  world  than  the  other  disciples  had, 
and  he  saw  that  Christianity  ought  to  become  the  religion  of 
all  peoples. 

The  .rest  of  his  life  he  gave  to  ceaseless  preaching  in  Asia 
and  Europe,  supporting  himself  meanwhile  by  his  trade  of  tent- 
making.  He  founded  churches  in  Antioch  and  in  other  cities 
throughout  Syria  and  Cilicia,  and  crossed  over  to  Macedonia 
and  Greece,  preaching  especially  in  Philippi,  Thessalonica, 
Athens,  and  Corinth.  On  his  return  to  Jerusalem,  he  was 
arrested  by  the  Jewish  priests,  and  the  Roman  governor  was 
about  to  condemn  him  to  death.  His  Roman  citizenship  saved 
his  life  for  the  time ;  and,  after  a  weary  imprisonment,  he 
"appealed  to  Caesar"  (the  Emperor  Nero),  as  a  Roman  citizen 


§6541  RISE   OF  CHRISTIANITY  535 

had  the  privilege  of  doing.  Accordingly  he  was  sent  to  Rome, 
where  he  seems  to  have  lived  for  some  years  under  arrest  but 
with  considerable  freedom  of  action,  preaching  to  Christian 
congregations  there  and  corresponding  with  his  converts  in 
other  parts  of  the  world.  He  perished  in  the  persecution  after 
the  great  fire,  in  the  year  64  or  65  (§  579). 

654.  The  Growth  of  the  Faith. — At  the  death  of  Paul,  some 
thirty  years  after  the  death  of  Christ,  there  were  Christian 
congregations,  we  know  from  the  Book  of  Acts,  in  all  the  large 
cities  of  the  eastern  part  of  the  empire  and  in  Rome.  These 
congregations  were  made  up  almost  solely,  as  yet,  from  the 
humblest  classes  of  society,  —  slaves  and  poor  laborers. 
Women  were  particularly  numerous  and  influential  among 
them.  The  religion  of  mercy  and  gentleness  and  hope  ap- 
pealed especially  to  the  weak  and  downtrodden.  So  far,  it 
got  no  hearing  from  the  rich  and  powerful  and  happy.  To 
the  Roman  historians  of  the  age,  Christianity  was  known  not 
at  all,  or  only  by  vague  rumors,  as  a  vicious  sect  of  the  despised 
Jews.  The  moralist  Tacitus  (§  628)  was  a  boy  in  Rome  during 
the  great  fire  in  Nero's  time.  Fifty  years  later  (115  a.d.),  he 
wrote  an  account  of  it.  Even  then  he  knew  of  the  Christians, 
it  is  plain,  only  by  misleading  scandal,  though  he  is  the  first 
pagan  writer  to  give  any  important  mention  of  them. 

Nero  had  himself  been  accused  of  setting  the  conflagration,  explains 
Tacitus:  "Therefore,  to  stop  this  rumor,  he  [Nero]  falsely  charged 
with  guilt,  and  punished  with  fearful  tortures,  the  persons  whom  the 
vulgar  call  Christians,  and  who  were  already  branded  with  deserved  in- 
famy. Christus,  from  whom  the  name  was  derived,  was  executed  as  a 
criminal,  when  Tiberius  was  imperator,  by  Pontius  Pilate,  the  procurator 
in  Judea.  But  the  pernicious  superstition,  checked  for  the  time,  again 
broke  out,  not  only  in  Judea,  where  the  mischief  began,  but  even  in 
Rome,  the  meeting  place  of  all  horrible  and  immoral  practices  from  all 
parts  of  the  world." 

Tacitus  regards  this  charge  of  incendiarism  as  absurd ;  but 
he  speaks  of  the  Christians  again  as  proven  "  haters  of  the 
human  race,''  and  has  no  sympathy  to  spare  for  them.     But 


536  THE  ROMAN  EMPIRE  [§655 

in  the  third  century,  in  spite  of  various  persecutions  (§§  659  ff.), 
Christianity  had  spread  rapidly  over  all  parts  of  the  empire 
and  had  begun  to  count  converts  among  the  noble  and  the 
learned,  even  in  palaces  and  courts.  Even  the  growing  misery 
of  that  period  helped  to  turn  men's  hearts  toward  this  religion 
of  peace  and  mercy,  with  its  promise  of  the  future.  Christian 
writings,  from  this  time  on,  make  up  the  bulk  of  Roman 
literature. 

655.  Some  Inner  Sources  of  Power. —^A  few  individuals  of 
the  pagan  world,  like  Socrates  and  Marcus  Aurelius,  thought 
of  God,  duty,  and  immortality  in  a  way  similar  to  the  teachings 
of  Christ.  But  Christianity  made  these  lofty  speculations  of 
a  few  great  intellects  "the  truisms  of  the  village  school,  the 
proverbs  of  the  cottage  and  the  alley."  For  most  people,  the 
old  gods  had  been  vague  forces  which  must  be  worshiped  in 
order  that  they  might  not  send  afflictions  upon  men.  This 
pagan  feeling  gave  way  now  to  a  loving  trust  in  God  as  a  tender 
Father.     The  old  shadowy  or  gloomy  future  was  replaced  in 

"^men's  minds  by  confidence  in  a  blissful  life  beyond  the  grave. 
The  old  worship  had  been  largely  a  matter  of  minute  ceremo- 
nial and  form.  Christianity  taught  that  the  essence  of  religion 
consisted  in  love,  hope,  purity,  and  mutual  helpfulness.  Such 
features  made  the  new  religion  the  greatest  power  that  ever 
worked  upon  the  souls  of  men. 

656.  Debt  to  the  Empire.  —  In  three  distinct  ways  the  Empire 
had  made  preparation  for  Christianity.  (1)  The  gentle  tend- 
ency of  the  age  (§§  633-637)  made  easier  the  victory  of  a  re- 
ligion of  humility  and  self-sacrifice.  (2)  The  political  machin- 
ery of  the  Empire  had  important  influence  upon  the  organization 
of  Church  government  (§  681).  (3)  An  incalculable  debt  is  due 
to  the  unity  of  the  vast  Roman  world.  This  third  point  must 
have  fuller  explanation  here. 

Except  for  the  widespread  rule  of  Rome,  Christianity  could 
hardly  have  reached  beyond  Judea.  The  early  Christian  writ- 
ers recognized  this,  and  regarded  the  creation  of  the  Empire  as 
a  providential  preparation.     No  other  government  was  tolerant 


§6571  RISE  OF  CHRISTTANTTY  537 

enough  to  permit  the  spread  of  such  worship.  The  Empire 
had  tolerated  broadly  the  religions  of  all  nations  (except  those  ^X^ 
believed  to  be  seriously  immoral),  and  so  had  melted  down  sharp 
local  prejudices.  The  union  of  diverse  peoples  under  the  Em- 
pire, with  a  common  language,  common  sentiments  and  customs, 
a  common  government,  and  habits  of  easy  intercourse,  laid  the 
foundation  for  their  spiritual  union  in  Christianity.  If  Asia 
Minor,  Greece,  and  Italy  had  remained  split  up  in  hundreds  of 
small  states,  with  different  languages  and  institutions,  how 
could  Paul  have  made  his  way  from  city  to  city,  or  have  found 
his  audiences,  or  have  been  able  to  speak  to  them?  And,  a 
little  later,  if  Christianity  had  not  already  became  the  religion 
of  the  mighty  and  venerated  Empire,  it  surely  would  not  so 
easily  have  been  accepted  by  the  rude  barbarians  about  the 
frontier. 

657.  Persecutions.  — The  Empire  encouraged  freedom  of 
thought  upon  almost  all  subjects.  When  Marcus  Aurelius 
appointed  teachers  to  the  endowed  "  chairs  "  of  philosophy  in 
the  universities,  he  did  not  think  of  inquiring  whether  their 
philosophy  agreed  with  his  own.  Why  then  did  he,  and  other 
"good"  emperors,  persecute  the  Christians? 

The  fiendish  torments  with  which  Nero  amused  the  brutal  court  and 
populace  have  been  noticed  ;  but  also  we  have  noted  that  this  first  '•  per- 
secution "  was  not  strictly  a  religious  persecution,  and  that  it  was  prac- 
tically confined  to  Rome.  We  are  concerned  now  with  the  more 
important  persecutions  of  the  second  and  third  centuries. 

Fifty  years  after  Nero,  Pliny  was  a  provincial  governor  in 
Asia,  under  Trajan.  Pliny  was  a  high  soiiled  gentleman  of  re- 
fined tastes  (§  630).  His  correspondence  with  Trajan  (happily 
preserved)  shows  that  the  populace  hated  the  new  sect  as  they 
hated  no  other  strange  religion,  and  that  they  stirred  up  the 
government  incessantly  to  persecution.  The  correspondence 
shows,  too,  that  the  noblest  pagan  rulers,  though  deploring 
bloodshed,  thought  it  right  and  necessary  to  punish  by  death 
the  "  debased  superstition  "  of  the  Christians,  with  "  the  crimes 
that  gather  round  it "  (Davis'  Readings,  II,  No.  75). 


538  THE   ROMAN  EMPIRE  (§658 

658.    The  explanation  of  this  attitude   of   the  populace  and 

the  government  can  be  found,  at  least  in  part. 

a.  Rome  tolerated,  and  supported,  all  religions ;  but  she 
expected  all  the  inhabitants  of  the  empire,  in  return,  to  tolerate 
and  support  the  religion  of  the  empire  and  the  worship  of  the 
emperors.  The  Christians,  alone,  refused  to  do  this.  They 
even  declared  war  upon  all  worship  but  their  own,  proclaiming 
loudly  that  any  other  was  sinful  and  idolatrous.  To  the  pop- 
ulace this  seemed  likely  to  bring  down  the  wrath  of  the  gods 
upon  the  whole  community.  To  enlightened  men  it  indicated 
at  least  a  dangerously  stubborn  and  treasonable  temper. 

b.  Secret  societies  were  feared  and  forbidden  by  the  Empire, 
on  political  grounds.  Even  the  enlightened  Trajan  instructed 
Pliny  to  forbid  the  organization  of  a  firemen^ s  company  in  a 
large  city  of  his  province,  because  such  associations  were  likely 
to  become  "factious  assemblies."  The  church  of  that  day  was 
a  vast,  highly  organized,  widely  diffused,  secret  society.  "  As 
such,"  says  George  Burton  Adams,  "  it  was  not  only  distinctly 
illegal,  but  in  the  highest  degree  it  was  calculated  to  excite 
the  apprehension  of  the  government." 

c.  The  attitude  of  the  Christians  toward  society  added  to 
their  unpopularity.  Because  Christ  had  preached  peace,  many 
of  them  refused  to  join  the  legions,  or  to  fight,  if  drafted. 
This  seemed  treason,  inasmuch  as  a  prime  duty  of  the 
Roman  world  was  to  repel  barbarism.  Moreover,  the  Chris- 
tains  were  unsocial  :  they  abstained  from  most  public  amuse- 
ments, as  immoral,  and  they  refused  to  illuminate  their  houses 
or  garland  their  portals  in  honor  of  national  triumphs. 

d.  Clean  lives  marked  the  early  Christians,  to  a  notable 
degree.  Every  sin  was  punished  before  the  whole  congregation. 
The  church  was  a  vast  association  for  mutual  helpfulness  in 
pure  living.  Any  member  who  was  known  to  have  worshiped 
pagan  gods,  or  blasphemed,  or  borne  false  witness,  was  dis- 
missed from  Christian  fellowship.  But,  strangely  enough, 
pagan  society  knew  nothing  of  this  side  of  the  early  church. 
The  Jews  accused  the  Christians  of  all  sorts  of  crimes,  and, 


§659]  RISE  OF  CHRISTIANITY  539 

particularly,  of  horrible  orgies  in  the  secret  "  love-feasts " 
(communion  suppers).  If  a  child  disappeared  —  lost  or  kid- 
naped by  some  slave-hunter  —  the  rumor  spread  at  once  that 
it  had  been  eaten  by  the  Christians  in  their  private  feasts. 
Such  accusations  were  accepted,  carelessly,  by  Roman  society, 
because  the  Christian  meetings  were  secret,  and  because 
there  had  really  been  such  licentious  rites  in  some  religions 
of  the  East  that  Rome  had  been  forced  to  crush  them.  Pliny 
is  inclined  to  think  something  of  the  sort  true  of  the  Chris- 
tians, though  he  finds  no  evidence  of  it.  Pagan  priests,  too, 
found  the  offerings  at  the  old  temples  falling  off  and  their 
influence  waning;  and  they  readily  accepted  and  spread  such 
scandals. 

Thus  we  have  religious  and  social  motives  with  the  people, 
and  a  political  motive  with  statesmen.  It  follows  that  the 
periods  of  persecution  often  came  under  those  emperors  who 
had  the  highest  conception  of  duty.  The  belief  in  Chris- 
tian immorality  disappeared  before  the  end  of  the  second 
century,  so  far  as  intelligent  society  was  concerned;  but 
for  some  time  the  other  motives  for  persecution  grew  more 
intense. 

659.  Attitude  of  the  Government.  —  The  first  century,  except 
for  the  horrors  in  Rome  under  Nero,  afforded  no  persecution 
until  its  very  close.  In  95  there  was  a  persecution,  not  very 
severe,  and  lasting  only  a  few  months.  Under  Trajan  we  see 
spasmodic  local  persecutions  arising  from  popular  hatred,  but 
not  instigated  by  the  government. 

In  Pliny's  province,  many  persons  were  accused  by  the  people,  some- 
times anonymously,  of  being  Christians.  Pliny  took  pains  to  investigate, 
even  using  torture  upon  two  "deaconesses."  He  was  impressed  by  the 
lack  of  evidence  for  anything  criminal ;  but  when  the  accused  men 
refused  to  worship  Roman  gods,  after  three  warnings,  "I  order  them 
away  to  prison.  For  I  do  not  doubt,  be  their  crime  whatever  it  may,  that 
their  .  .  .  inflexible  obstinacy  deserves  punishment."  The  number  of. 
such  offenders  grew  so  rapidly,  however,  and  they  came  forward  so 
willingly  to  martyrdom,  that  the  well-meaning  Pliny  was  embarrassed, 
and  wrote  to  the  emperor  for  special  instructions.     Trajan  directed  him 


540  '  THE  ROMAN   EMPIRE  [§660 

not  to  seek  them  out  and  to  pay  no  attention  to  anonymous  accusations 
(§  636),  but  added  that  if  Christians  were  brought  before  him,  and  then 
refused  to  sacrifice  to  the  gods  of  the  Empire,  they  must  be  punished. 

Hadrian  and  Antoninus  Pius  strove  to  repress  popular 
outbreaks  against  the  Christians.  Aurelius,  in  the  latter  part 
of  his  reign,  permitted  a  persecution.  On  the  whole,  during 
the  second  century,  the  Christians  were  legally  subject  to 
punishment;  but  there  were  only  a  few  enforcements  of  the 
law  against  them,  and  those  were  local,^  not  general. 

The  third  century  was  an  age  of  anarchy  in  government, 
and  of  decline  in  prosperity.  The  few  able  rulers  strove 
strenuously  to  restore  society  to  its  ancient  order.  This 
century,  accordingly,  was  an  age  of  definitely  planned,  impe- 
rial persecution.  Says  George  Burton  Adams:  "There  was 
really  no  alternative  for  men  like  Decius,  and  Valerian,  and 
Diocletian.  Christianity  was  a  vast  organized  defiance  of  law.'* 
No  return  to  earlier  Roman  conditions,  such  as  the  reformers 
hoped  for,  could  be  accomplished  unless  this  sect  was  overcome. 

But  by  this  time  Christianity  was  too  strong.  It  had  come 
to  count  nobles  and  rulers  in  its  ranks.  At  the  opening  of  the 
fourth  century,  the  shrewd  Constantine  saw  the  advantage  he 
might  gain  by  enlisting  it  upon  his  side  in  the  civil  wars.  Ac- 
cordingly Christianity  became  a  favored  religion  (§  675),  and 
the  era  of  persecution  by  the  pagans  ceased  forever. 

660.  Summary.  —  (i)  It  is  possible  to  understand  how  some  of  the 
best  emperors  could  persecute  the  church.  (2)  The  persecution  was  not 
of  such  a  character  as  to  endanger  a  vital  faith.  (3)  It  did  give  rise  to 
multitudes  of  heroic  martjrrdoms  which  make  a  glorious  page  in  human 
history,  and  which  by  their  effect  upon  contemporaries  justify  the- saying, 
"  The  blood  of  the  martyrs  is  the  seed  of  the  church."  (4)  The  moral 
results  of  Christianity  in  the  first  three  centuries  were  most  apparent  in 
the  social  life  of  the  lower  classes  in  the  cities.  The  effect  upon  legisla- 
tion and  government  was  to  begin  in  the  fourth  century  a.d. 

1  This  does  not  detract  from  the  heroism  of  those  noble  men  and  women 
who  chose  to  die  in  torture  rather  than  deny  their  faith.  Read  the  story  of 
Saint  Perpetua  in  Davis'  Readiiu/s,  II,  No.  110,  and  see  also  Nos.  Ill  and  112 
for  methods  of  repressing  Christianity. 


CHAPTER  XLI 
THE  FOURTH  CENTURY:  DIOCLETIAN  TO  THEODOSIUS 

( The  Story  of  the  Emperors  i) 

DIOCLETIAN   AND   IMPERIAL   REORGANIZATION 

661.  The  Needs  of  the  Empire.  — The  third  century,  we  have 
seen,  was  a  period  of  grave  disorder.  The  throne  was  the 
sport  of  unruly  legions  and  the  prize  of  military  adventurers. 
The  usefulness  of  the  Empire,  however,  was  not  over.  Claudius 
II  and  Aurelian  repulsed  the  perils  from  without,  which  the 
anarchy  in  government  had  encouraged;  and  then  came 
Diocletian  and  Constantine  to  end  the  internal  disorder  itself 
(§§  662  if.). 

That  disorder  had  arisen  in  the  main  from  two  causes. 

a.  The  machinery  of  government  ivas  too  primitive.  The 
emperor  had  too  much  to  do.  He  could  not  ward  off  Persians 
on  the  Euphrates  and  Germans  on  the  Rhine,  and  also  super- 
vise closely  the  government  of  the  forty  provinces.  Moreover, 
some  single  provinces  were  so  importanFTihat  their  governors, 
especially  if  also  victorious  generals,  were  almost  the  equals 
of  the  emperor  in  power.  For  the  third  century  there  had 
averaged  a  rebellion  of  a  governor  for  nearly  every  year. 

b.  Tfie  succession  to  the  throne  was  uncertain  (§  595).  Some- 
times the  emperorlia^Xhis'successor ;  sometimes  the  Senate 
elected  its  own  choice.  Sometimes  the  new  ruler  was  the 
creature   of  the    praetorians,   sometimes    the    favorite    of  a 

1  The  fourth  century,  like  the  first  two,  is  treated  in  two  chapters  — one 
for  narrative  and  one  for  a  topical  study.  For  convenience,  however,  the 
character  of  the  reorganized  government  is  discussed  in  the  first  chapter,  in 
connection  with  the  reign  of  its  creator  Diocletian,  and  the  victory  of  Chris- 
tianity in  connection  with  the  reign  of  its  champion  Constantine. 

541 


542 


THE  EMPIRE  — FOURTH  CENTURY 


[§662 


frontier  army.  At  times,  the  legions  had  ceased  to  wait  for 
the  throne  to  become  vacant,  and  made  vacancies  at  will. 
The  result  had  been  the  century  of  "barrack  emperors." 

662.  Diocletian  (284-305  A.D.),  a  stern  Ulyrian  soldier  and 
the  grandson  of  a  slave,  was  himself  one  of  these  barrack 
emperors.  He  was  the  last  and  greatest  of  them,  and  he  made 
them  impossible  thereafter.  Seizing  the  scepter  with  a  strong 
hand,  he  established  victorious  peace  on  all  the  frontiers,  and 


Ruins  of  the  Baths  of  Diocletian. 
Parts  of  the  ruins  are  used  to  form  the  walls  of  modem  buildings. 

ruled  firmly  for  twenty.-one  years.  Toward  the  close  of  his 
reign  he  was  induced  to  carry  on  the  most  terrible  and  thorough 
of  all  the  persec2dions  of  the  Christians.  His  greatest  work  was 
his  reorganization^..the_ system  of  government. 

663.  ''Partnership  EmperorsT^— T5Iocietian  introduced  a 
system  of  "  partnership  emperors."  He  chose  as  a  colleague 
Maximian,  a  rough  soldier  but  an  able  man  and  a  faithful 
friend.     Each  of  the  two  took  the   same  titles  and  dignity  : 


§665]  DIOCLETIAN'S  REORGANIZATION  543 

each  was  Imperator  Caesar  Augustus.  The  two  Auyusti 
divided  the  empire,  Diocletian  taking  the  East,  Maximian  the 
West.  Each  then  divided  his  half  into  two  parts,  keeping  one 
under  his  own  direct  control,  and  intrusting  the  other  to  a 
chosen  heir  with  the  title  of  Caesar.  The  Augusti  (emperors) 
kept  their  own  capitals  in  the  central  and  more  settled  prov- 
inces of  the  empire,  —  Diocletian  at  Nicomedia  in  Asia  Minor, 
and  Maximian  at  Milan  in  North  Italy.  To  the  Caesars  were  . 
assigned  the  more  turbulent  and  exposed  provinces  of  the  ly^ 
extreme  East  and  the  extreme  West,  with  the  duty  of  guard- 
ing the  frontiers  againt  Persians  and  Germans. 

Thus  the  empire  was  marked  off  into  four  great  sections, 
called  prefectures,  and  each  prefecture  was  put  under  the  im- 
mediate supervision  of  one  of  the  four  rulers.  This  made 
closer  oversight  possible.  In  great  measure,  also,  it  did  away 
with  the  danger  of  military  adventurers  seizing  the  throne. 
Thereafter  there  were  certain  men  especially  pointed  out  in 
advance  for  the  succession.  This  was  not  so  definitely  fixed, 
it  is  true,  as  to  prevent  all  disputes.  More  than  one  war  was 
yet  to  be  waged  for  the  crown ;  but  the  number  of  possible 
claimants  was  limited,  and  the  evil  was  lessened. 

664.  Not  a  Division  of  the  Empire.  —  This  arrangement,  how- 
ever, was  not  a  partition  of  the  empire.  It  was  only  a  division 
of  the  burden  of  administration.  The  power  of  each  emperor 
in  theory  extended  over  the  whole  empire.  An  edict  in  any  part 
was  published  under  their  joint  names.  It  was  intended  that 
the  rulers  should  act  in  harmony,  and  for  much  of  the  following 
century  they  did  so.  There  were  not  two  empir^^,  or  four.  TJiere 
ivas  only  one.  In  fact,  though  equal  in  dignity,  the  two  em- 
perors were  usually  not  equal  in  power.  Thus,  throughout 
his  reign,  Diocletian's  strong  will  ruled  his  colleague. 

665.  New  Machinery. — This  division  of  duties  between 
four  chief  rulers  was  only  the  beginning  of  the  reform.  Below 
the  Augustus  or  the  Caesar,  in  each  prefecture,  appeared  aperies 
of  officials  in  regular  grades,  as  in  an  army,  —  each  officer 
under  the  immediate  direction  of  the  one  just  above  him. 


544 


THE  EMPIRE  —  FOURTH  CENTURY 


[§666 


Before  the  time  of  Diocletian  the  forty  provincial  governors 
had  stood  directly  below  the  emperor,  who  had  to  supervise 
them  all  himself.  The  bulky  correspondence  between  Trajan 
and  Pliny  (§§  598,  657)  illustrates  the  minute  oversight  which 
industrious  emperors  attempted.  But  with  average  rulers,  and 
with  the  greatest  in  times  of  special  disturbance,  such  a  system 
was  likely  to  break  down.  Diocletian  introduced  better  ma- 
chinery. The  provinces  were  subdivided  so  as  to  make  about  a 
^hundred  and  twenty.  These  were  grouped  into  thirteen  dioceses 
each  under  a  vicar.  The  dioceses  were  grouped  into  the  four 
prefectures,  each  under  its  prefect,  who  was  subject  to  a  Caesar 
or  Augustus  in  person.  A  prefect  had  under  him  three  or  five 
vicars  ;  a  vicar  had  under  him  several  provincial  governors. 
Each  officer  sifted  all  business  that  came  to  him  from  his  sub- 
ordinates, sending  on  to  his  superior  only  the  more  important 
matters. 

666.  Table  of  Prefectures  and  Dioceses.  —  The  following  table  shows 
the  grouping  of  these  various  units  of  government :  — 

Prefectures     Dioceses 

East 16  provinces 

Egypt 6 

East         \  Asia 11        " 

Pontus 11        " 

Thrace 6        " 


The  East 


Illyricum 


r  Italy 


Macedonia     1  g 

and  Greece  j 
Dacia 5 


The  West 


Italy 

Africa 

Illyria 


17 
6 

7 


Gaul 


Spain 7 

The  Gauls      ...    17 
Britain      ....     6 


Countless 
munici- 
palities 


667.    Further  Precaution  against  Rebellion. — The  provincial 
governors  were  now  of  too  little  importance  to  rebel  success- 


^ 


DIOCLETIAN'S  REORGANIZATION  545 

fully  against  the  emperor,  but  another  measure  guarded  still 
further  against  such  disorder.  The  governors  and  vicars  became 
merely  civil  officials.  All  military  command 'was  intrusted  to 
other  officers,  who  were  responsible  directly  to  the  emperor. 
Thus  the  civil  and  military  powers  watched  and  checked  each  other. 
(Cf.  §  76  for  this  device  in  the  ancient  Persian  empire.) 

At  the  same  time  zealous  precaution  was  taken  against  mili- 
tary adventurers.  The  powerful  legion^  were  broken  up  into 
small  regiments.  These  had  less  corps  spirit  than  the  larger 
units  had  possessed  and  were  less  likely  to  rise  against  the  cen- 
tral authority. 

668.  Highly  Organized  Administration. — Most  of  these  reforms 
were  meant  to  distribute  duties  in  a  more  workable  way, 
and  to  fix  responsibility  precisely.  One  more  change  aimed 
at  the  same  end.  In  the  Early  Empire  the  friends  or  servants 
of  the  emperor  were  often  given  great  power  in  the  administra- 
tion, but  in  an  irregular  and  varying  manner.  Hadrian  (§  587) 
had  made  these  irregular  assistants  into  regular  officers  and 
advisers.  Under  Diocletian,  each  such  officer  became  the  head 
of  an  extensive  department  of  government,  organized  in  many 
ranks ;  and,  along  with  this  change  at  court,  went  also  the  mul- 
tiplication of  subordinate  officials  throughout  the  provinces. 
(See  Davis'  Readings,  II,  No.  117.) 

669.  Despotic  Forms.  —  To  secure  for  the  emperor's  person 
greater  reverence,  Diocletian  adopted  the  forms  of  monarchy. 
The  Kepublican  cloak  of  Augustus  was  cast  aside,  and  the 
Principate  (§  592)  gave  way  to  an  open  despotism.  At  last,  ab- 
solutism was  avowed,  and  adorned  with  its  characteristic  trap- 
pings. The  emperor  assumed  a  diadem  of  gems  and  robes  of 
silk  and  gold.  He  dazzled  the  multitude  by  the  oriental  mag- 
nificence of  his  court,  and  fenced  himself  round,  even  from  his 
highest  officers,  with  minute  ceremonial  and  armies  of  function- 
aries. When  subjects  were  allowed  to  approach  him  at  all,  they 
were  obliged,  in  place  of  the  old  Republican  greeting,  to  pros- 
trate themselves  slavishly  at  his  feet. 

Now  the  Senate  of  Rojne  —  the  last  of  the  old  Republican 


546  THE  EMPIRE  — FOURTH  CENTURY  [§670 

influences  —  ceased  to  have  part  in  the  management  of  the  em- 
pire. Thenceforth  it  was  merely  a  city_jCouiiicil,  as  the  consuls 
and  aediles  had  long  before  become  mere  city  officials. 

670.  Lawmaking,  up  to  thisjime,  had  belonged  in  forrtLto  the 
Senate.  (But  see  §  593.)  It  now  became  openly  one  of  the  em- 
peror's functions.  The  ruler  made  law  either  by  publishing  an 
edict  to  the  world,  or  by  addressing  a.  rescript  (set  of  directions) 
to  provincial  governors.  The  only  other  source  of  new  laws 
thenceforward  lay  in  the  interpretation  of  old  law,  in  doubtful 
cases,  by  the  great  judges  (jurists)  whom  the  emperor  appointed. 

The  old  Republican  consuls  had  sometimes  issued  edicts,  in  crises,  and 
the  early  emperors  had  often  used  that  power  freely.  But  in  theory^ 
until  Diocletian's  time,  the  consent  of  the  Senate  had  been  essential. 

Judicial  interpretation  had  long  been  important  as  a  source  of  virtual 
lawmaking.    The  maxims  of  Ulpian  (§  657)  had  all  the  force  of  law. 

f  671.  Summary:  a  Centralized  Despotism.  —  Like  the  reforms 
which  had  preserved  the  declining  society  of  Caesar's  day 
(§  552),  the  changes  introduced  by  Diocletian  were  in  the  direc- 
tion of  absolutism.  The  medicine  had  to  be  strengthened: 
soon  its  virtue  would  be  exhausted.  Only  the  poison  would 
remain. 

The  government  became  a  centralized  despotism,  a  vast,  highly 
complex  machine.  For  a  time  its  new  strength  warded  off 
foreign  foes,  and  it  even  stimulated  society  into  fresh  life. 
But  the  cost  of  the  various  courts  and  of  the  immense  body  of 
officials  pressed  upon  the  tnasses  with  crushing  weight,  and  the 
omnipotence  of  the  central  government  oppressed  the  minds  of 
men.     Patriotism  died  ;  enterprise  disappeared.^ 

1  It  is  desirable  for  students  to  discuss  in  class  more  fully  some  of  these 
forms  of  government  of  which  the  text  treats.  Absolutism  refers  to  the 
source  of  supreme  power :  i.e.,  in  a  system  of  absolutism,  supreme  power  is 
in  the  hands  of  one  person.  "  Centralization  "  refers  to  the  kind  of  adminis- 
tration. A  centralized  administration  is  one  carried  on  by  a  body  of  ofl&cials 
of  many  grades,  all  appointed  from  above.  Absolutism  and  centralization  do 
not  necessarily  go  together.  A  government  may  come  from  the  people,  and 
yet  rule  through  a  centralized  administration,  as  in  France  to-day.  It  may 
be  absolute,  and  yet  allow  much  freedom  to  local  agencies,  as  in  Turkey,  or 


672] 


CHRISTIANITY  VICTORIOUS 


547 


To  this  despotio-Prganization  we  owe  thanks,  however,  for 
putting  ol¥  the  catastrophe  „ia  western  Europe  for  two  centu- 
ries more.  In  this  time,  Christianity  won  its  battle  over  pa- 
ganism, and  Roman  law  took  on  a  system  (§  737)  that  enabled 
ib  to  live  on  under  the  barbarian  conquest. 

CONSTANTINE   AND   THE    VICTORY   OF   CHRISTIANITY 

672.  From  Diocletian  to  Constantine,  305-312. — In  303,  after 
long  hesitation,  Diocletian  began  the  most  terrible  of  all  the 


Hall  of  the  Baths  of  Diocletla.n  —  uow  the  Church  of  St.  Mary  of  the 

Angels. 

persecutions  of  the  Christian  church.     Two  years  later,  in  the 
midst  of  this  contest,  he  laid  down  his  power,  to  retire  to  pri- 


in  Russia  in  past  centuries.    But  absolutism  is  likely  to  develop  centralized 
agencies,  as  Russia  has  been  doing  rapidly  of  late. 

Under  a  great  genius,  like  Napoleon  the  First,  a  centralized  government 
may  for  a  time  produce  rapid  benefits.  But  the  system  always  decays,  and  it 
does  nothing  to  educate  the  people  politically .  I^ocal  self-government  is  often 
provokingly  slow  and  faulty,  but  it  is  surer  in  the  long  run. 


548  THE  EMPIRE  —  FOURTH  CENTURY  [§673 

vate  life/  persuading  his  colleague  Maximian  to  do  the  same. 
The  two  Caesars  became  emperors,  —  Galerius  in  the  East  and 
Constantius  in  the  West.  Each  appointed  a  Caesar  as  an 
assistant  and  successor.  But  Constantius  died  in  a  few 
months,  before  the  position  of  the  new  Caesars  was  firmly 
established,  and  this  misfortune  plunged  the  empire  into  new 
strife.     For  eight  years,  civil  war  raged  between  six  claimants 

^for  the  throne. 

In  such  a  struggle  it  was  desirable  not  to  be  opposed  by  the 
.growing   power   of   the   Christians.     Galerius,  who  succeeded 

--""^Diocletian  in  the  East,  had  been  bitterly  hostile  to  them. 
Indeed  he  had  been  mainly  responsible  for  the  persecution  by 
Diocletian.  In  his  own  provinces  he  had  sought  to  continue 
that  persecution  through  the  intervening  years;  but  in  the 
feuds  of  civil  war  and  of  internal  commotion,  shortly  before 
his  death,  he  published  in  311  a  grudging  Edict  of  Toleration. 
The  document  deplored  the  fact  that  the  Christians  would  not 
''  come  back  to  reason, "  but  declared,  that  under  the  demoraliz- 
ing conditions,  the  emperor,  "  with  accustomed  clemency " 
judged  it  wise  "to  extend  pardon  even  to  these  men,"  and  to 
permit  them  to  resume  their  own  worship  "  provided  they  did 
nothing  contrary  to  good  order." 

The  next  year  the  cruel  civil  war  came  to  a  close  with  the 
victory  of  Constantine,  under  whom  Christianity  was  to  be 
more  than  merely  tolerated. 

673.  Constantine  the  Great  was  the  son  of  that  Constantius 
Chlorus  who  had  been  "  Caesar  "  in  Britain  under  Diocletian  and 
who  became  joint  emperor  with  Galerius,  when  the  older  em- 
;  perors  abdicated.  Constantius  had  distinctly  favored  the  Chris- 
tians in  his  provinces.  Almost  immediately  after  his  accession 
to  the  imperial  throne,  while  still  in  Britain,  he  died ;  and  his 
devoted  army  at  once  clothed  his  son  with  the  purple  robes, 

1  When  pressed  to  assume  the  government  again  during  the  disorders  that 
followed,  Diocletian  wrote  from  his  rural  retreat:  "Could  you  come  here 
and  see  the  vegetables  that  I  raise  in  my  garden  with  my  own  hands,  you 
would  no  more  talk  to  me  of  empire."    Cf.  §  631. 


§673] 


CHRISTIANITY  VICTORIOUS 


549 


hailing  him  Imperator.  For  some  years  Constantine  was  con- 
tent to  rule  and  reorganize  his  provinces  in  Britain  and  Gaul, 
preparing,  at  the  proper  moment,  to  interfere  in  the  matter  of 
civil  strife  in  Italy,  where  one  claimant  was  destroying  another 
in  swift  succession.  In  312,  he  marched  upon  the  worthless 
ruler  who  then  held  Rome.  The  Western  army  forced  the 
passes  of  the  Alps,  won  some  necessary  battles  in  north  Italy, 


The  MUiViAN  Bridge  To-day. 
Only  the  foundations  belong  to  the  ancient  structure. 

and  met  the  forces  of  the  master  of  Rome  for  the  decisive 
struggle  at  the  Milvian  Bridge,  near  the  capital. 

Later  writers  told  a  famous  story  which  critics  much  ques- 
tion but  which  is  worth  repeating.  On  the  eve  of  battle, 
runs  the  tale,  Constantine,  after  prayer  for  divine  help,  fell 
asleep.  In  his  dream,  Christ  appeared  to  him,  instructing 
him  to  inscribe  the  Cross  upon  his  standards,  —  declaring  "  In 
this  symbol  you  shall  conquer "  ("  hoc  signo  vinces  ").^  At 
all  events,  Constantine  did  adopt  this  symbol,  and  his  army 

1  Davis*  Readings,  II,  No.  113,  gives  the  whole  of  the  original  account. 


550  THE  EMPIRE  — FOURTH  CENTURY  [§674 

was  completely  victorious.  Constantine  now  established  him- 
self as  emperor  in  the  West.  The  next  year,  Licinius,  his 
ally  in  the  civil  war,  became  emperor  in  the  East. 

Constantine  ruled  from  312  to  337.  After  ten  years  of  joint 
rule,  the  emperors  quarreled,  and  a  new  civil  war  made 
Constantine  sole  master.  For  fourteen  years  more  he  reigned 
as  sole  emperor.  But  though  he  abandoned  the  system  of 
"  partnership  emperors  "  during  his  own  life,  yet  in  all  other 
respects  he  preserved  the  reforms  of  Diocletian.  Indeed",  he 
perfected  them,  standing  to  Diocletian  somewhat  as  the  first 
Augustus  stood  to  Julius  Caesar.  He  was  a  far-sighted,  broad- 
minded,  unscrupulous  statesman.  He  did  not  hesitate  to 
assassinate  a  rival,  and  his  memory  is  stained  by  the  cruel 
execution  of  his  wife  and  his  son.  But  his  work,  with  that 
of  Diocletian,  enabled  the  Empire  to  withstand  unbroken  the 
storms  of  another  hundred  and  fifty  years,  and  preserved  a 
great  part  of  it  for  ten  centuries  more. 

674.  Constantinople.  —  Constantine  definitely  removed  the  capital 
of  the  empire  from  Rome.  He  established  it  at  Byzantium,  which  he 
rebuilt  with  gi-eat  magnificence,  and  which  took  from  him  its  new  name, 
—  Constantinople^  "  Constantine's  city."  For  this  removal  there  were 
several  wise  reasons,  political,  military,  economic,  and  perhaps  religious. 
(1)  The  turbulent  Roman  populace  still  clung  to  the  name  of  the  old 
Republic,  and  an  Eastern  city  would  afford  a  more  peaceful  home  for  the 

'Oriental  monarchy   now   established.     (2)  Lying  between  the  Danube 

and  the  Euphrates,  Constantinople  was  a  more  convenient  center  than 

I    Rome  from  which  to  look  to  the  protection  of  the  frontiers,  especially  as 

•^    the  Persians  were  still  thought  the  chief  danger  to  the  empire.     (3)  Con- 

V  stantinople  was  admirably  situated  to  become  a  great  center  of  commerce. 

^       Thus  she  could  support  a  large  population  by  her  own   industries  far 

better  than  Rome,  which  had  little  means  of  producing  wealth.     (4)  It 

is  often  said  also  that  Constantine  wished  a  capital  which  he  could  make 

.— 1*-4  Christian  more   easily  than  was  possible  with   Rome,  attached   as  the 

Roman  people  were  to  the  old  gods  connected  with  the  glories  of  the  city. 

This  last  consideration   introduces  us  to  the  most  important  part  of 

Constantine's  work  (§  675). 

675.  Constantine  and  the  Church.  —  Constantine  put  an  end 
forever  to  the  persecutions  against  Christians,  and^established 


§676]  CHRISTIANITY  VICTORIOUS  551 

Christianity  as  the  most  favored  religion  of  the  empire.  This 
was  the.  leading  event  in  the  fourth  century,  overtopping  even 
the  political  reorganization. 

The  victory  of  Christianity  just  at  this  time  enabled  it  to  conquer  also 
the  barbarians,  who  were  soon  to  conquer  the  empire.  If  they  had  not 
been  converted  before  they  became  conquerors,  it  would  have  become 
almost  impossible  to  convert  them  at  all.  This  is  what  Freeman  means 
{Chief  Periods,  67)  when  he  calls  the  conversion  of  the  Roman  Empire 
the  "leading  fact  in  all  history  from  that  time  onward,"  because,^ 
"  where  Rome  led,  all  must  follow.'"' 

The  immediate  occasion  of  the  victory  of  Christianity  was 
the  shrewd  statesmanship  of  Constantine  during  the  civil  wars. 
The  Christians  still  were  less  than  one  tenth  the  population 
of  the  empire,  but  they  were  the  strongest  force  within  it. 
They  were  energetic  and  enthusiastic;  they  were  massed  in 
the  great  cities,  which  held  the  keys  to  political  power;  and 
they  were  admirably  organized  for  rapid,  united  action. 

It  is  not  likely  that  (Jonstantine  gave  much  thought  to 
the  truth  of  Christian  doctrine,  and  we  know  that  he  did 
not  practise  Christian  virtues.  But  he  was  wise  enough  to 
recognize  the  good  policy  of  allying  this  rising  power  to  him- 
self against  his  rivals.  He  may  have 'seen,  also,  in  a  broader 
and  unselfish  way,  the  folly  of  trying  to  restore  the  old  pagan 
world,  and  have  felt  the  need  of  establishing  harmony  between 
the  government  and  this  new  power  within  the  empire,  so  as 
to  utilize  its  strength  iiis'tead  of  always  combating  it. 

676.  Steps  in  the  Victory  of  Christianity.  —  In  313,  a  few 
months  after  Milvian  Bridge,  from  his  western  capital,  Milan, 
Constantine  issued  the  famous  decree  known  as  the  Edict  of 
Milan :  "  We  grant  to  the  Christians  and  to  all  others  free 
choice  to  follow  the  mode  of  worship  they  may  wish,  in  order 
that  whatsoever  divinity  and  celestial  power  may  exist  may  be 
propitious  to  us  and  to  all  who  live  under  our  government." 

This  edict  established  only  religious  toleration,  though  in  a 
less  grudging  way  than  by  the  Edict  of  Galerius.  At  a  later 
time  Constantine  showed  many  favors  to  the  church,  granting 


552 


THE  EMPIRE  —  FOURTH  CENTURY 


[§676 


money  for  its  buildings,  and  exempting  the  clergy  from  tax- 
ation.^ But  it  is  not  correct  to  say  that  he  )nade  Christianity 
the  state  religion.  At  the  most,  he  seems  to  have  given  it  an 
especially  favored  place  among  the  religions  of  the  empire. 
Constantine  himself,  as  Pontifex  Maximus,  continued  to  make 
the  public  sacrifices  to  the  pagan  gods  ;  but,  partly  as  a  result 


.^^^ISi 

i 

'W 

■^^"  -^ -  ^-    ' '    ll 

The  Arch  of  Constantine. 


of  the  favor  he  showed  the  church,  both  court  and  people  passed 
over  rapidly  to  the  new  religion. 

The  struggle  between  Constantine  and  Licinius  for  sole 
power  (§  673)  was  also  the  final  decisive  conflict  between 
Christianity  and  paganism.  The  followers  of  the  old  faiths 
rallied  around  Licinius,  and  before  the  final  battle  that  general 
is  said  to  have  addressed  his  soldiers  with  these  words  (Euse- 
bius,  lAfe  of  Constantine,  II,  5) :  — 


1  The  privileges  of  teachers 
extended  to  the  clergy. 


620)  were  the  model  for  the  privileges  now 


§678]  CONSTANTINE   TO  THEODOSIUS  553 

"  These  are  our  country's  gods,  and  these  we  honor  with  a  worship 
derived  from  our  remote  ancestors.  But  he  who  leads  the  army  opposed 
to  us  has  proven  false  to  the  religion  of  his  fathers  and  has  adopted  athe- 
istic sentiments,  honoring,  in  his  infatuation,  some  strange  and  unheard-of 
deity,  with  whose  despicable  standard  he  now  disgraces  the  army,  and 
confiding  in  whose  aid  he  has  taken  up  arms  .  .  .  not  so  much  against 
us  as  against  the  gods  he  has  forsaken.  However.,  the  present  occasion 
shall  decide  .  .  .  between  otir  gods  and  those  our  adversaries  profess  to 
honor.  For  either  it  will  declare  the  victory  to  he  ours,  and  so  most  justly 
evince  that  our  gods  are  the  true  helpers  and  saviors  ;  or  else  if  the  god 
of  Constantine,  who  comes  we  know  not  whence,  shall  prove  superior  to 
our  deities  ...  let  no  one  henceforth  doubt  what  god  he  ought  to  worship." 

Whether  or  not  Licinms  used  such  words,  many  of  his 
followers  were  influenced  by  these  feelings.  Accordingly,  the 
victory  of  Constantine  was  accepted  as  a  verdict  in  favor  of 
Christianity,  and  before  the  end  of  the  century  Christianity 
became  the  state  religion  (§  680).^ 

FROM   CONSTANTINE   TO   THEODOSIUS    (337-395) 

677.  The  Sons  of  Constantine  (337-361).  —  Constantine  divided 
the  empire  at  his  death  between  his  three  sons,  Constantine  II, 
Constans,  and  Constantius.  These  princes,  in  true  Oriental 
fashion,  massacred  many  relatives  whose  ambition  they  feared, 
and  then  warred  among  themselves.  After  thirteen  years,  Con- 
stantius became  sole  emperor.  He  proved,  however,  an  ineffi- 
cient ruler,  and  the  realm  was  invaded  repeatedly  by  Persians 
and  Germans. 

678.  Julian  (361-363).  —  Finally  the  Alemanni  (§  648)  broke 
into  Gaul  and  seemed  about  to  become  masters  of  that  prov- 
ince. This  peril  summoned  Julian,  a  cousin  of  Constantius, 
from  his  studies  at  Athens.  The  youthful  philosopher  was 
given  command  of  the  imperial  armies  in  Gaul.  He  defeated 
the  invaders  in  a»great  battle  at  Strassburg,  and  drove  them 
again  beyond  the  Rhine.  The  enthusiastic  army,  against  his 
will,  saluted  him  emperor,  and  soon  afterward,  on  the  death  of 
Constantius,  he  succeeded  to  the  throne. 

1  On  the  privileges  of  the  clergy,  see  Robinson's  Readings,  I,  23-26. 


554  THE   EMPIRE  — FOURTH  CENTURY  [§679 

Julian  would  have  preferred  to  live  the  quiet  life  of  a  stu- 
dent, but  he  made  a  strong  ruler.  He  spent  his  energy,  how- 
ever, in  conflict  with  two  forces,  both  of  which  were  to  prove 
victorious,  —  the  barbarians  and  the  church.  This  reign  saw 
the  last  official  attempt  to  restore  paganism.  Julian  had  been 
brought  up  in  the  Christian  faith  (so  that  he  is  sometimes 
called  ^^  Julian  the  Apostate'^)  ;  but  his  studies  had  inspired  in 
him  a  love  for  the  pagan  Greek  philosophy,  and  he  was  filled 
with  disgust  at  the  crimes  and  vices  of  his  cousins'  "  Chris- 
tian" court.  He  established  the  worship  of  the  old  gods  as 
the  religion  of  the  state,  rebuilt  the  ruined  temples,  and  re- 
stored the  pagan  emblems  to  the  standards  of  the  armies.  He 
wrote  also,  with  considerable  ability,  against  Christian  doc- 
trines. He  did  not  try,  however,  to  use  violence  against  the 
church,  and,  except  in  the  court,  his  efforts  had  little  result. 
Indeed,  he  had  little  time  to  work  in,  for  after  two  years 
(361-363)  he  fell  in  a  victorious  battle  in  a  brilliant  campaign 
against  the  Persians,  and  his  successor  restored  Christianity 
as  the  worship  of  the  empire.  According  to  a  legend  of  later 
growth,  when  Julian  felt  the  Persian  arrow  which  gave  him  a 
mortal  wound,  he  cried  out  (addressing  Christ),  "Thou  hast 
conquered,  0  Galilean ! "  He  lived  two  days  in  much  pain, 
and  spent  the  hours  in  talking  with  his  friends  about  the 
immortality  of  the  soul. 

679.  The  Last  Attempt  at  "Partnership  Emperors."  —  On 
Julian's  death,  one  of  his  officers,  Jovian,  was  chosen  emperor 
in  the  camp,  and  when  he  died,  a  few  months  later,  the  officers 
elected  the  vigorous  Valentinian  to  succeed  him.  This  ruler 
restored  the  system  of  ^  partnership  emperors."  He  kept  the 
West  under  his  own  control  and  assigned  the  East  to  his 
brother  Vale7is. 

Valentinian  (364-375)  was  harsh  and  cru^,  but  an  able  sol- 
dier. The  Alemanni,  who  had  again  broken  across  the  Rhine, 
were  repulsed,  and  other  German  tribes  were  chastised.  He 
was  succeeded  in  the  West  by  his  son  Gratian  (375-383).  In 
the  East,  Valens  was  proving  himself  weak  as  well  as  cruel. 


§680]  CONSTANTINE   TO  THEODOSIUS  555 

The  Goths,  a  German  people,  ivere  allowed  (376  a.d.)  to  cross  the 
Danube,  to  find  homes  as  subjects  within  the  empire  (§  712).  En- 
raged by  the  deceit  of  imperial  officials,  these  barbarians  soon 
rose  in  rebellion,  and  defeated  and  slew  Valens  in  the  battle 
of  Adrianople  (378  a.d.). 

In  the  West,  Grajja^  had  in  name  associated  his  half-brother, 
Valentinian  II,  in  the  government ;  but  Valentinian  was  a  mere 
child,  and  now,  in  the  great  danger  of  the  empire,  Gratian 
gave  the  throne  of  the  invaded  East  to  Theodosius,  an  ex- 
perienced general. \ 

680.  Theodosius  ^79-395)  pacified  the  Goths  and  restored 
order.  On  the  death  of  Gratian,  he  succeeded  to  the  real 
authority  in  the  West  also,  although  the  young  Valentinian 
was  allowed  to  keep  the  name  of  emperor  until  his  death  in 
392.  During  the  remaining  three  years  of  his  life  Theodosius 
was  sole  emperor,  even  in  name. 

This  was  the  last  real  unioii  of  the  whole  empire  under  one 
ruler.  On  the  death  of  Theodosius,  the  empire  was  divided  be- 
tween his  two  sons,  Arcadius  and  Honorius.  After  395  there 
was  "  The  Empire  in  the  East"  and  "  The  Empire  in  the  West." 
The  two  were  still  one  in  theory,  but  in  practice  they  grew 
apart  and  even  became  hostile  powers. 

Theodosius  prohibited  pagan  worship,  on  pain  of  death,  and  closed  the 
ancient  festival  to  Zeus  at  Olympia.  This  ardent  support  of  Christianity 
makes  more  striking  a  remarkable  penance  to  which  a  bishop  of  the 
church  subjected  him.  The  Goths  had  been  admitted  into  the  army, 
especially  in  the  East.  Many  quarrels  took  place  between  them  and  the 
inhabitants  of  the  great  cities,  and  at  last  a  number  of  Gk)thic  officers 
were  massacred  by  the  citizens  of  Thessalonica.  In  rage  Theodosius 
gave  orders  for  a  terrible  punishment.  By  his  command  the  Gothic  army 
in  the  guilty  city  surrounded  the  theater  where  the  great  body  of  inhabit- 
ants were  assembled  for  the  games,  and  killed  men,  women,  and  chil- 
dren without  mercy.  At  the  time,  Theodosius  was  at  the  Western  capital, 
Milan.  When  next  he  attended  church,  the  bishop  Ambrose  sternly  for- 
bade him  to  enter,  stained  as  he  was  with  innocent  blood.  The  emperor 
obeyed  the  priest.  He  withdrew  humbly  and  accepted  the  penance  which 
Ambrose  imposed,  and  then,  some  montlis  later,  was  received  again  to 
the  services.     (Davis'  Headings,  II,  No.  116.) 


CHAPTER   XLII 

THE  EMPIRE  OF  THE  FOURTH  CENTURY 

(.4   Topical  IStudy) 

THE   CHRISTIAN   CHURCH 

681.  Church  Government  and  the  Empire.  —  As  the  church 
extended  its  sway,  it  adopted  in  its  government  the  territorial 
divisions  of  the  empire.  Its  chief  officers,  too,  in  a  measure 
corresponded  to  the  grades  of  the  civil  state. 

The  early  Christian  missionaries  to  a  province  naturally 
went  first  to  the  chief  city  there.  Thus  the  capital  of  the 
province  became  the  seat  of  the  first  church  in  the  district. 
From  this  mother  society,  churches  spread  to  the  other  cities 
of  the  province,  and  from  each  city  there  sprouted  outlying 
parishes.  At  the  head  of  each  parish  was  a  priest,  assisted  by 
deacons  and  subdeacons.^  The  head  of  a  city  church  was  a 
bishop  (overseer),  with  supervision  over  the  rural  churches  of 
the  neighborhood.  The  bishop  of  the  mother  church  in  the 
capital  city  exercised  great  authority  over  the  other  bishops 
of  the  province.  He  became  known  as  archbishop  or  metro- 
politan; and  it  became  customary  for  him  to  summon  the 
other  bishops  to  a  central  council. 

Commonly,  one  of  these  metropolitans  in  a  civil  diocese 
(§  666)  came  to  have  leadership  over  the  others.  This  lot 
fell  usually  to  the  metropolitan  of  the  chief  city  of  the  diocese. 
Thus,  over  much  of  the  empire,  the  diocese  became  an  ecclesi- 
astical unit,  and  its  chief  metropolitan  was  known  as  a  pa- 
triarch. 


1  These  officers  had  special  care  of  the  poor.    There   were  also  certain 
minor  "  orders  —  acolyte,  exorcist,  reader,  doorkeeper. 

556 


§684]  THE   CHRISTIAN  CHURCH  557 

682.  One  Catholic  Church.  —  By  degrees,  the  process  toward 
a  centralized  government  was  carried  further.  The  patriarchs 
of  a  few  great  centers  were  exalted  above  the  others.  Finally 
all  the  East  became  divided  between  the  four  patriarchates  of 
Antioch,  Jerusalem,  Alexandria,  and  Constantinople,  while  all 
the  West  came  under  the  authority  of  the  bishop  of  Rome. 

The  four  Eastern  cities  were  nearly  enough  equal  in  importance  to  be 
rivals  ;  but  there  was  no  city  in  the  West  that  could  rival  Rome.  This  fact 
accounts  in  part  for  the  authority  of  the  bishop  of  Rome  over  so  large  an 
area.  In  the  West  the  term  diocese  never  had  an  ecclesiastical  meaning 
corresponding  to  its  civil  use,  but  was  applied  to  smaller  units. 

This  unity  of  organization,  with  its  tendency  toioard  a  single 
head,  helped,  to  develop  the  idea  of  a  single  "  Catholic  '^  (all-embrac- 
ing) church,  which  should  rule  the  whole  world.  After  300  a.d. 
this  idea  was  never  lost  sight  of} 

683.  Theology  and  Greek  Thought.  —  By  degrees,  the  church 
came  to  contain  the  educated  classes  arid  men  trained  in  the 
philosophical  schools.  These  scholars  brought  with  them  into 
the  church  their  philosophical  thought;  and  the  simple  teach- 
ings of  Christ  were  expanded  and  modified  by  them  into  an 
elaborate  system  of  theology. 

Thus,  as  Christanity  borrowed  the  admirable  organization  of  its  govern- 
ment from  Rome,  so  it  drew  the  refinement  of  its  doctrine  from  Greece. 
Before  this  Semitic  faith  could  become  the  faith  of  Europe,  as  Freeman 
says,  "  its  dogmas  had  to  be  defined  by  the  subtlety  of  the  Greek  intellect, 
and  its  political  organization  had  to  he  wrought  into  form  by  the  undying 
genius  of  Boman  rule.'''' 

684.  The  Nicene  Creed  and  the  Arian  Heresy.  —  When  the 
leaders  of  the  church  tried  to  state  just  what  they  believed 
about  difficult  points,  some  violent  disputes  arose.  In  such 
cases  the  views  of  the  majority  finally  prevailed  as  the  orthodox 
doctrine,  and  the  views  of  the  minority  became  heresy. 

Most  of  the  early  heresies  arose  from  different  opinions  about 
the  exact  nature  of  Christ.     Thus  Arius,  a  priest  of  Alexandria, 

1  See  Robinson's  Readings,  I,  19-21,  for  a  third  century  statement.  For 
the  Roman  Catholic  view  to-day,  see  §  776. 


558  THE   EMPIRE  —  FOURTH  CENTURY  [§685 

taught  that,  while  Chi'ist  was  the  divine  Son  of  God,  He  was 
not  equal  to  the  Father.  Athanasius,  of  the  same  city,  asserted 
that  Christ  was  not  only  divine  and  the  Son  of  God,  but  that 
He  and  the  Father  were  absolutely  equal  in  all  respects,  —  "  of 
the  same  substance "  and  "  co-eternal."  The  struggle  waxed 
fierce  and  divided  Christendom  into  opposing  camps.  But  the 
Emperor  Constantine  desired  union  in  the  church.  If  it  split 
into  hostile  fragments,  his  political  reasons  for  favoring  it 
would  be  gone.     Accordingly,  in  325,  he  summoned  all  the  prin- 

J    cipal  clergy  of  the  empire  to  the  first  great  council  of  the 

whole  church,  at  Nicaea,  in  Asia  Minor,  and  ordered  them  to  come 
to  agreement. 

Arius  and  Athanasius  in  person  led  the  fierce  debate.  In  the 
end  the  majority  sided  with  Athanasius.  His  doctrine,  summed 
up  in  the  Nicene  Creed,  became  the  orthodox  creed  of  Christen- 
dom. Arianism  was  condemned,  and  Arius  and  his  followers 
were  excluded  from  the  church  and  persecuted.  This  heresy 
was  to  play  an  important  part,  however,  in  later  history.  Its 
exiled  disciples  converted  some  of  the  barbarian  peoples,  who 
later  brought  back  the  Arian  faith  with  them  into  the  empire 
when  they  conquered  it  (§§  708,  733,  742).^ 

685.  Persecution  by  the  Church.  —  Diocletian's  persecution 
was  the  last  which  the  church  had  to  suffer.  Now,  it  began 
itself  to  use  violence  to  stamp  out  other  religions.  The  Em- 
peror Gratian  (§  679)  permitted  orthodox  Christians  to  prevent 
the  worship  of  heretical  Christian  sects ;  and  the  great  Theo- 
dosius  forbade  all  pagan  worship  (§  680). ^  Paganism  survived 
for  a  century  more,  in  out-of-the-way  places,'   but  Christianity 


1  Special  reports  :  other  early  heresies,  especially  that  of  the  Gnostics 
that  of  the  Manichaeans,  and  the  church  councils  that  dealt  with  them.  The 
sect  of  Manichaeans  arose  in  the  East  and  was  influenced  by  the  Persian  re- 
ligion (§  78).  According  to  this  heresy,  God  was  not  all-powerful,  but  the  devil 
existed  and  worked  as  an  independent  power,  like  the  evil  power  in  Zoroas- 
trianism. 

2  See  various  decrees  in  Robinson's  Headings,  I,  23,  26-27. 

3  Hence  the  name  pagans,  from  a  Latin  word  meaning  rustics.  From  a 
like  fact  the  Christian  Germans  at  a  later  time  came  to  describe  the  remain- 
ing adherents  of  the  old  worship  as  heathens  (heath-dwellers) . 


§686]  THE   CHRISTIAN  CHURCH  »•  559 

had  now  become  the  sole  legal  religion.  Heathen  temples  and 
idols  were  destroyed ;  many  of  the  philosophical  schools  were 
broken  up ;  ^  and  adherents  of  the  old  faiths  were  sometimes 
put  to  death.  All  this  deplorable  policy  was  opposed  in  vain 
by  some  of  the  greatest  of  the  Fathers,  as  by  Augustine  and 
John  Chrysostom  (that  is,  John  "  of  the  Golden  Mouth " ; 
§  702). 

In  centuries  to  come  this  persecution  by  the  church  dwarfed  into  insig- 
nificance even  the  terrible  persecutions  it  had  suffered.  The  motive  dif- 
fered widely  from  that  of  the  old  imperial  persecution.  It  was  not 
political.  Each  persecuting  sect  of  the  Christian  church  has  justified 
its  action  on  the  ground  that  belief  in  its  particular  faith  was  neces- 
sary to  salvation.  Therefore  it  seemed  right  and  merciful  to  torture  the 
bodies  of  heretics  in  order  to  save  their  souls  and  to  protect  the  souls 
of  others. 

686.  Effect  of  the  Conversion  of  the  Empire.  —  The  victorious 
church  mitigated  slavery;  it  made  suicide ^  a  crime;  it  built 
up  a  vast  and  beneficent  system  of  charity  ;^  and  it  abolished 
the  gladiatorial  games.  The  deeper  purifying  results,  in  the 
hearts  of  individual  men  and  women,  history  cannot  trace 
directly. 

But  no  event  of  this  kind  can  work  in  one  direction  only. 
The  pagan  world  was  converted  at  first  more  in  form  than  in 
spirit,  and  paganism  reacted  upon  Christianity.  The  victory 
was  in  part  a  compromise.  The  pagan  empire  became  Chris- 
tian; but  the  Christian  church  became,  to  some  degree,  im- 
perial and  pagan.  When  it  conquered  the  barbarians,  soon 
afterward,  it  became  to  some  degree  barbarian.  The  gain 
enormously  exceeded  the  loss ;  but  there  did  take  place  an  in- 
evitable change  from  the  earlier  Christianity. 


1  There  is  a  five-page  summary  of  early  persecutions  by  the  Christians  in 
Lecky,  European  Morals,  194-198. 

2  Most  of  the  great  pagans  looked  upon  suicide  as  perfectly  excusable 
(though  Socrates  had  condemned  it),  and  it  had  been  growing  frightfully 
common. 

8  Lecky,  European  Morals,  II,  79-98,  gives  an  excellent  account. 


560  THE   EMPIRE  —  FOURTH  CENTURY  [§687 

SOCIETY   IN  THE   FOURTH   CENTURY 

687.  Exhaustion.  —  The  three  quarters  of  a  century  after 
the  reunion  of  the  empire  under  Constantine  was  marked  by 
a  fair  degree  of  outward  prosperity.  But  the  secret  forces 
that  were  sapping  the  strength  of  society  continued  to  work, 
and  early  in  the  coming  century  (the  fifth)  the  Empire  was 
to  crumble  under  barbarian  attacks.  These  inroads  were  no 
more  formidable  than  those  which  had  so  often  been  rebuffed. 
Apparently  they  were  weaker  (§  752).  The  barbarians,  then, 
are  not  to  be  considered  as  the  chief  cause  of  the  "  Fall."  The 
causes  were  internal.  The  Roman  Empire  was  overthrown 
from  without  by  an  ordinary  attack,  because  it  had  grown 
weak  within. 

This  weakness  was  not  due,  in  any  marked  degree  at  least, 
to  decline  in  the  army.  The  army  kept  its  superb  organiza- 
tion, and  to  the  last  was  so  strong  in  its  discipline  and  its 
pride  that  it  was  ready  to  face  any  odds  unflinchingly.  But 
more  and  more  it  became  impossible  to  find  men  to  fill  the 
legions,  or  money  to  pay  them.  Dearth  of  men  (§  649)  and  of 
money  was  the  cause  of  the  fall  of  the  state.  The  Empire  had 
become  a  shell}  > 

688.  Lack  of  money,  rather  than  too  much  wealth,  was  one 
of  the  great  evils.  The  empire  did  not  have  sufficient  sources 
of  supply  of  precious  metals  for  the  demands  of  business  ;  and 
what  money  there  was  was  steadily  drained  away  to  India  and 
the  distant  Orient  (§  613).  This  movement,  which  had  been 
noticeable  in  the  first  century,  had  carried  away  hundreds  of 
millions  of  dollars  of  coined  money  by  the  fourth  century. 
The  emperors  were  forced  to  mix  silver  and 'gold  with 
cheaper  metals  in  their  coins.  This  reduced  the*  purchasing 
power  of  money  and  demoralized  business.     Finally  the  lack 

1  The  older  writers  explained  the  decay  on  moral  grounds.  Recent  scholars 
are  at  one  in  recognizing,  first,  that  the  moral  decay  of  Roman  society  has 
been  greatly  exaggerated,  and,  secondly,  that  the  immediate  causes  of  decline 
were  political  and  economic. 


§691]  SOCIETY  CRYSTALLIZING  561 

of  coin  forced  even  imperial  officers  to  draw  part  of  their 
salaries  in  produce,  —  robes,  horses,  wheat.  Trade,  in  many- 
districts,  reverted  to  primitive  barter.  To  pay  taxes  became 
more  and  more  difficult.  These  evils  continued  to  afflict 
Europe  until  the  discovery  of  Mexico  and  Peru. 

689.  The  classes  of  society  in  the  fourth  and  fifth  centuries 
differed  widely  from  those  of  the  first  three  centuries.  At  the 
top  was  the  emperor  to  direct  the  machinery  of  government. 
At  the  bottom  were  the  peasantry  and  artisans  to  produce 
food  and  wealth  wherewith  to  pay  taxes.  Between  these 
extremes  were  two  aristocracies,  —  an  imperial  aristocracy  for 
the  empire  at  large,  and  a  local  aristocracy  for  every  city. 

690.  The  senatorial  nobility,  the  higher  aristocracy,  now  in- 
cluded many  nobles  who  never  sat  in  the  Senate  either  at 
Rome  or  at  the  new  capital  Constantinople.  It  had  swallowed 
up  the  old  senatorial  class  of  Rome,  and  most  of  the  knights. 
It  was  "a  nobility  of  office.^'  That  is,  as  with  the  modern 
Russian  nobility,  a  family  lost  its  rank  unless  from  time  to 
time  it  furnished  officials  to  the  government. 

A  noble  of  this  class  possessed  great  honor  and  some  impor- 
tant privileges.  He  was  a  citizen  of  the  whole  empire,  not  of 
one  municipality  alone,  and  he  did  not  have  to  pay  local  taxes. 
He  bore,  however,  heavy  imperial  burdens.  He  might  be 
called  upon  at  any  moment  for  ruinous  expenses  at  the  capital, 
in  fulfilling  some  imperial  command,  or  he  might  be  required 
to  assume  some  costly  office  at  his  own  expense  on  a  distant 
frontier.  But  only  a  few  individuals  were  actually  ruined  by 
such  duties.  The  lot  of  the  great  majority  was  a  favored  one. 
The  great  landed  proprietors  belonged  to  this  class.  The  law 
allowed  them  to  escape  their  proper  share  of  the  burdens  of 
society ;  and  from  those  burdens  which  they  were  supposed  to 
bear,  they  escaped  in  large  measure  by  bribing  the  imperial 
officers. 

691.  The  Curials.  —  Below  the  imperial  nobility  was  the 
local  nobility.  Each  city  had  its  senate,  or  curia.  The  curials 
were  not  drafted  into  the  armies,  as  the  lower  classes  might  be, 


562  THE   EMPIRE  — FOURTH  CENTURY  [§692 

nor  were  they  subject  to  bodily  punishment.  They  managed 
the  finances  of  their  city,  and  to  some  degree  they  still  con- 
trolled its  other  local  affairs.  Those  curials  who  rose  to  the 
high  magistracies,  however,  had  to  bear  large  expense  in  pro- 
viding shows  and  festivals  for  their  fellow-townsmen,  and  all 
curials  had  costly  duties  in  supplying  the  poor  with  corn. 

More  crushing  still  to  this  local  nobility  were  the  imperial 
burdens.  The  chief  imperial  tax  was  the  land  tax.  The  needs 
of  the  empire  caused  the  amount  to  be  increased  steadily, 
while  the  ability  of  the  people  to  pay  steadily  decreased.  The 
curials  were  made  the  collectors  of  this  tax  in  their  city,  and 
were  held  personally  responsible  for  any  deficit. 

This  duty  was  so  undesirable  that  the  number  of  curials 
tended  to  fall  away.  To  secure  the  revenue,  the  emperors 
tried  to  prevent  this  decrease.  The  curials  were  made  a  heredi- 
tary class,  and  were  bound  to  their  office.  They  were  forbidden 
to  become  clergy,  soldiers,  or  lawyers;  they  were  not  allowed 
to  move  from  city  to  city,  or  even  to  travel  without  special 
permission. 

A  place  in  the  senate  of  his  city  had  once  been  the  highest  ambition 
of  a  wealthy  middle-class  citizen  ;  but  in  the  fourth  century  it  had  be- 
come almost  an  act  of  heroism  to  assume  the  duty.  A  story  is  told  that 
in  a  Spanish  municipality  a  public-spirited  man  voluntarily  offered  him- 
self for  a  vacancy  in  the  curia,  and  that  his  fellow-citizens  erected  a  statue 
in  his  honor.  As  the  position  grew  more  and  more  unendurable,  desper- 
ate attempts  were  made  to  escape  at  any  sacrifice.  Of  course  the  desir- 
able escape  was  into  the  imperial  nobility,  but  this  was  possible  only  to 
a  few.  Others,  despite  the  law,  sought  refuge  in  the  artisan  gilds,  in  the 
church,  or  even  in  serfdom,  in  a  servile  marriage,  or  in  flight  to  the 
barbarians.! 

692.  The  middle  class  between  the  curials  and  the  laborers, 
was  rapidly  disappearing.  When  a  trader,  small  landowner,  or 
professional  man  acquired  a  certain  amount  of  land,  he  was 
compelled  by  law  to  become  a  curial;  but  the  general  drift 
was  for  such  men  to  sink  rather  than  rise. 

1  See  Robinson's  Readings,  I,  29. 


§694]  SOCIETY  CRYSTALLIZING  563 

693.  The  artisans  were  grouped  in  gilds,  or  colleges,  each 
with  its  own  organization.  Each  member  loas  noiv  bound  to  his 
gild,  as  the  curial  to  his  office.  The  condition  of  artisans  had 
become  desperate.  An  edict  of  Diocletian's  regarding  prices 
and  wages  shows  that  a  workman  received  not  more  than  one 
tenth  the  wages  of  an  American  workman  of  like  grade,  while 
food  and  clothing  cost  at  least  one  third  as  much  as  now.  The 
artisan  of  the  fourth  century  then  received  in  "  real  wages  " 
only  a  third  as  much  as  the  artisan  of  to-day.  To  say  nothing 
of  other  matters,  it  is  hard  to  see  how  he  could  have  kept  soul 
and  body  together.  His  family  must  have  known  very  rarely 
the  taste  of  butter,  eggs,  or  fresh  meat. 

694.  The  peasantry  had  become  serfs.  That  is,  they  were 
bound  to  their  labor  on  the  soil,  and  changed  masters  with 
the  land  they  tilled. 

In  the  last  days  of  the  Republic,  the  system  of  great  es- 
tates which  had  blighted  Italy  earlier  (§§  480,  488)  cursed 
province  after  province  outside  Italy.  Free  labor  disappeared 
before  servile  labor;  grain  culture  declined;  and  large  areas 
of  land  ceased  to  be  tilled.  To  help  remedy  this  state  of 
affairs,  the  emperors  introduced  a  new  system.  After  success- 
ful wars,  they  gave  large  numbers  of  barbarian  captives  to 
great  landlords,  —  thousands  in  a  batch,  —  not  as  slaves,  but 
as  coloni,  or  serfs.  The  purpose  was  to  secure  a  hereditary 
class  of  agricultural  laborers,  and  so  keep  up  the  food  supply. 
The  coloni  were  really  given  not  to  the  landlord,  but  to  the  land. 

They  were  not  personal  property,  as  slaves  were.  Tliey 
were  part  of  the  real  estate.  They,  and  their  children  after 
them,  were  attached  to  the  soil,  and  could  not  be  sold  off  it. 
They  had  some  rights  which  slaves  did  not  have.  They  could 
contract  a  legal  marriage,  and  each  had  his  own  plot  of  ground, 
of  which  he  could  not  be  dispossessed  so  long  as  he  paid  to 
the  landlord  a  fixed  rent  in  labor  and  in  produce. 

Augustus  began  this  system  on  a  small  scale,  and  it  soon  became  a 
regular  practice  to  dispose  thus  of  vanquished  tribes.  This  made  it  still 
more  difficult  for  the  free  small-farmer  to  maintain  himself.     That  class 


564  THE   EMPIRE  —  FOURTH  CENTURY  f§  695 

sank  into  serfs.  On  the  other  hand,  the  slaves  rose  into  serfs,  until 
nearly  all  cultivators  of  the  soil  were  of  this  order. 

This  institution  of  coloni  lasted  for  hundreds  of  years,  under  the  name 
of  serfdom.  It  helped  change  the  ancient  slave  organization  of  labor 
into  the  modem  free  organization.  For  the  slave  it  was  an  immense 
gain.  At  the  moment,  however,  it  was  one  more  factor  in  killing  out  the 
old  middle  class  and  in  widening  the  gap  between  the  nobles  and  the 
small  cultivators.! 

But  in  the  fourth  century,  the  lot  of  the  coloni,  too,  had  become  miser- 
able. They  were  crushed  by  imperial  taxes,  in  addition  to  the  rent  due 
their  landlord  ;  and  in  Diocletian's  lime,  in  Gaul,  they  rose  in  desperate 
revolt  against  the  upper  classes,  to  plunder,  murder,  and  torture  —  a 
terrible  forei-unner  of  the  peasant-risings  during  the  Middle  Ages. 

695.  Society  was  crystallizing  into  castes.  Not  only  had  the  peasantry 
become  serfs,  attached  from  generation  to  generation  to  the  same  plot  of 
ground :    the  principle  of  serfdom  was  being  applied  to  all  classes.     The 

i  artisan  was  bound  to  his  hereditary  gild,  and  the  curial  and  the  noble 
each  to  his  hereditary  order.  Freedom  of  movement  seemed  lost.  In 
its  industries  and  its  social  relations  as  well  as  in  government,  the 
Empire  was  becoming  despotic  and  Oriental. 

696.  Crushing  Taxation.  —  The  Empire  was  "a  great  tax 
gathering  and  barbarian-fighting  machine."  It  collected  taxes 
in  order  to  fight  barbarians.  But  the  time  came  when  the  pro- 
vincials began  to  dread  the  tax-collector  more  than  they  feared  the 
Goth.  This  was  partly  because  of  the  decrease  in  ability  to 
pay,  and  partly  because  the  complex  organization  cost  more  and 
more.  Says  Gold  win  Smith:  "  The  earth  swarmed  with  the 
consuming  hierarchy  of  extortion,  so  that  it  was  said  that  they 
who  received  taxes  were  more  than  they  who  paid  them." 
Moreover,  the  wealthiest  classes  succeeded  in  shifting  the  bur- 
den largely  upon  those  least  able  to  pay. 

Thus,  heavy  as  the  taxation  was,  it  yielded  less  and  less.  The 
revenues  of  the  government  shrank  up.  The  empire  suffered 
from  a  lack  of  wealth  as  well  as  from  a  lack  of  men. 

1  This  serf  system  began  on  the  vast  estates  of  the  emperors  themselves,  — 
where  easy  rental  and  protection  made  the  arrangement  desirable  even  to 
many  free  tenant  farmers.  Later,  the  system  spread  to  big  private  estates ; 
and  it  was  reinforced  by  this  practice  of  barbarian  captives. 


§6981  THE  MONEY  POWER  565 

697.  Peaceful  Infusion  of  Barbarians. — The  only  measure  that 
helped  fill  up  the  gaps  in  population  was  the  introduction  of 
barbarians  from  without.  This  took  ip\a.ce  peacefully  on  a  large 
scale;  but  so  far  as  preserving  the  political  empire  was  con- 
cerned, it  was  a  source  of  weakness  rather  than  of  strength. 

Not  only  was  the  Roman  army  mostly  made  up  of  Germans : 
whole  provinces  were  settled  by  them,  before  their  kinsmen 
from  without,  in  the  fifth  century,  began  in  earnest  to  break  over 
the  Rhine.  Conquered  barbarians  had  been  settled,  hundreds 
of  thousands  at  a  time,  in  frontier  provinces,  and  friendly  tribes 
had  been  admitted,  to  make  their  homes  in  depopulated 
districts.  Thus  as  slaves,  soldiers,  coloni,  subjects,  the  German 
world  had  been  filtering  into  the  Roman  world,  until  a  large  part 
of  the  empire  was  peacefully  Germanized.  Even  the  imperial 
officers  were  largely  Germans. 

This  infusion  of  new  blood  helped  to  renew  the  decaying 
population  and  to  check  the  decline  of  material  prosperit}-. 
The  Germans  within  the  empire,  in  large  measure,  took  on 
Roman  civilization  and  customs  ;  but  at  the  same  time,  they 
kept  some  of  their  old  customs  and  ideas  and  a  friendly 
feeling  for  their  kinsmen  in  the  German  forests.  Tlie  barrier 
between  the  empire  and  its  assailants  melted  away.  This 
lessened  the  agony  of  the  barbarian  conquest,  but  it  helped  to 
make  it  possible. 

698.  The  Government  and  the  Money  Power.  —  Men  were  not 
equal  before  the  law.  Not  only  the  courts  in  practice,  but 
even  the  written  law,  made  vicious  distinctions  between  rich 
and  poor.  The  noble,  convicted  of  crime,  was  punished  more 
lightly  than  a  poor  man  for  the  same  offense. 

Worse  still  were  the  special  privileges  which  the  govern- 
ment permitted  to  the  rich  for  heaping  up  more  wealth.  We 
noted  in  the  closing  history  of  the  Republic  the  pernicious 
alliance  between  the  "  money  power "  and  the  government. 
Just  how  far  such  a  state  of  things  continued  under  the 
Empire  it  is  hard  to  say.  But  so  shrewd  a  reformer  as 
Diocletian  believed  positively  that  a  chief  factor  in  the  ruin- 


566  THE  EMPIRE  —  FOURTH  CENTURY  [§699 

ous  cost  of  living  to  the  poor  was  the  combination  of  capital- 
ists to  raise  prices.  He  speaks  of  "the  raging  avarice,"  "the 
exorbitant  prices,"  "the  unbridled  desire  to  plunder,"  on  the 
part  of  those  who  control  the  market ;  and  so  he  issued  a  de- 
cree (referred  to  in  §  693)  in  which  he  fixed  the  highest 
price  which  it  should  be  lawful  to  ask  or  give  for  each  one  of 
some  eight  hundred  articles  of  daily  use,  —  wheat,  leather, 
various  sorts  of  cloth,  butter,  eggs,  pork,  beef.  Such  an  eifort 
was  foredoomed  to  failure.  But  it  is  interesting  as  one  of  the 
few  cases  in  which  the  government  attempted  to  interfere  on 
the  side  of  the  poor. 

699.  No  serious  attempt  was  made,  after  the  early  days  of 
the  Empire,  to  build  up  a  new  free  peasantry  by  giving  farms 
to  the  unemployed  millions  of  the  cities.  This  is  strange; 
for  such  efforts  to  turn  a  dangerous  weakness  into  a  source  of 
strength  had  been  characteristic  of  the  reformers  who  preceded 
the  Empire,  from  Gracchus  to  Caesar  (§§  508-519,  558).  The 
cause  of  the  absence  of  such  effort  is  probably  the  influence 
of  wealth  upon  the  ruling  powers.  The  noble  landlords  who 
shared  among  themselves  the  wide  domains  of  Africa,  Gaul, 
and  Spain,  received  gladly  the  free  gift  of  thousands  of  coloni 
(§  694)  to  till  their  lands ;  but  they  would  have  fought  fiercely 
any  attempt  by  the  government  to  recover  part  of  their  domains 
to  make  homes  for  free  settlers. 

There  is,  however,  another  side  to  the  question.  In  the 
days  of  Gracchus  and  of  Caesar,  the  city  mob  was  made  up,  in 
good  part,  of  ex-farmers,  or  of  their  sons,  who  had  been  driven 
from  the  land  against  their  will  (§  489).  Long  before  Diocle- 
tian's day,  the  rabble  of  Rome  or  Alexandria  had  lost  all  touch 
with  country  life.  Secure  in  free  doles  of  grain,  sleeping  in 
gateways,  perhaps,  but  spending  their  days  in  the  splendid  free 
public  baths  or  in  the  terrible  fascination  of  gladiatorial  games 
or  of  the  chariot  races,  they  could  no  longer  be  driven  to  the 
simple  life  and  hard  labor  of  the  farm  —  even  if  farming  had 
continued  profitable.  We  know  that  to-day,  in  America,  hun- 
dreds of  thousands  of  stalwart  men  prefer  want  and  misery  on 


§702]  INTELLECTUAL  DECLINE  567 

the  crowded  sidewalks  and  under  the  gleaming  lights  of  a  city 
to  the  loneliness  of  a  comfortable  living  in  the  country.  So 
in  the  ancient  world,  it  was  probably  too  late,  when  the  Em- 
pire came,  to  wean  the  mob  from  its  city  life. 

LITERATURE   AND   SCIENCE 

700.  Theological  Character.  —  The  great  names  in  literature 
in  the  fourth  century  were  almost  all  the  names  of  churchmen, 
and  the  writings  were  nearly  all  theological.  In  other  lines-, 
even  more  than  in  the  third  century,  the  period  was  one  of 
intellectual  decay.  There  were  no  more  poets,  and  no  new  dis- 
coveries in  science.  Even  the  old  science  and  literature  were 
neglected. 

701.  The  chief  pagan  writers  were :  — 

Amraianus,  an  Asiatic  Greek  soldier,  the  author  of  a  spirited  continuation 
of  Tacitus'  history ; 

Eutropius,  a  soldier  and  the  author  of  a  summary  of  Roman  history  ; 

Julian  (the  emperor),  whose  chief  works  were  his  Memoirs  and  a  "  Refu- 
tation" of  Christianity. 

702.  Many  Christian  writers  produced  a  flood  of  theological  and  argu- 
mentative works.     Among  them  were  :  — 

Ambrose  (Saint),  a  Gallic  lawyer,  and  afterward  bishop  of  Milan  (the 

bishop  who  disciplined  the  Emperor  Theodosius)  ;  the  author  of  many 

letters,  sermons,  and  hymns  ; 
Anthony  (Saint),  an  Egyptian  hermit; 
Arius  and  Athanasius  (§  684)  ; 
Augistine  (Saint),  bishop  of  Hippo  in  Africa,  author  of  many  letters, 

commentaries,  sermons,  theological  works  ;  probably  the  most  widely 

known  are  his  Confessions  and  The  City  of  God  ; 
Basil  (Saint)  ; 

John  Chrysostom  (Saint),  a  famous  orator  (§  685)  ; 
Eusebius,  a  bishop  and  the  author  of  the  first  ecclesiastical  history  ; 
Jerome  (Saint),  a  Syrian  hermit,  who  translated  the  Bible  into  Latin  (the 

Vulgate)  and  wrote  controversial  works  ; 
Martin  (Saint),  soldier,  monk,  and  bishop  of  Tours,  who  established  the 

first  monastery  in  Gaul  (famous  for  its  beautiful  manuscripts)  ; 
Ulfilas,  a  Gothic  hostage,  who  became  bishop  and  missionary  among  his 

people,  converting  them  to  Arianism  ;  he  arranged  a  Gothic  alphabet. 


568  THE   EMPIRE  — FOURTH  CENTURY  [§703 

and  translated  the  Bible  into  Gothic  (the  oldest  literary  work  in  a 
Teutonic  language  ;  a  copy  in  silver  letters  upon  scarlet  parchment  is 
preserved  in  the  library  of  Upsala  University). 

703.  Attitude  of  Christians  toward  Pagan  Learning.  —  Many 
Christians  were  hostile  to  pagan  science  and  literature,  while 
for  a  long  time  the  Christian  world  produced  little  to  take  their 
place.  The  pagan  poetry,  beautiful  as  it  was,  was  filled  with 
immoral  stories  of  the  old  gods.  This  explains  in  part  why 
the  Christians  feared  contamination  from  pagan  literature. 
Their  attitude  was  like  that  of  the  Puritans  of  the  seventeenth 
century  toward  the  plays  of  Shakespeare.  The  contempt  for 
pagan  science  had  less  excuse,  and  its  result  was  particularly 
unfortunate. 

For  instance,  the  spherical  form  of  the  earth  was  well  known  to  the 
Greeks  (§  820)  ;  but  the  early  Christians  demolished  the  idea  by  theologi- 
cal arguments.  "  It  is  impossible,"  said  St.  Augustine,  "  there  should  he 
inhabitants  on  the  other  side  of  the  earth,  since  no  such  race  is  recorded 
in  Scripture  among  the  descendants  of  Adam."  And,  said  others,  "  if  the 
earth  were  round,  how  could  all  men  see  Christ  at  his  coming  ?  " 

Even  St.  Jerome,  an  ardent  scholar  during  most  of  his  life, 
came  at  one  time  under  the  influence  of  this  hostile  feeling  so 
far  as  to  rejoice  at  the  growing  neglect  of  Plato  and  to  warn 
Christians  against  pagan  writers.  In  398,  a  council  of  the 
church  officially  cautioned  bishops  against  reading  any  books 
except  religious  ones ;  and  the  prevalent  feeling  was  forcefully 
expressed  a  little  earlier  (350  a.d.)  in  a  writing  known  as  the 
"  Apostolical  Constitutions  "  :  — 

"  Refrain  from  all  the  writings  of  the  heathens ;  .  .  .  For  if  thou 
wilt  explore  history,  thou  hast  the  Books  of  the  Kings  ;  or  seekest  thou 
for  words  of  wisdom  and  eloquence,  thou  hast  the  Prophets,  Job,  and  the 
Book  of  Proverbs  ...  Or  dost  thou  long  for  tuneful  strains,  thou  hast 
the  Psalms  ;  or  to  explore  the  origin  of  things,  thou  hast  the  Book  of 
Genesis.  .  .  .  Wherefore  abstain  scrupulously  from  all  strange  and 
devilish  books." 

The  Christians  did  not  usually  attend  the  public  schools 
until  the  time  of  Constantine,  and  soon  after  that  time  they 


§704]  INTELLECTUAL  DECLINE  569 

began  to  break  up  the  old  philosophical  schools.  The  church 
was  soon  to  become  the  mother  and  the  sole  protector  of  a 
new  learning ;  but  it  has  to  bear  part  of  the  blame  for  the 
loss  of  the  old.^ 

704.  Deeper  Causes  of  the  Decay  of  Learning.  —  But  this 
attitude  of  the  Christians  was  not  the  main  cause  foi  the 
decay  of  learning.  A  deeper  and  more  far-reaching  cause  Isiy 
in  the  general  decline  of  the  Roman  world  which  we  have 
discussed  (§§  647-651).  That  world,  for  the  time  at  least, 
was  exhausted.  It  had  been  growing  weaker  year  by  year,  in 
government,  in  industry,  in  population,  as  well  as  in  literature 
and  science.  Now  it  was  to  be  torn  down  and  rebuilt  by  a 
more  vigorous  people.  But  in  the  first  part  of  that  process  — 
the  destructive  part  —  the  survivals  of  the  old  learning  were 
mostly  to  he  extinguished  (§  751). 


For  Further  Rkading  on  chapters  xli  and  xlii.  —  Specially  suggested  : 
Davis'  Beadi7igs,  II,  Nos.  109-119  (most  of  which  extracts  have  been 
referred  to  in  the  text).  Additional:  Pelham's  Outlines,  577-586;  Rob- 
inson's Readings,  I,  20-29;  Adams'  Civilization  during  the  Middle  Ages, 
48-64;  Kipling's  stories  —  Puck  of  Pook''s  Hill  (also  in  McClure's,  May- 
July,  1906). 

REVIEW   EXERCISE  FOR  PART  V 

1.  Add  the  dates  284,  325,  378,  to  the  list. 

2.  Extend  list  of  terms  and  names  for  fact  drill. 

3.  Memorize  characterization  of  the  centuries  of  the  Empire;  i.e.  — 

First  and  second  centuries :  good  government,  peace  and  prosperity. 
Third  century  :   decline,  —  material,  political,  and  intellectual. 
Fourth  century  :   revival  of   imperial   power ;    victory  of  Chris- 
tianity ;  social  and  intellectual  decline. 
Fifth  and  sixth  centuries  (in  advance)  :   barbarian  conquest. 

4.  Review  the  growth  of  the  Christian  church. 

5.  Review  briefly  the  movement  in  literature  and  science. 

1  Drane's  Christian  Schools  and  Scholars,  1-47,  gives  an  interesting  treat- 
ment of  early  Christian  culture  somewhat  different  from  that  presented  here 


fL- 


PART   VI 

KOMANO-TEUTONIO  EUROPE 

The  settlement  of  the  Teutonic  tribes  icas  not  merely  the  introduction 
of  a  new  set  of  ideas  and  institutions,  .  .  .  it  was  also  the  introduction  of 
fresh  blood  and  youthful  mind  —  the  muscle  and  brain  which  in  the  future 
were  to  do  the  larger  share  of  the  world'' s  work.  —  George  Burton 
Adams. 

Before  entering  upon  this  final  portion  of  Ancient  History, 
it  will  be  well  to  reread  carefully  the  summaries  in  §§  4  and  322. 


CHAPTER   XLIII 
THE  TEUTONS 

705.  Early  Home  and  the  Different  Peoples.  —  The  Teutons 
came  into  our  story  first  at  the  time  of  Marius  (§  523).  At  fre- 
quent intervals  during  the  five  centuries  since  that  first  invasion 
they  had  been  beating  fiercely  upon  the  frontiers,  and  they  had 
sent  great  swarms  of  their  numbers,  as  prisoners  and  as  peaceful 
colonists,  to  dwell  within  the  empire.  Now  they  were  to  break 
in  as  conquerors,  so  introducing  one  of  the  great  eras  in  history. 

The  Ehine  and  the  Danube  had  long  separated  the  barbaric 
world  from  the  Roman  world.  Between  the  Danube  and  the 
Baltic,  north  and  south,  and  between  the  Rhine  and  the  Vistula, 
east  and  west,  roamed  many  tribes  known  to  themselves  by  no  one 
name,  but  all  called  Germans  (Teutons)  by  the  Romans.  In  the 
fifth  century  the  important  groups  were  the  Goths,  Burgundians, 
Vandals,  Alemanni,  Lombards,  Franks,  and  Saxons.  The 
Norsemen  were  to  appear  later. 

706.  Stage  of  Culture.  —  The  distant  tribes  were  savage  and 
unorganized.     Those  near  the  empire  had  taken  on  some  civ- 

570 


§707]  CULTURE  AND  MORALS  571 

ilization  and  had  moved  toward  a  stronger  political  union,  under 
the  rule  of  kings.  In  general  they  seem  to  have  been  little 
above  the  level  of  the  better  North  American  Indians.  They 
had  no  cities,  but  their  important  villages  were  surrounded  by 
palisades,  like  the  Iroquois  villages.  They  lived  chiefly  by 
hunting  and  fishing ;  and  what  little  agriculture  they  had  was 
managed  by  women  or  slaves.  They  had  no  true  alphabet 
(except  the  Gothic,  invented  by  Ulfilas,  §  702)  and  no  literature, 
except  simple  ballads.  Their  trade  was  barter.  Skins  or  rude 
cloths  formed  their  clothing ;  but  the  nobler  warriors  possessed 
chain  mail  and  wore  helmets  crested  with  plumes,  horns,  dragons, 
and  other  strange  devices. 

707.   Character. — Tacitus  (§  628)  says  of  the  Germans:  — 

"  They  have  stern  blue  eyes,  ruddy  hair,  bodies  large  and  robust,  but 
powerful  only  in  sudden  efforts.  They  are  impatient  of  toil  and  labor. 
Thirst  and  heat  overcome  them,  but  from  the  nature  of  their  soil  and 
climate  they  are  proof  against  cold  and  hunger."  —  Germania,  iv. 

The  usual  marks  of  savagery  were  found  among  them.  They 
were  fierce,  quarrelsome,  hospitable.  Their  cold,  damp  forests 
had  helped  to  make  them  excessive  drunkards  and  immoderate 
eaters,  and  when  not  engaged  in  war  they  spent  day  after  day 
in  sleep  or  gluttony.  They  were  desperate  gamblers,  too,  and, 
when  other  wealth  was  gone,  they  would  stake  even  their  liberty 
upon  the  throw  of  the  dice. 

At  the  same  time,  they  do  seem  to  have  possessed  some  pe- 
culiar traits  not  common  in  savage  races.  They  revered  women. 
Tacitus  dwells  upon  the  afPection  and  purity  of  their  family 
life.  They  reverenced  truth  and  fidelity.  Their  grim  joy  in 
battle  rose  sometimes  to  fierce  delight  or  even  to  a  "  Baersark  " 
rage  that  made  men  insensible  to  wounds.  In  particular,  they 
possessed  a  proud  spirit  of  individual  liberty  (in  contrast 
with  the  Roman  devotion  to  the  State),  a  "high,  stern  sense 
of  manhood  and  the  worth  of  man,"  which  was  to  influence 
profoundly  later  European  history. 

Another  quality  is  especially  important.  The  Germans 
resemble  the- Hebrews  in  a  serious,  earnest,  imaginative  tem- 


572 


THE  TEUTONS 


[§707 


§  708]  CULTURE  AND  MORALS  573 

perament,  which  has  made  their  Christianity  differ  widely  from 
that  of  the  clear-minded,  sunnier  peoples  of  southern  Europe. 
They  felt  the  solemn  mystery  of  life,  with  its  shortness  of 
days,  its  sorrows,  and  unsatisfied  longings.  This  inspired  in 
them,  not  unmanly  despair  nor  light  recklessness,  but  a 
heroism  tinged  with  melancholy.  In  the  Song  of  Beoivulf  (an 
old  poem  that  has  come  down  to  us  from  the  German  forests) 
the  chieftain  goes  out  to  an  almost  hopeless  encounter  with  a 
terrible  monster  that  had  been  destroying  his  people.  "Each 
man,"  exclaims  the  hero,  "  must  abide  the  end  of  his  life  work  ; 
let  him  that  may  work,  work  his  doomed  deeds  ere  night  come." 
And,  again,  as  he  sits  by  the  dragon  mound,  victorious,  but« 
dying :  — 

"  These  fifty  winters  have  I  ruled  this  folk  ;  no  folk-king  of  folk-kings 
about  me  —  not  any  one  of  them  —  dare  in  the  war-strife  welcome  my 
onset !  Time's  change  and  chances  I  have  abided  ;  held  my  own  fairly  ; 
sought  not  to  snare  men  ;  oath  never  sware  I  falsely  against  right.  So, 
for  all  this,  may  I  glad  be  at  heart  now,  sick  though  I  sit  here,  wounded 
with  death-wounds  !  " 

The  same  trait  of  mingled  gloom  and  heroism  is  seen  in  a 
striking  feature  of  their  religion  (at  least  as  it  finally  developed 
in  Iceland).  This  was  the  belief  in  the  "Twilight  of  the 
Gods."  Heroes  who  had  fought  a  good  fight  on  earth  were  to 
reap  their  reward  hereafter  in  fighting  beside  the  gods  of  Light 
and  Warmth,  against  the  evil  giants  of  Cold  and  Darkness ;  but 
in  the  end  the  gods  and  heroes  were  all  to  perish  before  the 
powers  of  evil.  With  these  Teutons,  says  John  Richard  Green 
(History  of  the  English  People) ^  "  life  was  built,  not  on  the  hope 
of  a  hereafter,  but  on  the  proud  self-consciousness  of  noble 
souls." 

708.  Religion.  —  The  old  German  religion  was  a  rude  poly- 
theism. Woden,  the  war  god,  held  the  first  place  in  their  wor- 
ship. From  him  the  noble  families  all  claimed  descent.  Tlior, 
whose  hurling  hammer  caused  the  thunder,  was  the  god 
of  storms  and  of  the  air.  Freya  was  the  deity  of  joy  and 
fruitfulness. 


574  THE   TEUTONS  [§709 

These  Teutonic  gods  live  still  in  our  names  for  the  days  of  the  week. 
Woden's  day,  Thor's  day,  and  Freya's  day  are  easily  recognized  in 
their  modern  dress.  Tuesday  and  Saturday  take  their  names  from  two 
obscure  gods,  Tiw  and  Saetere  ;  while  the  remaining  two  days  are  the 
Moon's  day  and  the  Sun's  day. 

The  Franks  and  Saxons  when  they  broke  into  the  empire 
(§§  720,  740)  were  still  heathen.  All  the  other  tribes  that  set- 
tled in  the  empire  in  the  fifth  century  had  just  become  converts 
to  Avian  Christianity,  through  the  labors  of  Arian  exiles. 

709.  Government.  —  Tacitus  shows  the  Germans,  organized 
in  three  political  units,  —  village,  canton,  and  tribe.  The 
village  was  originally  no  doubt  the  home  of  a  clan.  The  vil- 
lage and  the  tribe  each  had  its  popular  Assembly  with  its 
hereditary  chief.  The  tribal  chief,  or  king,  was  surrounded 
by  his  council  of  smaller  chiefs.     To  quote  Tacitus  :  — 

"  In  the  election  of  kings  they  have  regard  to  birth  ;  in  that  of  generals 
to  valor.  Their  kings  have  not  an  absolute  or  unlimited  power  ;  and  their 
generals  command  less  through  the  force  of  authority  than  of  example. 
If  they  are  daring,  adventurous,  and  conspicuous  in  action,  they  procure 
obedience  from  the  admiration  they  inspire."  —  Germaiiia,  vii. 

"  On  affairs  of  smaller  moment,  the  chiefs  consult ;  on  those  of  greater 
importance,  the  whole  community  ;  yet  with  this  circumstance,  that 
what  is  referred  to  the  decision  of  the  people  is  first  discussed  by  the 
chiefs.  They  assemble,  unless  upon  some  sudden  emergency,  on  stated 
days,  either  at  the  new  or  full  moon.  When  they  all  think  fit,  they  sit 
down  armed.  Silence  is  proclaimed  by  the  priests,  who  have  on  this 
occasion  a  coercive  power.  Then  the  king,  or  chief,  and  such  others  as 
are  conspicuous  for  age,  birth,  military  renown,  or  eloquence,  are  heard  ; 
and  gain  attention  rather  from  their  ability  to  persuade,  than  their  author- 
ity to  command.  If  a  proposal  displease,  the  assembly  reject  it  by  an 
inarticulate  murmur ;  if  it  prove  agreeable,  they  clash  their  javelins  ; 
for  the  most  honorable  expression  of  assent  among  them  is  the  sound  of 
arms."  i    /&.,  xi,  xii. 

710.  The  "  Companions."  —  One  peculiar  institution  must  be 
noted.  Every  great  chief  was  surrounded  by  a  band  of  "  com- 
panions/' who  lived  in  his  household,  ate  at  his  table,  and 
fought  at  his  side.     To  them  the  chief  gave  food,  weapons,  and 

1  Compare  with  the  early  Greek  organization,  §§  102-107. 


§711]  GOVERNMENT  575 

plunder:  for  the  honor  and  safety  of  their  "lord"  they  de- 
voted their  energies  and  lives.  The  element  of  personal  loyalty 
in  this  relation  of  "  companion  "  and  lord  was  to  influence  the 
development  of  later  European  feudalism.  In  Germany  itself 
the  class  of  companions  seems  to  have  been  made  up  largely 
of  outlaws  or  adventurers  skilled  in  arms.  It  grew  in  impor- 
tance, however,  after  the  invasions,  and  finally  developed  into 
the  nobility  of  later  Europe  (§  761  h). 

711.  The  Charm  of  the  South.  — The  sunny  South,  with  the 
wonders  and  riches  of  its  strange  civilization,  fascinated  these 
savages  with  a  potent  spell.  For  five  hundred  years  they  had 
been  striving  to  enter  in  and  possess  it.  The  pressure  of 
fiercer  barbarians  behind  them  and  of  their  own  increasing 
population  had  produced  certain  periods  of  special  effort,  and 
sometimes  they  had  burst  in  for  brief  periods  of  plurid'i^r. 
Always  hitherto  they  had  been  driven  out  again  by  some 
Marius,  Caesar,  Aurelius,  Aurelian,  Diocletian,  or  Julian. 
About  the  year  400,  in  the  exhaustion  of  the  empire,  they  be- 
gan at  last  to  come  in  to  stay. 


For  Further  Reading. — Tacitus,  in  his  Germania,  treats  the  Teu- 
tons at  length,  though  less  as  a  skilled  observer  than  as  a  moralist  —  to 
contrast  their  barbaric  simplicity  and  virtue  with  the  vices  of  Roman 
civilization.  Davis'  Headings,  II,  No.  121,  gives  a  four-page  extract, 
which  should  be  read  carefully.  The  three  most  readable  modem  treat- 
ments are  the  opening  pages  of  Green's  English  People,  Taine's  English 
Literature  (bk.  i,  ch.  i,  sections  1-3),  and  Kingsley's  Boman  and  Teuton, 
1-16  ("The  Forest  Children").  The  last  is  idealized.  There  are 
briefer  valuable  accounts  in  Hodgkin's  Theodosius  (close  of  chapter  ii), 
and  in  Henderson's  Short  History  of  Germany,  I,  1-11. 


CHAPTER  XLIV 

THE  WANDERING  OF  THE  PEOPLES,    376-565  A. D. 

How  can  a  man  draw  a  picture  of  that  which  has  no  shape  ;  or  tell  the 
order  of  absolute  disorder?  It  is  all  .  .  .  like  the  working  of  an  ant- 
heap ;  like  the  insects  devouring  each  other  in  a  drop  of  water .  Teuton 
tribes^  Slavonic  tribes^  Tartar  tribes,  Boman  generals,  empresses,  bishops, 
courtiers,  adventurers,  appear  for  a  moment  out  of  the  crowd,  —  dim 
phantoms  .  .  .  and  then  vanish.  ...  —  Charles  Kingsley. 

THE  TEUTONS  BREAK  OVER  THE  BARRIERS 
A.   The  Danube  (376-378  a.d.) 

712.  The  West  Goths:  Adrianople. — The  event  which  we 
now  recognize  as  the  first  step  in  the  victory  of  the  Teutons 
seemed  at  the  time  only  a  continuation  of  an  old  policy  of  the 
Empire.  Many  tribes  had  been  admitted  within  the  bound- 
aries as  allies  and  had  proven  faithful  defenders  of  the 
frontiers.     In  376,  such  a  measure  was  repeated  on  a  vast  scale. 

The  story  has  been  told  briefly  in  §  679.  The  whole 
people  of  the  West  Goths  ( Visigoths)  appeared  on  the  Danube, 
fleeing  from  the  more  terrible  Huns  —  wild,  nomadic  horse- 
men from  Tartary.  Valens,  emperor  of  the  East,  granted  the 
prayers  of  the  fugitives,  allowed  them  to  cross  the  Danube, 
and  gave  them  lands  south  of  the  river.  They  were  to  give  up 
their  arms,  while  Roman  agents  were  to  supply  them  food  until 
the  harvest.  These  agents  embezzled  the  imperial  funds  and 
furnished  vile  and  insufB.cient  food,  while  at  the  same  time, 
for  bribes,  they  allowed  the  barbarians  to  keep  their  arms.^ 

The  Goths  rose  and  marched  on  Constantinople.  At 
Adrianople  (378  a.d.)  Valens  was  defeated  and  slain.     This 

^In  much  the  same  way,  American  "  Indian  Agents  "  have  provoked  more 
than  one  Indian  war  in  our  history. 

576 


Longitude  West 


10  Longitude 


§714]         THE  WANDERING  OF  THE  PEOPLES  577 

hattle  marhs  the  beginning  of  the  Teutonic  conquest.  The  Goths 
ravaged  the  land  up  to  the  walls  of  the  capital,  but  they 
could  not  storm  a  great  city.  The  new  emperor,  Theodosius 
the  Great,  finally  pacified  them,  and  they  remained  in  the 
Danubian  provinces,  peaceful  settlers,  for  nearly  twenty  years. 

713.  Alaric.  —  In  395,  Theodosius  died,  and  at  once  masses 
of  the  Goths  rose  under  an  ambitious  young  chieftain,  Alaric^ 
whom  they  soon  made  their  king.  Alaric  led  his  host  into 
Greece.  For  a  heavy  ransom,  he  spared  Athens,  but  he 
sacked  Corinth,  Argos,  and  Sparta.  He  was  trapped  in  the 
Peloponnesus  by  the  gigantic  Vandal,  Stilicho,  a  general  of 
Honorius,  emperor  of  the  West  (§  680) ;  but  finally  the  Goth 
bought  or  maneuvered  his  way  out,  with  his  plunder. 

Arcadius,  the  terrified  emperor  of  the  East,  then  gave  him 
a  commission  as  "imperial  lieutenant"  in  Illyria.  "There 
he  staid,  somewhere  about  the  head  of  the  Adriatic,  poised 
like  an  eagle  in  mid-air,  watching  E-ome  on  one  side  and 
Byzant  on  the  other,  uncertain  for  a  while  on  which  quarry 
he  should  swoop.''  In  402,  he  made  up  his  mind  for  Rome. 
But  Stilicho,  "  the  Roman  shield,"  beat  him  off  in  two  battles ; 
and  he  drew  back  for  a  few  years  more  into  Illyria. 

714.  The  Sack  of  Rome,  410  ad.  —  Meanwhile  Stilicho 
turned  upon  and  destroyed  a  more  savage  horde  of  two  hun- 
dred thousand  wild  Germans,  who  had  poured  down  through 
the  Alps  under  Badogast  and  were  besieging  Florence.  Soon 
afterward  Honorius  suspected  Stilicho  of  plotting  to  seize 
the  throne,  and  had  him  murdered.  The  deed  was  signal 
enough  for  Alaric  to  try  Italy  once  more.  The  weak  Honorius 
hid  himself  in  his  impregnable  fortress  of  Ravenna,  defended 
by  its  marshes,  and  left  the  Goths  free  to  work  their  will. 
Alaric  captured  Rome  ;  and  then  for  five  days  and  nights 
that  proud  city  was  given  up  to  sack  (410  a.d.)  —  just  800 
years  after  its  capture  by  the  Gauls. 

The  civilized  world  had  believed  Rome  "the  Eternal  City,"  and  was 
thrown  into  unspeakable  consternation  by  its  fall  (Davis'  Readings,  II, 
No.  122).     The  pagans  explained  it  as  a  punishment  for  the  desertion 


578  FIFTH  AND   SIXTH  CENTURIES  [§715 

of  the  old  gods.  This  view  was  important  enough  so  that  St.  Augustine 
(§  702)  wrote  his  City  of  God  to  refute  it  and  to  show  that  the  true 
"Eternal  City"  was  not  of  this  world.  (Extracts  from  this  work  are 
given  in  Kobinson's  Headings,  ch.  iii.  See  also  Davis'  Readings,  II, 
No.  123,  for  the  feeling  of  the  world  for  Rome  even  after  her  overthrow.) 

715.  The  Visigothic  Kingdom  in  Spain.  —  Alaric  then  led  his 
host  south,  intending  to  cross  to  Africa  by  way  of  Sicily ;  but 
he  died  ^  on  the  way,  and  was  succeeded  by  his  brother  Ataulf 
(Adolph).  Alaric  had  not  been  a  mere  destructive  barbarian. 
He  had  great  respect  for  Roman  civilization  and  the  Roman 
name,  and  when  he  captured  Rome  he  ordered  (an  order  not 
well  obeyed)  that  the  lives  of  the  citizens  should  be  spared  and 
the  treasures  of  the  temples  be  left  unmolested.  Ataulf  felt 
even  more  strongly  the  spell  of  Roman  civilization      Said  he :  — 

"  It  was  at  first  my  wish  to  destroy  the  Roman  name,  and  erect  in  its 
place  a  Gothic  empire,  taking  to  myself  the  place  and  the  powers  of  Caesar 
Augustus.  But  when  experience  taught  me  that  the  untamable  barbarism 
of  the  Goths  would  not  suffer  them  to  live  beneath  the  sway  of  law,  .  .  . 
I  chose  the  glory  of  renewing  and  maintaining  by  Gothic  strength  the 
fame  of  Rome,  desiring  to  go  down  to  posterity  as  the  restorer  of  that 
Roman  power  which  it  was  beyond  my  ability  to  replace." 

Meantime  other  Teutonic  tribes  had  broken  across  the  Rhine 
and  were  ravaging  Gaul  and  Spain  (§§  716  ff).  Ataulf  married 
the  sister  of  the  Emperor  Honorius  and  accepted  a  commission 
as  his  lieutenant  to  conquer  these  new  invaders.  He  led  his 
Goths  out  of  Italy  (which  was  what  Honorius  cared  most  for), 
conquered  the  Vandals  who  had  seized  Spain,  and  set  up  a  Gothic 
kingdom  there  {JflJf-Jfld  A.D.).  This  was  the  first  permayient 
Teutonic  state  tvithin  the  limits  of  the  old  empire. 

The  Visigothic  kingdom  at  first  included  much  also  of  south 
Gaul ;  but  that  territory  was  to  be  lost  in  less  than  a  century 
to  the  Franks  (§  742).  The  kingdom  in  Spain  lasted  three 
hundred  years,  to  the  Mohammedan  conquest  (§  773),  and,  cen- 
turies later,  its  fragments  grew  together  again  into  the  Spain 
gf  modern  times. 

1  Special  report  :  story  of  Alaric's  burial  (Davis'  Readings,  II,  No.  120). 


718]         THE  WANDERING  OF  THE   PEOPLES  579 


B.   The   R-hinp: 

716.  The  Bursting  of  the  Barrier.  —  For  nearly  forty  years 
after  the  departure  of  the  West  Goths,  Italy  had  peace ;  but 
meantime  the  rest  of  the  West  was  lost.  Even  before  the  sack 
of  Eome,  the  Rhine  frontier  had  given  way.  Clouds  of  Ger- 
mans had  long  been  massing  on  that  river.  Some  of  the  Roman 
troops  there  were  withdrawn  to  strengthen  Italy  against 
Alaric's  expected  coming ;  and,  in  406,  the  barbarians  forced 
a  passage.  Then,  with  little  opposition,  they  spread  themselves 
over  Gaul  and  Spain.  The  leading  peoples  of  the  invasion 
were  the  Burgundians  and  the  Vandals, 

717.  The  Burgundians  settled  in  southeastern  Gaul,  where 
their  name  has  always  remained.  A  little  later,  under  their 
king,  Gundobald,  they  produced  the  earliest  written  code  of 
Teutonic  law.  Like  the  Goths,  too,  they  soon  came  to  regard 
themselves,  in  a  vague  way,  as  living  under  the  authority  of 
the  Empire.  A  Burgundian  king,  thanking  the  emperor  for 
the  title  Patrician,  writes  :  — 

"My  people  is  yours  and  to  rule  them  delights  me  less  than  to  serve 
you.  .  .  .  Our  ancestors  have  always  preferred  what  an  emperor  gave  to 
all  their  fathers  could  bequeath.  In  ruling  our  nation,  we  hold  ourselves 
but  your  lieutenants.  You,  whose  divinely  appointed  sway  no  barrier 
bounds,  whose  beams  shine  from  the  Bosphorus  into  distant  Gaul,  employ 
us  to  administer  the  remoter  regions  of  your  empire  ;  your  world  is  our 
Fatherland." 

718.  The  Vandals  settled  first  in  Spain  ;  but  in  414  (§  715), 
they  were  attacked  there  by  the  West  Goths.  The  struggle 
was  long  and  stern ;  but,  in  427,  the  Vandals  withdrew,  crossing 
into  Africa.  There,  after  ten  years  of  fighting,  they  set  up  a 
new  Teutonic  kingdom  with  its  capital  at  Carthage. 

These  Vandals  were  the  most  untamable  of  all  the  Teutonic 
peoples,  and  the  word  "Vandalism"  has  become  a  synonym 
for  wanton  destructiveness.  Seated  at  Carthage,  they  became 
pirates  and  terrorized  the  Mediterranean.  They  ravaged  much 
of  Sicily,  and,  in  455,  under  thei^  king  Geiseric,  they  invaded 


580  FIFTH  AND  SIXTH  CENTURIES  [§719 

Italy  and  sacked  Rome  in  a  way  that  made  Alaric's  capture 
seem  merciful.  For  fourteen  days  the  barbarians  ravaged  the 
ancient  capital,  loading  their  ships  with  the  spoils  which  Rome 
had  plundered  from  all  the  world.  Ancient  Carthage  was 
avenged,  and  Scipio's  foreboding  (§  462)  had  come  true. 

To  the  infinite  loss  of  the  world,  much  of  this  plunder  was 
ingulfed  in  the  Mediterranean  in  a  storm  which  destroyed  a 
large  part  of  the  fleet  on  its  way  back  to  Africa.  The  Vandal 
kingdom  lasted  about  a  century  longer,  until  it  was  overthrown 
by  Belisarius,  general  of  the  Emperor  Justinian  (§  736).  At 
that  time  Africa  was  again  reunited  to  the  Eastern  Empire. 

719.  Franks  had  long  had  homes  on  both  sides  of  the  lower 
Rhine,  from  Cologne  to  the  sea.  They  had  been  "  allies  "  of 
Rome;  but  now  they  began  to  add  to  their  territory  by 
spreading  themselves  slowly  westward  over  north  Gaul.  In 
the  end  they  proved  the  most  important  of  all  the  Teutonic 
invaders,  but  their  real  advance  was  not  to  begin  until  toward 
the  close  of  the  century  (§§  739  ff.). 

Meantime,  in  northwestern  Gaul,  a  semblance  of  Roman 
authority  was  kept  up  -by  Roman  generals,  who  were  really 
independent  kings. 

720.  The  Angles  and  Saxons  in  Britain,  —  In  408,  the  Roman 
legions  were  withdrawn  from  Britain  to  defend  Italy  againstv,,i^ 
Alaric,  and,  to  the  dismay  of  the  inhabitants,  that  island  was 
abondoned  by  the  imperial  government.  For  many  years,  in 
the  latter  part  of  Roman  rule,  fierce  Saxon  pirates  had  been 
cruelly  harassing  the  eastern  coasts,  —  swooping  down  in  their 
swift  barks  to  burn,  slay,  and  plunder,  then  sacrificing  to  Wo- 
den on  the  shore  a  tenth  of  their  captives,  and  vanishing  as 
quickly  as  they  came.^ 

The  civilized,  peaceful  Britons  were  now  left  to  defend 
themselves  against  these  terrible  German  marauders  as  well  as 
against  the  untamed  Celts  beyond  the  northern  wall.  In 
despair,  they  finally  called  in  the  German  raiders  to  beat  off 

1  Church's  Count  of  the  Saxon  Shore  is  a  readable  novel  dealing  with  this 
period  of  England's  history. 


§721]         THE  WANDERING  OF  THE  PEOPLES  581 

the  other  foe,  and  these  dangerous  protectors  soon  began 
to  seize  the  land  for  themselves. 

The  chief  invading  tribes  were  the  Jutes  from  the  Danish 
peninsula  (Jutland)  and  the  Saxons  and  Angles  (English)  from 
its  base.  The  Jutes  made  the  first  permanent  settlement, 
about  the  middle  of  the  century  (449  a.d.),  in  southeastern 
Britain.  The  Saxons  occupied  the  southern  shore,  and  the 
Angles  the  eastern,  carving  out  numerous  petty  states  in  a 
long  series  of  cruel  campaigns.  Gradually  these  little  units 
were  welded  into  larger  kingdoms,  until  there  appeared  seven 
prominent  Teutonic  states :  Kent,  the. kingdom  of  the  Jutes: 
SusseXy  Essex,  and  Wessex  (kingdoms  of  the  South  Saxons, 
East  Saxons,  and  West  Saxons) ;  and  the  English  kingdoms 
of  East  Anglia,  Northumbrian  aaid  Mercia. 

This  conquest,  unlike  that  of  Gaul  and'SjjKiin,  was  very  slow. 
The  inhabitants  waged  a  gallant  defeif^.  It  took  the  Ger- 
mans a  century  and  a  half  (until  about  600)  to  extend  their 
sway  over  the  eastern  half  of  the  island. 

721.  Non-Germanic  Barbarians.  —  The  Roman  world  had  long 
since  come  in  contact  with  Celts  (Gauls  and  Britons)  in  western  Europe 
and  with  Germans  in  the  central  parts.  In  the  southeast,  beyond  the 
Danube  and  the  Goths,  there  had  appeared  also  a  new  people,  the  Slavs, 
who  were  soon  to  play,  east  of  the  Adriatic,  the  part  played  by  the  Teutons 
on  the  west.  Though  barbarians,  these  three  races,  Celts,  Germans,  and 
Slavs,  all  showed  capacity  for  civilization.  All  of  them,  too,  spoke  lan- 
guages allied  in  some  measure  to  the  Greek  and  Roman. 

But  somewhat  before  400,  there  appeared  behind  the  Germans  and 
Slavs  a  confused  mass  of  more  savage  peoples,  Huns,  Tartars,  Finns, 
Avars,  pressing  into  Europe  from  the  steppes  of  Asia.  We  call  these 
invaders  Turanians.  They  belonged  to  different  stocks  from  the  Euro- 
pean peoples,  and  resembled  the  ancient  Scythians  (§  75).  The  pressure 
of  these  savages  is  said  to  have  been  one  cause  why  the  Teutons  dashed 
so  frantically  upon  the  Roman  barriers  about  the  beginning  of  the  fifth 
century.     Now  the  Turanians  themselves  were  to  break  in.i 

1  The  student  must  remember  that  the  Slavs  were  not  a  branch  of  the 
Germans,  but  a  distinct  race.  (From  them  came  the  modern  Russians, 
Bulgarians,  Poles,  Bohemians,  Servians.)  In  like  manner,  the  Huns  must  be 
kept  distinct  from  both  Teutons  and  Slavs. 


582  FIFTH  AND  SIXTH  CENTURIES  [§722 

722.  The  Huns  and  the  Rallying  of  the  West  —  While  the 
Teutons  were  busy  setting  up  kingdoms  in  the  crumbling 
empire,  they  and  the  Romans  were  threatened  for  a  moment 
with  common  ruin.  Attila,  king  of  the  Huns,  had  built  up  a 
vast  military  power,  reaching  from  central  Asia  into  central 
Europe.  It  was  his  boast  that  grass  never  grew  again  where 
his  horse^s  hoojhad  trod.  Now,  in  the  middle  of  the  fifth 
centuryTTiis  terrible  hordes  rolled  resistlessly  into  Gaul. 

Happily  the  peoples  of  the  West  realized  their  danger  and 
laid  aside  all  rivalries  to  meet  it.  Theodoric,  the  hero-king 
of  the  Visigoths,  brought  up  his  host  from  Spain  to  fight 
under  the  Roman  banner.  Burgundian  and  Frank  rallied 
from  the  corners  of  Gaul.  And  Aetius,  "  the  Last  of  the 
Romans,"  }  marshaled  all  these  allies  and  the  last  great  Roman 
army  of  the  West^  against  the  countless  Hunnish  swarms 
which  were  reinforced  by  Tartar,  Slav,  Finn,  and  even  by 
tributary  German  peoples. 

723.  Chalons.  —  The  fate  of  the  world  hung  trembling  in 
the  balance,  while  the  great "  battle  of  the  nations  "  was  fought 
out  at  Chalons  {^51  A.D.).  United  though  they  were,  the 
forces  of  civilization  seemed  insignificant  before  the  innu- 
merable hosts  of  Asiatics.  Theodoric  fell  gallantly,  sword  in 
hand.  But  at  last  the  victory  was  won  by  the  generalship  of 
Aetius.  (An  ancient  account  is  given  in  Davis'  Readings,  II, 
126.)  Attila  is  said  to  have  lost  three  hundred  thousand  men 
(greatly  exaggerated  numbers,  no  doubt) ;  and  with  spent 
force  his  invasion  rolled  away  to  Italy  and  the  East. 

"  It  was  the  perpetual  question  of  history,  the  struggle  told  long  ago  by- 
Herodotus,  the  struggle  between  Europe  and  Asia,  the  struggle  between 
cosmos  and  chaos  —  the  struggle  between  Aetius  and  Attila.  For  Aetius 
was  the  man  who  now  stood  in  the  breach,  and  sounded  the  Roman 
trumpet  to  call  the  nations  to  do  battle  for  the  hopes  of  humanity  and 

1  Despite  his  Romanized  name,  Aetius  was  a  German.  Much  of  his  youth 
had  been  spent  among  the  Huns.  Davis'  Readings,  II,  135,  gives  a  Goth's 
account  of  Alaric. 

'^  The  first  union  of  the  Western  races  against  "  the  yellow  peril." 


§725]  ITALY  583 

defend  the  cause  of  reason  against  the  champions  of  brute  force.  The 
menace  of  that  monstrous  host  which  was  preparing  to  pass  the  Rhine 
was  to  exterminate  the  civilization  that  had  grown  up  for  centuries  .  .  . 
and  to  paralyze  the  beginnings  of  Teutonic  life.  .  .  . 

"But  the  interests  of  the  Teutons  were  more  vitally  concerned  at  this 
crisis  than  [even]  the  interests  of  the  Empire.  .  .  .  Their  nascent  civili- 
zation would  have  been  crushed  under  the  yoke  of  that  servitude  which 
blights,  and  they  would  not  have  been  able  to  learn  longer  at  the  feet  of 
Borne  the  arts  of  peace  and  culture.''^ — Bury,  Later  Roman  Empire^ 
I,  176. 

724.  Attila  and  Leo. — Attila  turned  upon  Rome ;  but  Pope  Leo 
journeyed  to  the  camp,  and  by  his  intercession  turned  the  Hun 
from  his  prey.^  There  may  have  been  other  causes  to  assist 
Leo.  One  ancient  writer  hints  that  Attila's  army  was  wasting 
under  Italian  fever ;  and  no  doubt  it  was  harassed  by  the  forces 
of  Aetius  hanging  upon  its  rear. 

At  all  events,  Attila  withdrew  from  Italy  and  died  shortly 
after.  Then  his  empire  fell  to  pieces,  and  the  Teutons  of 
Germany  regained  their  freedom. 

One  curious  result  followed  Attila's  invasion  of  Italy.  To 
escape  the  Huns,  some  of  the  ancient  Veneti  {§  332)  of  north- 
east Italy  took  refuge  among  swampy  islands  at  the  head  of 
the  Adriatic,  and  so  began  a  settlement  (or  gave  new  strength 
to  an  old  one)  destined  to  grow  into  the  great  republic  of 
Venice. 

ITALY  IN   THE   FIFTH   AND   SIXTH   CENTURIES 

725.  The  "  Empire  in  the  West "  had  become  limited  to  Italy. 
Early  in  the  fifth  century,  as  we  have  seen,  Africa,  Gaul, 
Spain,  and  Britain  were  abandoned  to  the  Germans.  But  at  the 
capital  at  Ravenna,  amid  its  impenetrable  swamps,  the  line  of 
"emperors  in  the  West"  lasted  from  the  division  of  the 
Empire  between  the  sons  of  Theodosius  (§  680)  until  Romulus 
Augustulus,  in  476  (§  728).  During  these  eighty  years,  the 
real  power  was  held  by  German  generals  whose  ability  alone 

1  Robinson's  Readings,  I,  49-51,  gives  two  ancient  accounts. 


584  FIFTH  AND  SIXTH  CENTURIES  [§726 

supported  the  tottering  throne.     Until  455,  however,  this  fact 
was  much  less  clear  than  it  was  after  that  date. 

726.  Summary :  Story  of  Italy,  395-455-  —  The  reign  of  Honorius 
(395-423),  son  of  Theodosius  the  Great,  has  been  referred  to  several  times 
in  the  account  of  the  Invasions.  His  great  general  Stilicho  the  Vandal, 
who  had  long  held  Alaric  in  check  and  who  destroyed  the  hordes  of 
Radogast  (§§  713,  714),  was  at  last  murdered  by  Honorius,  lest  he  should 
grow  too  powerful.  Then  Alaric's  Goths  ravaged  Italy  and  sacked 
Rome  (410  a.d.).  At  the  same  time  Britain  was  abandoned,  and  soon 
Spain,  with  most  of  Gaul,  was  lost  to  Burgundians,  Franks,  Vandals,  and 
Goths  (§§  715,  718).  But  through  the  regard  of  Alaric's  successor  for 
Roman  civilization,  Italy  was  freed  from  her  invaders,  and  for  forty  years 
rested  in  comparative  peace. 

On  the  death  of  Honorius,  Theodosius  II,  Emperor  in  the  East,  gave 
the  western  throne  to  Valentinian  III,  son  of  a  daughter  of  Theodosius 
the  Great.  Valentinian,  a  weak  and  wicked  prince,  reigned  from  425  to 
456.  Such  part  of  the  Empire  as  was  saved  owed  its  perservation  to 
Aetius,  the  imperial  general  who  for  many  years  upheld  Roman  authority 
in  much  of  Gaul  against  the  German  peoples,  and  who  finally  united  these 
Germans  to  repulse  Attila  at  Chalons.  Aetius  expected  to  marry  his  son 
to  the  daughter  of  the  emperor,  and  so  secure  the  throne  for  his  family ; 
but  Valentinian,  jealous  of  his  great  protector,  murdered  him.  Soon 
afterward  Valentinian  was  himself  murdered  by  a  Roman  senator 
Maximus,  whose  home  he  had  outraged. 

Maximus  seized  the  throne  and  compelled  Eudoxia,  the  widow  of  his 
victim,  to  marry  him.  Eudoxia  invited  Geiseric,  king  of  the  Vandals,  to 
avenge  her.  The  Vandals  captured  Rome  (§  718),  and  Maximus  was 
slain,  after  a  three  months'  reign. 

727.  Rikimer  and  Orestes  (456-476). — After  the  Vandal  raid, 
power  in  Italy  fell  to  Count  Rikimer,  a  German  general,  who 
in  sixteen  years  (456-472)  set  up  and  deposed  four  puppet 
emperors.  That  is,  Rikimer  did  successfully  ivhat  Honorius  and 
Valentinian  had  suspected  Stilicho  and  Aetius  ofplayming  to  do. 

Then  Orestes,  another  general  of  the  Empire,  advanced  a 
step  beyond  the  policy  of  Rikimer.  He  deposed  the  reigning 
prince  and  set  his  own  son  upon  the  throne,  while  he  himself 
ruled  as  the  real  power  for  four  years,  until  he  was  overthrown 
and  slain  by  Odovaker  (Odoacer),  yet  another  German  officer 
in  the  imperial  service. 


§  728]  ITALY  585 

728.  Odovaker  advanced  another  step  in  the  attack  upon  the 
Empire  in  the  West.  He  dethroned  the  boy,  Romulus  Augua- 
tus  the  Little,  the  son  of  Orestes  (476  a.d.),  and  sent  him  to 
live  in  luxurious  imprisonment  in  a  villa  near  Naples.  Odo- 
vaker then  ruled  without  even  the  form  of  an  Emjjeror  in  Italy. 
He  did  not,  however,  dare  call  himself  king  of  Italy.  Instead, 
he  claimed  to  represent  the  distant  emperor  at  Constantinople. 
At  his  command,  the  Senate  of  Rome  sent  to  Zeno  (then  em- 
peror in  the  East)  the  diadem  and  royal  robes,  urging  that  the 
West  did  not  need  a  separate  emperor.  They  asked,  therefore, 
that  Zeno  receive  the  "  diocese "  of  Italy  as  part  of  his  do- 
minion, and  intrust  its  government  to  Odovaker  as  his  lieu- 
tenant.^ 

Thus,  in  name,  Italy  became  a  province  of  the  Greek  Em- 
pire,2  and,  after  476,  there  was  no  emperor  in  the  West  for  more 
than  three  hundred  years.  Odovaker's  power  really  rested  upon 
the  support  of  German  tribes  who  made  up  the  Roman  army 
in  the  peninsula.  Of  one  of  these  tribes  (the  Heruli)  he  was 
king.  But  with  the  native  Italians  his  authority,  in  theory, 
came  from  his  position  as  the  representative  of  the  emperor  at 
Constantinople. 

Odovaker  tried  to  reconcile  his  German  and  his  Roman  sub- 
jects. He  gathered  about  him  Roman  philosophers  and  states- 
men, established  good  order,  and  ruled  firmly  for  many  years, 
until  he  was  overthrown  by  a  powerful  German  people  whose 
king  was  to  carry  his  work  still  further  (§  730). 

The  year  476  is  sometimes  said  to  have  seen  the  "Fall  of  the  Empire." 
The  act  of  Odovaker  in  that  year,  however,  is  simply  a  continuation  of 
the  policy  of  Aetius,  Rikimer,  and  Orestes,  and  that  policy  was  to  be 
carried  still  further  by  Theodoric  (§  7.31).  Probably  the  name  of  the 
boy-emperor  who  lost  the  throne  in  476  has  had  much  to  do  with  exagger- 
ating the  importance  of  the  date.  It  was  very  tempting  to  say  that  the 
history  of  Rome  and  of  the  Empire  came  to  an  end  with  a  ruler  who  bore 
the  name  of  the  founder  of  the  city  and  the  founder  of  the  Empire.  The 
date,  however,  has  no  more  real  significance  than  378,  410,  or  493. 

1  Cf.  like  commissions  to  Goths,  Burgundians,  and  Franks  (§§  713, 717, 754). 

2  For  this  name,  see  §  734. 


586  FIFTH  AND  SIXTH  CENTURIES  [§  729 

729.  The  Ostrogoths  before  they  entered  Italy.  —  When  the 
West  Goths  sought  refuge  south  of  the  Danube  in  376  (§  712), 
an  eastern  division  of  the  same  race  had  submitted  to  the  Huns. 
On  the  death  of  Attila,  these  East  G-oths  (Ostrogoths)  recovered 
their  independence.  Soon  afterward  they  forced  their  way  into 
the  provinces  south  of  the  Danube.  There  they  dwelt  for  thirty 
years,  sometimes  as  allies  of  the  Empire,  sometimes  as  enemies. 

Their  young  king,  Theodoric,^  was  brought  up  at  the  imperial 
court  as  a  hostage.  He  had  felt  the  charm  of  Roman  civilization 
and  adopted  its  culture ;  but,  with  it  all,  he  remained  a  typical 
Teutonic  hero,  —  of  gigantic  stature  and  romantic  temper,  a 
matchless  warrior,  impetuous  in  strife  and  wise  in  counsel,  — 
the  kingliest  figure  of  all  the  centuries  of  the  invasions. 

730.  The  Conquest  of  Italy.  —  In  489,  Theodoric  asked  leave 
from  Zeno  to  reconquer  Italy  for  the  Empire.  Both  Theodoric 
and  Odovaker  had  been  growing  too  powerful  to  please  the  em- 
peror, who  would  have  been  glad  to  destroy  either  barbarian 
by  the  other.  Accordingly,  with  magnificent  ceremonial  he  ap- 
pointed Theodoric  "  patrician,"  and  gave  the  desired  commission. 

Odovaker  made  a  gallant  resistance  for  four  years.  Theodo- 
ric beat  him  at  Verona  in  a  great  battle,  and  then  besieged 
him  in  the  fortress  of  Ravenna.  Odovaker  finailly  surrendered 
on  terms,  but  soon  after  was  murdered  at  a  banquet,  on  some 
suspicion,  by  Theodoric's  own  hand,  —  the  one  sad  blot  on  the 
great  Goth's  fame. 

731.  "Theodoric  the  Civilizer,"  493-526  A.D.  —  Then  began 
a  Gothic  kingdom  in  Italy,  like  the  Teutonic  states  in  Spain 
and  Burgundy,  and  one  that  deserved  a  better  fate  than  was 
to  befall  it.  The  Ostrogoths  had  Come  in  as  a  nation,  with 
women  and  children.  They  took  a  third  of  the  lands  of  Italy, 
but  all  the  rights  of  the  Roman  population  were  respected 
scrupulously.  Goth  and  Roman  lived  in  harmony  side  by  side, 
each  under  his  own  law.     Cities  were  rebuilt  and  new  ones 

1  For  this  Theodoric,  see  Davis'  Readings,  II,  127.  He  must  not  be  confused 
with  Theodoric  the  West  Goth,  §  722.  Students  will  enjoy  Hodgkin's  The- 
odoric the  Ooth. 


ii^ 


§731]  ITALY  587 

founded,  with  a  new  period  of  architectural  splendor.  The 
land  was  subdivided  into  small  estates.  Agriculture  revived, 
and  Italy  once  more  raised  her  own  food.     Theodoric's  long 


Church  of  San  Vitale  at  Ravknna  (time  of  Theodoric). 

reign  was  peaceful,  prosperous,  and  happy,  and  the  peninsula 
began  to  recover  her  former  greatness. 

732.   The  "  Empire  "  of  Theodoric  extended,  indeed,  far  beyond 
Italy.     He  organized  an  alliance  reaching  over  all  the  Teutonic 


588 


FIFTH  AND  SIXTH  CENTURIES 


[§732 


states  of  the  West.  His  wife  was  a  Frankish  princess ;  the 
Burgundian  and  Visigothic  kings  were  his  sons-in-law;  his 
sister  was  married  to  the  king  of  the  Vandals.  All  these 
peoples  recognized  a  certain  preeminence  in  "Theodoric  the 
Great."  It  seemed  as  though  he  were  about  to  reunite  the  West 
into  a  great  Teutonic  empire,  and,  by  three  centuries,  anticipate 
Charles  the  Great  (§§  785  ff.). 

733.  Weak  Points.  —  After  all,  however,  the  Goths  were 
strangers,  ruling  a  Eoman  population  vastly  larger  than  them- 
selves. More  serious  still,  they  were  Arians.  Theodoric  had 
given  perfect  freedom  to  the  orthodox  Christians  ;  but  the  more 
zealous  of  these  found  it  unbearable  to  be  ruled  by  heretics. 
Theodoric's  last  years  were  darkened  by  plots  among  the 
Romans  to  bring  in  the  orthodox  Eastern  power ;  and  the  night 
after  his  death,  so  it  was  told,  a  holy  hermit  saw  his  soul  flung 
down  the  crater  of  Stromboli. 

A  strong  successor  perhaps  could  yet  have  maintained  the 
state ;  but  Theodoric  left  only  a  daughter.  The  Goths  at  once 
fell  into  factions  among  themselves;  and  soon  the  kingdom 
was  attacked  and  destroyed  by  the  Empire  (§  736),  to  whose 
story  we  must  turn  for  a  moment. 


THE   EMPIRE   AT   CONSTANTINOPLE 

734.  The  "  Greek "  Empire.  —  The  Latin  half  of  the  empire 
had  now  crumbled  away.  There  was  left  the  empire  east  of 
the  Adriatic.     This  part  had  always  been  essentially  Greek  in 

culture  (§  475).  It  called 
itself  Roman  for  the  next 
ten  centuries ;  but  we  com- 
monly speak  of  it  as  the 
Greek  Empire  or  the  By- 
zantine Empire.  Sepa- 
rated from  the  West,  it 
rapidly  grew  more  and 
more  Oriental  in  charac- 
ter.    It  preserved  Greek 


A  Gold  Cuim  of  Thkodosius  II  (§§  726, 
737).  Its  distinctive  character  is  called 
Byzantine,  and  is  found  in  the  art  of  the 
Eastern  Empire  after  this  date. 


§737]  THE  GREEK   EMPIRE  589 

learning,  and  warded  off  Persian  and  Arabian  conquest;  but 
for  several  centuries  it  did  not  greatly  influence  western  Europe 
except  through  the  work  of  Justinian  (§  736).^ 

735.  Slav  Invasions.  —  When  Theodoric  led  his  Goths  into 
Italy,  he  left  the  line  of  the  Danube  open  to  the  Slavs  (§  721). 
That  people  had  been  filtering  into  the  East,  as  the  Teutons 
had  into  the  West,  as  slaves,  coloni,  and  mercenaries.  Now, 
in  493,  in  a  period  of  weak  rulers,  came  their  first  real  invasion. 
Then,  for  a  generation,  successive  hordes  poured  in,  penetrating 
as  far  as  Greece.  Even  the  neighborhood  of  Constantinople 
was  saved  only  by  a  Long  Wall  which  protected  the  narrow 
tongue  of  land,  seventy-eight  miles  across,  on  which  the  capital 
stood.  Happily,  before  it  was  too  late,  another  strong  em- 
peror arose. 

736.  Justinian  the  Great  (527-565  A.D.)  renewed  the  old 
frontier  of  the  Danube,  saved  Europe  from  a  threatened  Persian 
conquest,  and  then  turned  to  restore  the  imperial  power  in  the 
West. 

He  reconquered  Africa,  the  Mediterranean  islands,  and  part 
of  Spain ;  and  he  caught  eagerly  at  the  conditions  in  Italy, 
after  the  death  of  Theodoric,  to  regain  that  land  and  the  ancient 
Roman  capital.  His  generals,  Belisarius  and  Narses,  were  vic- 
torious there  also,  but  only  after  a  dreadful  twenty  years'  war 
which  destroyed  at  once  the  Gothic  race  and  the  rising  greatness 
of  the  peninsula.  Rome  itself  was  sacked  once  mor^  (by  the 
Gothic  king,  Totila,  546  a.d.),  and  left  for  eleven  days  absolutely 
uninhabited. 

737.  The  Justinian  Code.  —  Justinian  is  best  remembered  for 
his  work  in  bringing  about  the  codification  of  the  Roman  law. 
In  the  course  of  centuries  that  law  had  become  an  intolerable 
maze.  Julius  Caesar  had  planned  to  codify  it,  and  the  need 
had  grown  vastly  more  pressing  since  his  time.  A  beginning 
of  the  work  had  been  made  by  TJieodosius  11^  Emperor  of  the 
East,  and  the  Theodosian  Code  was  published  in  438.^     Now,  a 

1  Oa  the  Greek  Empire,  see  Davis'  Readings,  II,  Nos.  12iJ-130. 

2  Extracts  are  given  in  Robinson's  Readings,  ch.  ii. 


590  FIFTH  AND  SIXTH  CENTURIES  [§738 

century  later,  under  Justinian,  the  great  task  was  completed. 
A  commission  of  able  lawyers  put  the  whole  body  of  the  law 
into  a  new  form,  marvelously  compact,  clear,  and  orderly. 

This  benefited  not  only  the  empire :  it  made  easier  the  pres- 
ervation of  Roman  law  and  its  adoption  by  the  nations  of  Eu- 
rope in  after  times  (cf.  §  762).  The  reconquest  of  Italy  by 
Justinian  established  the  Code  in  that  land.  Thence,  in  later 
centuries,  it  spread  over  the  West,  and  became  the  foundation 
of  all  modern  legal  study  in  continental  Europe,  and  the  basis 
of  nearly  all  codes  of  law  now  in  existence. 

Says  Ihne  {Early  Borne,  2),  "Every  one  of  us  is  benefited  directly  or 
indirectly  by  this  legacy  of  the  Eoman  people  —  a  legacy  as  valuable  as 
the  literary  and  artistic  models  which  we  owe  to  the  great  writers  and 
sculptors  of  Greece. ■"  And  Woodrow  Wilson  declares  (The  State,  158) 
that  Roman  Law  "  has  furnished  Europe  with  many,  if  not  most,  of  her 
principles  of  private  right."  i 

738.   Italy  divided  between  the  Empire  and  the  Lombards. — 

When  the  East  Goths  moved  into  Italy,  the  Lombards,  from 
beyond  the  Danube,  had  crossed  that  river  and  occupied  the 
Balkan  districts  which  the  Goths  had  vacated.  In  568,  this 
new  German  people  moved  on  again,  —  this  time  into  Italy, 
most  of  which  they  soon  conquered.  Their  chief  kingdom  was 
in  the  Po  valley  (which  ever  since  has  kept  the  name  Lom- 
bardy),  while  Lombard  "  dukedoms  "  were  scattered  over  other 
parts  of  the  peninsula.  The  Empire  retained  (1)  the  Exarchate 
of  Ravenna  on  the  Adriatic,  (2)  Rome,  with  a  little  surround- 
ing territory  on  the  west  coast,  and  (3)  the  extreme  south. 
This  south  was  to  remain  Greek  for  centuries,  —  the  first  and 
the  last  part  of  Italy  to  be  Greek. 

TTius  the  middle  land,  for  which  Roman  and  Teuton  had  strug- 
gled through  two  centuries,  was  at  last  divided  between  them,  and 

1  English  and  American  law  is  always  regarded,  properly,  as  having  a  very 
distinct  origin ;  but  Roman  law  profoundly  affected  legal  development  even 
in  England  and  so  in  the  United  States,  while  the  law  of  Louisiana  came 
very  directly  from  it  through  the  French  code.  Wilson's  The  State,  142- 
161,  gives  an  excellent  account  of  the  growth  of  Roman  Law. 


'  \ 


§739]  THE   FRANKS  591 

shattered  into  fragments  in  the  process  (map  after  page  622). 
Italy  was  not  again  united  until  1870.  Probably,  too,  no  other 
land  suffered  as  much  in  the  two  centuries  of  invasions  as  this 
beautiful  peninsula,  which  had  so  long  been  mistress  of  the 
Mediterranean  world. 

"Taking  one's  stand  at  Rome,  and  looking  toward  the  north,  what 
does  one  see  for  nearly  one  hundred  years  ?  Wave  after  wave  rising  out 
of  the  north,  the  land  of  night  and  wonder  and  the  terrible  unknown 
.  .  .  and  they  dash  against  the  Alps,  and  roll  over  through  the  mountain 
passes,  into  the  fertile  plains  below.  Then  .  .  .  you  discover  that  the  waves 
are  living  men,  women,  and  children,  horses,  dogs,  and  cattle,  all  rush- 
ing headlong  into  that  great  whirlpool  of  Italy.  And  yet  the  gulf  is  never 
full.  The  earth  drinks  up  the  blood ;  the  bones  decay  into  the  fruitful 
soil ;  the  very  names  and  memories  of  whole  tribes  are  washed  away. 
And  the  result  of  an  immigration  which  may  be  counted  by  hundreds  of 
thousands  is  —  that  all  the  land  is  waste." —  Kingsley,  Boman  and  Teu- 
ton, 58. 

THE   FRANKS 

739.    Preeminence'  among    the    Teutonic    Conquerors.  —  The 

early  conquests  of  the  Franks  in  North.  Gaul  have  been  re- 
ferred to  (§  719).  Their  real  advance  began  a  little  before 
the  year  500,  —  almost  at  the  time  of  the  rise  of  the  East 
Goths.  This  was  some  eighty  years  later  than  the  making  of 
the  Vandal,  Burgundian,  and  Visigothic  kingdoms,  and  as 
much,  earlier  than  the  Lombard  kingdom. 

To  the  Franks  fell  the  work  of  consolidating  the  Teutonic 
states  into  a  mighty  empire.  Their  final  success  was  due,  in 
the  main,  to  two  causes. 

a.  They  did  not  migrate  to  distant  lands,  but  only  expanded 
from  their  original  home.  Their  state,  therefore,  kept  a  large 
unmixed  Teutonic  element,  while  the  other  conquering  nations 
lost  themselves  in  the  Roman  populations  among  whom  they 
settled. 

h.  When  they  adopted  Christianity,  it  was  the  orthodox 
form  instead  of  Arianism.  This  gained  them  support  from 
the  Romanized  populations  in  their  wars  with  the  other 
Teutons. 


592  FIFTH  AND  SIXTH  CENTURIES  [§  740 

740.  Clovis  ;  Early  Conquests.  —  Until  nearly  500,  the  Franks 
were  pagans.  Nor  were  they  a  nation :  they  were  split  into 
petty  divisions,  without  a  common  king.  The  founder  of  their 
greatness  was  Clovis  (Clodowig,  Louis).  In  481,  at  the  age  of 
fifteen,  he  became  king  of  a  petty  tribe  near  the  mouth  of  the 
Khine.  In  486,  he  attacked  the  Eoman  possessions  in  north 
Gaul,  and,  after  a  victory  at  Soissons,  added  them  to  his  king- 
dom. Ten  years  later  he  conquered  the  Alemanni,  who  had 
invaded  Gaul,  in  a  great  battle  near  Strassburg,  and  made  tribu- 
tary their  territory  beyond  the  Rhine. 

741.  The  Conversion  of  Clovis.^  —  The  real  importance  of  the 
battle  of  Strassburg  lies  in  this  —  that  it  was  the  occasion  for 
the  conversion  of  Clovis.  His  wife,  Clotilda,  was  a  Burgundian 
princess,  but,  unlike  most  of  her  nation,  she  was  a  devout 
Catholic.  In  a  crisis  in  the  battle,  Clovis  had  vowed  to  serve 
the  God  of  Clotilda  if  He  would  grant  victory.  In  conse- 
quence, the  king  and  three  thousand  of  his  warriors  were 
baptized  immediately  afterward. 

Clovis  was  influenced,  no  doubt,  by  keen  political  insight. 
In  the  coming  struggles  with  the  Arian  Goths  and  Burgun- 
dians,  it  was  to  be  of  immense  advantage  to  have  the  subject 
Roman  populations  on  his  side,  as  an  orthodox  sovereign, 
against  their  own  hated  heretic  rulers.  The  conversion  was 
a  chief  agency,  therefore,  in  building  up  the  great  Frankish 
state. 

742.  Later  Conquests  by  Clovis  and  his  Sons.  —  His  conver- 
sion furnished  Clovis  with  a  pretext  for  new  advances.  De- 
claring it  intolerable  that  those  "  Arian  dogs  "  should  possess 
the  fairest  provinces  of  Gaul,  he  attacked  both  Burgundians 
and  Visigoths,  driving  the  latter  for  the  most  part  beyond  the 
Pyrenees.  Then,  by  a  horrible  series  of  bloody  treacheries 
during  the  remainder  of  his  thirty  years'  reign,  he  got  rid  of 
the  kings  of  the  other  tribes  of  the  Franks  (Davis'  Readings, 

1  Davis'  Readings,  II,  No.  131,  gives  two  accounts  from  monkish  chroni- 
cles. Some  extracts  from  an  interesting  accomit  by  Gregory  of  Tours  are 
given  in  Robinson's  Readings,  I,  51-55. 


§744]  THE  LATER  MEROVINGIANS  503 

II,  No.  132),  and  consolidated  that  whole  people  under  his 
sole  rule.  "Thus,"  says  the  pious  chronicler,  Gregory  of 
Tours,  "  did  God  daily  deliver  the  enemies  of  Clovis  into  his 
hand,  because  he  walked  before  His  face  with  an  upright  heart." 
The  sons  of  Clovis  completed  the  subjugation  of  Burgundy, 
and  added  Bavaria  and  Thuringia,  as  tributaries,  to  the  Prank- 
ish state.  Tlie  last  two  districts  lay  on  the  German  side  of  the 
Mhine,  well  beyond  the  borders  of  the  old  Roman  world. 

743.  Empire  of  the  Franks  in  the  Seventh  Century.  ■ —  In  fifty 
years,  mainly  through  the  cool  intellect  and  ferocious  energy  of 
one  brutal  savage,  a  little  Teutonic  tribe  had  grown  into  the 
great  Frankish  state.  That  state  included  nearly  the  whole  of 
modern  France,  the  Netherlands,  Switzerland,  and  Germany 
almost  to  the  Elbe  (except  for  the  lands  of  the  heathen  Saxons 
toward  the  mouth  of  that  river). 

Such  territory  to-day  would  make  the  greatest  power  in 
Europe.  In  the  sixth  and  seventh  centuries  its  preeminence 
was  even  more  marked.  Gothic  Spain  was  weakened  by  quar- 
rels between  Arian  and  Catholic ;  Italy  was  torn  to  shreds ; 
Britain  was  in  chaos  (§  745) ;  non-Frankish  Germany  was 
filled  with  savage,  unorganized  tribes.  The  only  real  rivals  of 
the  FranMsh  state  were  the  Greek  Empire  and  a  new  Moham- 
medan power  which  was  just  rising  in  Arabia  (§§  770  ff.) 
and  which  was  soon  to  contest  Europe  with  both  Greek  and 
Frank. 

744,  The  Later  Merovingians.  —  The  family  of  Clovis  is 
known,  from  his  grandfather  Merovig,  as  Merovingian.  It  kept 
the  throne  for  two  centuries  after  Clovis*  death.  In  the  first 
half  of  the  period  the  rulers  were  commonly  men  of  ruthless 
energy.  In  the  second  half  they  became  phantom  kings,  and 
all  real  authority  was  exercised  by  great  nobles,  who  finally 
replaced  the  Merovingians  with  a  new  royal  line  (§§  765  ff.). 

The  two  hundred  years  make  a  dismal  story  of  greed,  family 
hate,  treachery,  vice,  brutality,  and  murder.  Few  chapters  in 
history  are  so  unattractive.  The  empire  was  divided  among 
the  four  sons  of  Clovis,  according  to  Frankish  custom.     The 


594  FIFTH  AND  SIXTH  CENTURIES  [§745 

fragments  were  reunited  under  one  of  these  sons,  by  methods 
similar  to  those  of  Clovis  himself.  Then  it  was  again  divided ; 
and  so  on  for  long  periods.  The  Franks  themselves  spread 
very  little  south  of  the  Loire.  North  and  South  Gaul  remained 
distinct  from  each  other  in  blood  and  character  (§§  739,  764), 
but  political  unity  was  preserved  under  Frankish  rule. 

For  Further  Reading  on  the  Franks  through  the  time  of  Clovis,  see 
especially  Oman's  Dark  Ages,  ch.  iv,  and  Sergeant's  Franks. 

GROWTH   OF   THE   TEUTONIC   STATES  IN   BRITAIN  i 

745.  Slowness  of  the  Teutonic  Conquest.  —  Great  provinces, 
like  Gaul  or  Spain,  fell  to  the  Vandals  or  Franks  after  one  or 
two  battles  with  the  Roman  armies.  The  natives  themselves 
made  almost  no  resistance  in  the  field.  But,  as  we  have  seen, 
in  Britain,  where  there  were  no  Roman  armies,  the  Teutonic 
invaders  in  150  years  of  incessant  warfare  conquered  only  half 
the  island. 

Causes  for  this  delay  are  to  be  found  both  in  the  nature  of 
the  invasion  and  in  the  condition  of  the  island. 

a.  The  Saxons  at  home  were  living  in  petty  tribes,  under  7io 
common  government,  and  therefore  they  could  make  no  great 
organized  attack.  Coming  by  sea,  too,  they  necessarily  came 
only  in  small  bands.  Moreover,  they  were  still  pagans,  and, 
unlike  the  Franks,  they  were  untouched  by  Roman  civilization. 
Therefore  they  spread  ruthless  destruction  and  provoked  a 
more  desperate  resistance. 

b.  Britain  was  less  completely  Romanized  than  were  the 
continental  provinces :  there  was  more  of  forest  and  marsh,  and 
a  less  extensive  network  of  Roman  roads.  Hence  the  natives 
found  it  easier  to  make  repeated  stands.  The  Britons,  too, 
had  not  so  completely  laid  aside  military  habits  as  had  the 
Gauls. 

746.  England  preeminently  Teutonic.  —  Because  the  conquest 
was  so  slow,  it  was  thorough.    Elsewhere  the  invaders  were  soon 

1  Review  §  720. 


After  507  the  Kingdom  of  the  West  Goths 


East  15  from         20      Greenwich 


limited,  to  aamalLsouthexiUitEip  (Septimania) 


§748]  TEUTONIC  STATES   IN  BRITAIN  595 

absorbed  by  the  larger  native  populations.  England  alone,  of 
all  the  Roman  provinces  seized  by  the  Teutons,  became  strictly 
a  Teutonic  state.  In  the  eastern  half  of  the  island,  in  partic- 
ular, Koman  institutions,  the  Roman  language,  Christianity, 
even  names,  for  the  most  part,  vanished,  and  the  Romanized 
natives  were  slain,  driven  out,  or  enslaved. 

747.  Conversion.  —  About  the  year  600,  Christianity  began 
to  win  its  way  among  these  heathen  conquerors.  In  the  north 
of  England,  the  early  missionaries  came  mainly  from  the  old 
(Celtic)  Christian  church  still  surviving  in  western  Britain  and 
in  Ireland,  long  cut  off  from  close  connection  with  the  rest  of 
Christendom.  The  south,  on  the  other  hand,  was  converted  by 
missionaries  sent  out  directly  by  the  pope  of  Rome ;  and  the 
rulers  of  the  north  were  soon  brought  to  accept  this  better  or- 
ganized form  of  Christianity.  The  victory  of  the  Roman  Church 
dates  from  the  famous  Council  of  Wliitby  in  Northumbria,  in 
664  A.D. 

748.  Three  political  results  followed  the  conversion  to  Chris- 
tianity :  — 

Warfare  with  the  native  Britons  became  milder  and  more 
like  ordinary  wars  between  rival  states. 

The  ecclesiastical  union  of  the  island  helped  to  create  the 
later  political  union.  The  different  states  had  a  common  church 
council  before  they  had  one  king  and  one  political  Assembly. 

The  adoption  of  the  same  form  of  Christianity  and  the  same 
church  government  as  that  on  the  Continent  brought  the  island 
back  into  the  general  current  of  European  politics. 


Exercise.  —  (1)  Trace  each  barbarian  people  from  the  crossing  of  the 
barriers  to  the  last  mention  in  this  period.  (2)  Trace  the  history  of  Gaul, 
Italy,  and  Spain,  through  the  period,  noting  for  each  land  what  peoples 
left  important  elements  in  race  or  institutions.  (In  both  exercises,  the 
device  of  catchwords  may  be  used  with  advantage  ;  and  students  may  be 
encouraged  to  prepare  tables,  showing,  in  separate  columns,  the  peoples, 
events,  leaders,  dates,  etc.)  (3)  List  battles,  with  leaders  and  dates,  for 
rapid  "fact-drills."  (4)  The  field  is  a  good  one  for  exercises  calling  for 
historical  imagination  (see  page  241). 


CHAPTER  XLV 

THE   STATE  OF  WESTERN  EUROPE,  400-800  AD. 

(  The  Dark  Ages) 

749.  Plan  of  Treatment.  —  We  have  traced  the  movements  of  peoples 
and  the  growth  of  new  states  during  the  two  centuries  of  invasions. 
During  the  next  two  centuries  (600-800)  the  political  story  has  to  do  with 
four  great  movements  :  (1)  the  continued  growth  of  the  Prankish  state, 
until  it  included  most  of  civilized  Western  Europe  ;  (2)  the  rise  of  the 
Mohammedans  in  Asia  and  Africa,  and  their  repulse  from  Europe  by  the 
Greek  Empire  on  the  East  and  by  the  Franks  on  the  West ;  (3)  the  growth 
of  the  papacy  into  a  temporal  power  ;'^  and  (4)  the  rise  of  the  Empire  of 
Charlemagne,  out  of  the  alliance  of  the  papacy  and  the  Franks. 

These  political  movements  will  be  treated  in  the  next  chapter.  But 
first,  in  order  to  understand  them,  we  interrupt  the  story  to  survey  briefly 
the  condition  into  which  the  invasions  plunged  Western  Europe  for  the 
whole  four  centuries,  —  (1)  the  chaos  and  misery ;  (2)  the  survival  of 
some  of  the  Roman  civilization  ;  and  (3)  the  new  institutions  which  were 
growing  up.     Such  a  survey  is  the  subject  of  this  chapter. 

750.  The  Loss  to  Civilization.  ^  After  all  allowances  are  made, 

the  invasions  of  the  fifth  and  sixth  centuries  remain  the  most 
terrible  catastrophe  that  ever  befell  so  great  a  civilized  society. 
It  took  long  to  restore  order.  The  seventh  and  eighth  centuries, 
after  the  invasions  themselves  had  ceased,  are  a  dreary  period 
of  confusion,  lawlessness,  and  ignorance,  —  the  lowest  point 
ever  reached  by  European  civilization.  The  whole  four  hun- 
dred years,  from  400  to  800,  are  properly  called  the  Dark  Ages. 
During  these  long  centuries  there  was  no  tranquil  leisure,  and 
therefore  no  study.     There  was  little  security,  and  therefore 

1  The  term  "  temporal  "  is  used  in  contrast  with  "  spiritual."  The  temporal 
power  of  the  pope  means  his  power  as  a  prince,  like  kings  and  other  potentates 
of  this  world,  in  contrast  with  his  power  in  religious  matters  —  matters  not 
"temporal"  but  eternal. 

596 


§751]  THE   ''DARK  AGES'!  597 

little  labor.  While  the  Franks  and  Goths  were  learning  the 
rudiments  of  civilized  life,  the  Latins  were  losing  all  but  the 
rudiments,  —  and,  for  a  time,  they  were  losing  faster  than 
the  Germans  gained.  Classical  literature  became  extinct.  The 
old  Roman  schools  disappeared,  or  were  represented  only  by 
new  monastic  schools  with  meager  instruction. 

751.  New  Causes  for  Decline  in  Culture.  —  Roman  civilization, 
as  we  have  noticed,  had  been  falling  away  for  two  centuries 
before  the  barbarian  conquests  began.  The  disorder  and 
destruction  connected  with  the  two  hundred  years  of  invasions 
added  tremendously  to  the  decay ;  and  then,  when  at  last  the 
invaders  had  settled  down,  two  causes  of  decline  were  added 
to  the  old  ones. 

a.  The  new  ruling  classes  were  grossly  ignorant.  They  did 
not  care  for  the  old  literature  and  science,  even  so  far  as  it  had 
survived.  Few  of  the  greatest  nobles  could  read,  or  write 
their  names. 

b.  More  and  more  the  language  of  everydai^  speech  grew  away 
from  the  literary  language  in  which  the  remains  of  the  old 
knowledge  was  preserved.  This  process  had  begun  long  be- 
fore; but,  until  the  coming  of  the  Teutons,  a  man  who  spoke 
the  usual  language  in  Gaul  ©r  Spain  could  also,  without  much 
difficulty,  understand  the  Latin  if  he  heard  it.  The  coming  of 
the  barbarians  hastened  the  change  in  the  spoken  language. 
The  old  inflections  were  disregarded ;  words  were  corrupted  in 
form;  new  Teutonic  words  were  added.^  The  language  of 
learning  was  left  so  far  from  the  spoken  language  that  it  be- 
came "  dead."  It  could  be  acquired  only  by  special  study,  and 
was  known  only  to  the  clergy.  Even  by  them  it  was  known 
very  imperfectly. 

At  the  same  time  the  old  Roman  civilization,  in  many  obscure 
ways,  did  survive.      We  take  up  next  the  causes  of  the  survival. 

iThe  mauy  different  dialects  which  were  springing  up  in  the  different 
parts  of  Gaul,  Burgundy,  Spain,  Italy,  were  finally  to  grow  into  French, 
Spanish,  and  Italian.  These  languages  —  mmgled  of  Teutonic  and  Roman 
elements  —  are  called  Romance  languages. 


598  WESTERN  EUROPE,  400-800  A.D.  [§  752 

752.  The  barbarian  conquests  had  been  accomplished  by  small 
numbers.  The  invasions  did  not  greatly  change  the  race- 
character  of  the  population  in  Western  Europe  (outside  of 
Britain).  The  forces  which  occupied  the  western  Roman 
world  in  the  fifth  century  were  far  smaller  than  had  been 
driven  back  in  rout  many  times  before.  The  highest  estimate 
for  the  whole  Burgundian  nation  is  eighty  thousand.  The 
Vandals  counted  no  more.  The  Visigoths,  when  they  conquered 
Spain,  hardly  exceeded  thirty  thousand  warriors.  Clovis  com- 
manded less  than  six  thousand  men  when  he  annexed  Roman 
Gaul. 

753.  The  final  conquests  (outside  Britain)  were  attended  with 
little  warfare.  When  the  Roman  legions  had  been  beaten  in 
the  field,  the  struggle  was  over.  The  provincials  were  largely 
German  already  (§  697) ;  and  in  any  case  they  had  come  to  be 
indifferent  to  a  change  of  masters. 

754.  The  barbarians  felt  a  wholesome  reverence  for  the  Roman 
Empire  and  for  all  connected  with  it.  This  important  fact  has 
been  illustrated  repeatedly  in  the  preceding  story.  Even 
Clovis  was  delighted  when  the  emperor  at  Constantinople  sent 
him  an  appointment  as  "  feonsul "  and  as  a  lieutenant  of  the 
Empire. 

The  Germans  were  awed  by  the  marvelous  devices,  the 
massive  structures,  the  stately  pomp,  of  the  civilization  they 
had  conquered.  This  mood  is  shown  by  the  exclamation  of  a 
Gothic  king  when  first  he  visited  Constantinople :  "  Without 
doubt  the  emperor  is  a  god  on  earth,  and  he  who  attacks  him 
is  guilty  of  his  own  blood." 

755.  The  Influence  of  the  Old  Populations.  —  The  Germans 
already  within  the  Empire  in  the  year  400  had  been  largely 
Romanized.  The  new  invaders  settled  among  populations  ten, 
twenty,  or  fifty  times  their  own  numbers.  At  first  the  Teutons 
were  the  rulers  and  the  bulk  of  the  large  landlords.  They 
formed  the  government  and  the  aristocratic  forces  in  rural 
society.  But  the  towns,  so  far  as  they  survived  at  all,  with  their 
varied  industries,  remained  Roman.     For  a  long  time,  too,  the 


§756]  SAVING  FORCES  599 

old  population  furnished  most  of  the  clergy.  From  them,  also, 
came  the  secretaries  of  the  conquering  lords  and  many  confiden- 
tial officers.  Gradually  these  various  forces  secured  the  adoi>- 
tion  of  many  customs  of  the  old  civilization  by  the  conquerors. 
The  influence  of  the  church  in  this  respect  was  so  important 
that  it  demands  further  treatment. 

756.  The  Church  and  the  Barbarians.  —  The  barbarian  con- 
verts to  Christianity  understood  its  teachings  of  love,  purity, 
and  gentleness  very  imperfectly.  Christianity  raised  the  new 
nations ;  but  in  the  effort  it  was  dragged  down  part  way  to 
their  level.  More  emphasis  was  placed  on  ceremonies  and 
forms.  The  clergy,  especially  the  higher  clergy,  became  some- 
times ambitious  and  worldly  lords,  preachers  of  a  coarse  and 
superficial  religion,  men  who  allied  themselves  to  the  schemes 
of  wicked  rulers,  lived  vicious  lives,  and  were  unable  to  under- 
stand the  services  they  mumbled. 

All  this  was  to  be  expected.  The  church  as  a  whole  could 
not  be  a  great  deal  better  than  the  people  of  the  time,  —  who 
had  to  furnish  the  clergy  and  the  flocks.  The  danger  is  that 
the  student  will  overrate  the  degradation.  In  spite  of  it,  the 
church  ivas  the  salt  that  kept  the  world  sweet  for  later  times.  In 
the  wildest  disorder  of  the  sixth  and  seventh  centuries  there 
were  great  numbers  of  priests,  monks,  and  bishops  inspired 
with  zeal  for  righteousness  and  love  for  men;  and  there  were 
found  also  in  all  ranks  of  society  some  willing  followers  of 
such  teachers.  The  church,  as  a  whole,  protected  the  weak, 
and  stood  for  peace,  industry,  and  right  living.^ 

Moreover,  the  church  had  its  own  government.  The  new 
rulers  of  the  land  did  not  greatly  interfere  with  it.  Therefore 
it  kept  up  the  old  forms  and  habits  and  the  principles  of  the 
Roman  law  more  than  any  other  part  of  Western  society. 

The  church  of  those  centuries  is  sometimes  accused  by  Protestant 
writers  of  putting  all  stress  upon  forms  and  of  neglecting  totally  the 

1  Some  interesting  facts  about  the  church  in  this  period  are  given  in  Davis' 
Readings,  II,  No.  135. 


600 


WESTERN  EUROPE,  400-800  A.D 


[§757 


duty  of  man  to  man.  The  charge  is  bitterly  unjust.  Many  sermons 
of  the  seventh  century  place  peculiar  emphasis  upon  good  works.  "It 
is  not  enough,"  says  the  good  Bishop  St.  Eloy  to  his  flock,  in  a  fervent 
exhortation,  —  "  It  is  not  enough,  most  dearly  beloved,  for  you  to  have 
received  the  name  of  Christians  if  you  do  not  do  Christian  works.  .  .  . 
Come,  therefore,  frequently  to  church  ;  humbly  seek  the  patronage  of 
the  saints  ;  keep  the  Lord's  day  in  reverence  of  the  resurrection,  with- 
out any  servile  work  ;  celebrate  the  festivals  of  the  saints  with  devout 
feeling;  love  your  neighbors  as  yourselves;  what  you  would  desire  to 
be  done  to  you  by  others,  that  do  you  to  Others ;  what  you  would  not 
have  done  to  you,  do  to  no  one;  before  all  things  have  charity,  for 
charity  covereth  a  multitude  of  sins  ;  be  hospitable,  humble,  casting  your 
care  upon  God,  for  he  careth  for  you ;  visit  the  sick ;  seek  out  the  cap- 
tives ;  receive  strangers ;  feed  the  hungiy ;  clothe  the  naked  ;  set  at 
naught  soothsayers  and  magicians;  let  your  weights  and  measures  be 
fair,  your  balance  just,  your  bushel  and  your  pint  honest.  .  .  ." 

757.  Summary.  —  The  "  Dark  Ages,"  black  as  they  were, 
did  not  uproot  civilization.  The  conquerors  were  few; 
there  was  little  actual  fighting;   the  old  population  and  the 


Tomb  of  Thbodoric  at  Ravenna. -The  most  famous  surviving  Gothic 

monument. 


§759]  MONASTICISM  601 

church  kept  on  living  in  many  respects  in  the  old  ways. 
Most  important  of  all,  the  barbarian  conquerors  did  not  ivish 
to  destroy  the  civilization :  they  wished  to  possess  it.  Much, 
of  course,  they  did  destroy.  Part  they  ruined  in  the  wanton 
mood  of  children,  —  as  in  the  story  of  the  warrior  who  dashed 
his  battle-ax  at  the  beautiful  mosaic  floor  to  see  whether  the 
swan  swimming  there  were  alive.  More  was  lost  because  they 
did  not  understand  its  use.  But  much  survived ;  and  much 
.which  at  the  time  seemed  ruined  was  sooner  or  later  to  be 
recovered  by  the  Teutons  themselves,  —  so  that,  says  George 
Burton  Adams,  "almost,  if  not  quite,  every  achievement  of 
the  Greeks  and  the  Romans  in  thought,  science,  law,  and  the 
practical  arts  is  now  a  part  of  our  civilization."  This  complete 
recovery,  however,  was  a  matter  of  some  centuries  later,  beyond 
the  period  of  this  volume. 

758.  The  idea  of  the  Roman  Empire  as  the  one  legitimate 
universal  government  survived.  We  can  see  now  that  the 
Empire  had  passed  away  ii;  the  West  before  the  year  500. 
But  men  of  that  day  did  not  see  it.  They  could  not  believe 
that  the  dominion  of  the  "  Eternal  City "  was  dead ;  and 
therefore  it  did  not  altogether  die.  For  three  hundred  years 
it  lived  on,  in  the  minds  of  men,  until  Charlemagne  made  it 
again  external  fact  (§  793).  To  understand  the  sixth,  seventh, 
and  eighth  centuries,  it  is  needful  to  remember  this  truth. 

"Teutonic  kings  ruled  in  the  West,  but  nowhere  (except  in  England) 
had  they  become  national  sovereigns  in  the  eyes  of  the  people  of  the  land. 
They  were  simply  the  chiefs  of  their  own  peoples  (Goths,  Franks,  etc.), 
reigning  in  the  midst  of  a  Roman  population  who  looked  to  the  Caesar  of 
New  Borne  [Constantinople]  as  their  lawful  sovereign." — Condensed 
from  Erebman. 

759.  Monasticism.  —  The  Eastern  Church  gave  rise  early 
to  a  class  of  hermits,  who  strove  each  to  save  his  own  soul 
by  tormenting  his  body  and  by  secluding  himself  from  the 
world.^     The   persecutions   in   the   third   century   augmented 


T 


Davis'  Readings^  II,  136,  has  an  account  of  one  extreme  case. 


602  WESTERN  EUROPE,  400-800  A.D.  [§  759 

the  members  of  these  fugitives  from  society,  until  the  Egyp- 
tian and  Syrian  deserts  swarmed  with  tens  of  thousands  of 
them.  In  some  cases  they  came  to  unite  into  small  bodies 
with  common  rules  of  life.  In  the  latter  part  of  the  fourth 
century  this  idea  of  religious  communities  was  transplanted 
to  the  West,  and  the  long  anarchy  following  the  invasions 
gave  peculiar  inducements  to  such  a  life. 

Thus  arose  monasticism,  one  of  the  most  powerful  medieval  i 
institutions.  The  fundamental  causes  were:  (1)  the  longing 
for  a  life  of  quiet  religious  devotion,  and  (2)  the  conditions 
which  made  quiet  living  impossible  except  through  some  such 
withdrawal  from  society. 

European  monasticism  differed  widely  from  its  model  in 
the  East.  The  monks  in  the  WeSt  did  believe  that  holy  living 
lay,  in  part,  in  crushing  natural  instincts  and  affections ;  but 
they  never  imitated  the  excesses  of  the  hermits  of  the  East. 
Even  within  their  quiet  walls,  they  wisely  sought  escape  from 
temptation,  not  in  idleness,  but  in  active  and  incessant  work. 
Their  very  motto  was,  "  To  work  is  to  pray."  The  old  proverb 
of  Satan  and  idle  hands  strikes  a  keynote  in  monasticism. 

The  growth  of  many  a  rich  monastery  was  a  romantic  story 
of  humble  beginnings,  lofty  enthusiasm,  and  noble  service. 
A  body  of  enthusiasts,  uniting  for  mutual  religious  aid,  would 
raise  a  few  rude  buildings  in  a  pestilential  marsh  or  in  a 
wilderness.  Gradually  their  numbers  grew ;  the  marsh  was 
drained,  or  the  desert  became  a  garden  through  their  toil; 
the  first  plain  structures  gave  way  to  massive  and  stately 
towers ;  lords  or  kings  gave  lands ;  fugitive  slaves  and  serfs 
tilled  them ;  perhaps  villages  or  towns  sprang  up  upon  them, 
under  the  rule  of  the  abbot. 

Such  was  the  growth  of  hundreds   of   early   communities. 

1  The  in-pouring  of  the  Teutons  between  378  and  476  is  sometimes  said  to 
close  Ancient  History.  Those  who  speak  in  this  way  divide  history  into 
Ancient,  Medieval,  and  Modern,  and  give  the  name  Medieval  to  the  period 
from  about  400  to  about  1500  a.d.  This  book  follows  a  different  classification 
(§  4),  but  it  sometimes  uses  the  expressions  Medieval  and  Middle  Age,  as 
descriptive  terms,  for  the  period  to  which  they  are  commonly  applied. 


§  759]  MONASTICISM  603 

Similar  institutions  for  women  afforded  a  much-needed  refuge 
for  great  numbers  of  that  sex  in  that  troublous  age.  At  first 
each  monastery  or  nunnery  was  a  rule  unto  itself.  Finally  the 
various  communities  became  united  in  great  brotherhoods.  In 
particular,  St.  Benedict,  in  the  sixth  century,  published  and 
preached  rules  for  a  monastic  life  that  were  widely  adopted. 
Two  hundred  years  later,  nearly  all  monks  in  Western  Europe 
were  Benedictines,  The  order  at  its  height  is  said  to  have 
counted  over  forty  thousand  monasteries. 

Each  Benedictine  took  the  three  vows  of  poverty,  chastity,  and 
obedience.  (1)  He  renounced  all  wealth  for  himself  (though 
the  monastery  might  become  wealthy).  (2)  He  renounced 
marriage.  (3)  He  renounced  his  own  will  in  all  things,  in 
favor  of  that  of  his  superior  in  the  monastery,  — the  abbot  or 
prior.     To  all  this  was  added  the  obligation  of  work. 

During  the  Middle  Ages,  the  monks  were  the  most  skillful 
and  industrious  tillers  of  the  soil.  They  taught  neighboring 
youth  in  their  schools.  They  lovingly  copied  and  illustrated 
manuscripts,  and  so  preserved  whatever  learning  was  saved  at 
the  time  in  the  West.  They  themselves  produced  whatever  new 
literature  Europe  had  for  some  centuries.  In  particular,  they 
cared  for  the  poor  and  suffering.  For  many  centuries  of  dis- 
order and  violence  the  monasteries  were  to  Western  Europe 
the  only  almshouses,  inns,  asylums,  hospitals,  and  schools. 

At  first,  a  monastery  was  a  religious  association  of  laymen; 
but  gradually  the  monks  became  the  most  zealous  of  mission- 
aries and  the  most  devoted  of  preachers.  As  they  took  up  the 
duties  of  the  clergy,  there  arose  a  long  struggle  between  them 
and  the  bishops.  The  bishops  desired  to  exercise  authority 
over  them  as  over  other  lower  clergy :  the  monks  insisted 
upon  independence  under  their  own  abbots,  and  finally  won  it 
by  grants  from  the  popes.  Because  subject  to  rule,  the  monks 
became  known  as  regular  clergy,  while  the  ordinary  clergy 
were  styled  secular  ("  belonging  to  the  world  ").* 

1  Davis'  Readings,  II,  137,  gives  extracts  from  the  "  Rule  of  St.  Benedict." 
Read  Munro  aud  Sellery,  Medieval  Civilization^  ch.  ix,  on  the  "Economic 


604  WESTERN  EUROPE,  400-800  A.D.  [§  760 

760.  Development  of  Teutonic  Law.  —  When  the  barbarians 
entered  the  Empire,  their  law  was  unwritten  custom.  Much 
of  it  continued  so,  especially  in  England ;  but,  under  the  in- 
fluence of  Roman  ideas,  the  tribes  on  the  continent  soon  began 
to  put  parts  of  their  law  in  the  form  of  written  codes  (cf.  717). 
These  codes  throw  interesting  sidelights  upon  the  times. 
(See  Davis'  Readings,  II,  No.  133.)  Three  points  may  be 
noted  here. 

a.  "  Law  was  personaV  That  is,  a  man  carried  his  law 
with  him  wherever  he  went.  It  was  felt  that  a  Roman,  a 
Goth,  a  Burgundian,  even  though  all  were  members  of  the 
Frankish  state,  should  each  be  judged,  not  by  Frankish  law, 
but  by  the  law  of  his  own  people.  In  modern  civilized 
countries,  law  is  territorial,  not  personal.  That  is,  all  persons 
in  a  given  country  come  under  the  same  law,  —  the  law  of  the 
land. 

b.  The  forms  of  trial.  —  When  a  man,  in  a  trial,  wished  to 
prove  himself  innocent,  or  to  prove  another  man  guilty  of 
some  charge,  he  did  not  try  to  bring  evidence  of  the  fact. 
Proof  consisted  in  an  appeal  to  God  to  show  the  right.  There 
were  three  kinds  of  such  appeal. 

The  accused  and  accuser  swore  solemnly  to  their  statements. 
Each  was  backed  by  his  compurgators,  —  not  witnesses,  but 
persons  who  swore  they  believed  that  their  man  was  telling 
the  truth.^  To  swear  falsely  was  to  invite  the  divine  ven- 
geance; and  stories  are  told  of  men  who  fell  dead  with  the 
judicial  lie  on  their  lips.     This  form  of  trial  was  comjmrgation. 

Sometimes  the  trial  was  by  ordeal.     The  accused  tried  to 

Services  of  the  Monasteries."    Robinson's  Readings,  I,  86-93,  gives  source 
extracts  illustrating  some  phases  of  the  monastic  attitude  of  mind. 

1  The  idea,  and  probably  the  practice  itself,  survives  in  the  boy's  incanta- 
tion, "  Cross  my  heart  and  hope  to  die,"  if  his  word  is  questioned.  The  value 
of  a  man  as  a  compurgator  depended  upon  his  rank  ;  a  noble  was  worth 
several  freemen.  The  number  called  for  depended  also  upon  the  crime.  Ac- 
cording to  one  code,  three  compurgators  of  a  given  rank  could  free  a  man 
accused  of  murdering  a  serf;  it  took  seven,  if  he  were  accused  of  killing  a 
freeman;  and  eleven,  if  a  noble. 


§761]  TEUTONIC  LAW  605 

clear  himself  by  being  thrown  bound  into  water :  if  he  sank, 
he  was  innocent.  The  pure  element,  it  was  believed,  would  not 
receive  a  criminal.  Or  he  plunged  his  arm  into  boiling  water, 
or  carried  red-hot  iron  a  certain  distance,  or  walked  over  burn- 
ing plowshares;  and  if  his  flesh  was  uninjured,  when  exam- 
ined some  days  later,  he  was  declared  innocent.^  All  these 
ordeals  were  under  the  charge  of  the  clergy,  and  were  pre- 
ceded by  sacred  exercises. 

Among  the  nobles,  the  favorite  method  came  to  be  the 
trial  by  combat,  —  a  judicial  duel  which  was  prefaced  by  relig- 
ious ceremonies,  and  in  which  God  was  expected  to  "show 
the  right." 

c.  Offences  were  atoned  for  by  money  payments.  Warriors  were 
too  valuable  to  be  lightly  sacrificed,  and  punishment  by  impris- 
onment was  not  in  keeping  with  Teutonic  custom.  Practically 
all  crimes  had  a  money  penalty,  varying  from  a  small  amount 
for  cutting  off  the  joint  of  the  little  finger,  to  the  wer-geld  (man- 
money),  or  payment  for  a  man's  life.  It  is  significant  that  the 
fine  for  cutting  off  a  man's  right  arm  was  about  the  same  as 
for  killing  him  outright.  The  wer-geld  varied  with  the  rank 
of  the  victim. 

761.  New  Political  Institutions.  —  The  conquest  modified  the 
political  institutions  of  the  conquerors  in  many  ways.  Three 
changes  call  for  special  attention. 

a.  The  Teutonic  kings  became  more  absolute.  (1)  They  se- 
cured large  shares  of  confiscated  land,  so  that  they  could  reward 
their  supporters  and  build  up  a  strong  personal  following. 
(2)  Their  authority  grew  by  custom,  since,  in  the  confusion 
of  the  times,  all  sorts  of  matters  were  necessarily  left  to  their 
decision.     (3)  The  Roman  idea  of  absolute  power  in  the  head 


1  For  a  brief  description  of  these  trials,  see  Emerton,  Introduction  to  the 
Middle  Ages,  80-87.  Such  tests  were  sometimes  made  by  deputy ;  hence  our 
phrase,  "  to  go  through  fire  and  water  "  for  a  friend.  The  byword,  "  he  is  in 
hot  water,"  comes  also  from  these  trials;  and  so,  too,  the  later  test  of  witch- 
craft by  throwing  suspected  old  women  into  a  pond,  to  sink  or  float.  See 
Davis'  Readings,  II,  Nos.  138,  139  (the  latter  on  "  ordeals"). 


606  WESTERN  EUROPE,  400-800  A.D.  [§  762 

of  the  state  had  its  influence.    From  these  three  factors  it  came 
to  pass  that  the  former  warchiefs  became  real  sovereigns. 

b.  The  old  nobility  of  blood  gave  way  to  a  new  nobility  of  of- 
fice or  service.  The  higher  ranks  came  in  part  from  the  old 
class  of  "  companions "  of  the  king  (§  710),  who  were  now  re- 
warded with  grants  of  land  and  intrusted  with  important  pow- 
ers as  rulers  (counts  and  dukes). 

c.  The  popular  assemblies  decreased  in  importance  as  the 
power  of  the  kings  and  nobles  grew.  Such  assemblies,  how- 
ever, did  not  at  this  time  altogether  disappear.  They  survived 
in  England  as  occasional  Folk-moots,  and  under  the  Frankish 
kings  as  Mayfield  assemblies.  They  tended,  however,  to  be- 
come gatherings  of  nobles  and  officials. 

762.  Summary  of  Roman  and  Teutonic  Contributions.  —  The 
great  streams  of  influence  that  vere  to  make  the  modern  world 
had  now  come  in  contact  (§  4).  Let  us  sum  up  the  elements 
of  each. 

The  Roman  Empire  contributed :  — 
Indirectly : 

a.  The  Greek  intellectual  and  artistic  conceptions,  together 

with   all  the  material   gains  that  had  been  preserved 
from  the  older  world. 

b.  Christianity  and  the  organization  of  the  church. 
Directly  : 

c.  A  universal  language  —  a  common  medium  of  learning 

and  intercourse  for  centuries. 

d.  Roman  law. 

e.  Municipal  institutions. 

/.   The  idea  and  machinery  of  centralized  administration. 
g.   The  conception  of  one,  lasting,  universal,  supreme  author- 
ity, to  which  the  civilized  world  owed  obedience. 

Note  that  these  elements  were  not  all  of  them  unmixed  with  evil.  The 
fifth  and  sixth,  also,  were,  to  some  degree,  inharmonious. 

The  Teutons  contributed :  — 

a.  Themselves  (cf.  theme  sentence  on  page  570). 


§763]    ROMAN  AND   TEUTONIC  CONTRIBUTIONS      607 

h.   A  new  sense  of  the  value  of  the  individucUy  as  opposed  to 
that  of  the  state.  ^ 

c.  Loyalty  to  a  lord,  as  contrasted  with  loyalty  to  the  state. 

d.  A  new  chance  for  democracy  —  in  the  popular  assemblies 

of  different  grades,  some  of  which,  in  England,  were  to 
develop  representative  features. 

It  is  not  correct  to  say  that  the  Teutons  gave  us  representative  gov- 
ernment. What  they  did  was  to  give  another  chance  to  develop  it.  The 
earlier  peoples  had  lost  their  chances.  Some  peculiar  features  in  later 
English  history  were  to  develop  these  Teutonic  assemblies  in  that  island 
into  representative  bodies. 

e.  A   system    of    growing  law.      The    codification   of  the 

Roman  law  preserved  it,  but  also  fixed  and  crystal- 
lized it.  Teutonic  law  was  crude  and  unsystematic, 
but  it  contained  possibility  of  growth.  The  importance 
of  this  has  been  felt  mainly  in  the  English  "  Common 
Law,"  which  is  of  course  the  basis  of  our  American 
legal  system. 

763.  This  mingling  of  forces  has  been  felt  ever  since  in  European 
history.  Oriental  civilization  quickly  became  uniform ;  society 
crystallized ;  development  ceased  (§§  80-81).  European  civilization 
began  with  diversity  and  freedom.  But  after  some  centuries,  the 
Roman  Empire  had  begun  to  take  on  Oriental  uniformity :  society  there, 
too,  had  crystallized  (§  695),  and  progress  apparently  had  ceased.  The 
mingling  of  the  new  elements  contributed  by  the  Teutons  with  the  older 
Roman  elements  has  prevented  later  European  society  from  becoming 
stagnant. 

1  Christianity  had  much  to  do,  no  doubt,  in  strengthening  this  idea. 


CHAPTER   XLVT 

WESTERN   EUROPE,  600-7681 

THE   FRANKS  TO   CHARLES   MARTEL 

764.  Neustria  and  Austrasia.  —  There  were  four  great  sec- 
tions of  the  Frankish  state,  —  Burgundy  and  Aquitaine  in  the 
south,  and  the  East  Franks  and  West  Franks  (Austrasia  and 
Neustria)  in  the  north.  The  first  two  were  mainly  Roman  in 
blood;  the  last  two  were  largely  German.  This  was  true 
especially  of  Austrasia.  That  district  contained  the  old  home 
of  the  Frankish  race,  and  much  of  it  had  been  little  affected  by 
Eoman  influences.  Neustria,  however,  contained  the  early  con- 
quest's of  Clovis  and  his  imperial  capital,  and  it  held  a  certain 
prestige  over  all  the  rest. 

The  family  contests  among  the  rulers  of  the  sub-kingdoms 
(§  743)  finally  became  a  struggle  for  supremacy  between  these 
two  states,  Neustria  and  Austrasia.  It  was  plain  that  south 
Gaul  must  fall  to  the  victor. 

765.  The  Mayors  of  the  Palace.  —  The  later  Merovingian 
kings  earned  the  name  of  ^^  Do-nothings.^^  Real  power  was 
exercised  in  each  sub-kingdom  by  a  mayor  of  the  palace. 
Originally  this  officer  was  a  chief  domestic,  the  head  of  the 
royal  household ;  but,  one  by  one,  he  had  withdrawn  all  the 
powers  of  government  from  the  indolent  kings.  At  first  the 
office  of  mayor  was  filled  by  the  king's  appointment.  As  it 
grew  more  important,  the  nobles  sometimes  claimed  the 
right  to  elect  the  holder ;  and  in  Austrasia  the  position  finally 
became  hereditary.  Once  a  year,  the  long-haired  king  himself 
was  carried  forth  in  stately  procession  on  his  ox-cart,  to  be 


1  Review  §  744. 


§767]  THE  FRANKS  TO  CHARLES  MARTEL  609 

shown  to  the  Assembly  of  the  Mayfield.  The  rest  of  the  time 
he  lived,  on  some  obscure  estate,  in  indolence  and  swinish 
pleasures  that  brought  him  to  an  early  grave.^ 

766.  Pippin  of  Heristal.  —  Much  of  the  seventh  century  was 
filled  with  anarchy  and  civil  war.  The  Frankish  state  seemed 
about  to  fall  to  pieces.  Indeed,  Bavaria  and  Thuringia  (purely 
German)  and  Aquitaine  (the  most  purely  Roman  province) 
did  break  away  into  states  practically  independent,  under  their 
native  dukes. 

But  finally,  at  the  battle  of  Testry  (687  a.d.),  the  Austrasians, 
under  their  mayor,  Pippin  of  Heristal,  established  their  su- 
premacy over  the  West  Franks.  Austrasia  at  this  moment 
had  no  separate  king,  and  Pippin  might  now  have  set  up 
ail  independent  kingdom  there;  but  instead  he  chose  wisely 
to  rule  both  kingdoms  as  mayor  of  Neustria,  appointing  a 
trusted  friend  mayor  of  Austrasia. 

In  appearance,  Austrasia  remained  the  less  dignified  state, 
but  really  it  had  given  to  the  realm  of  the  Franks  a  new 
line  of  rulers  and  a  new  infusion  of  German  blood.  Testnj 
stands  for  a,  second  Teutonic  conquest  of  the  more  Romanized  part 
of  the  Frankish  state,  and  for  a  reunion  of  the  two  halves  of 
the  empire.  Some  of  the  great  border  dukedoms  still  remained 
almost  independent ;  but  Pippin  is  rightly  regarded  as  the  sec- 
ond founder  of  the  Empire  of  the  Franks. 

767.  Charles  Martel,  Sole  Mayor. — Pippin's  son,  Charles, 
went  farther.  He  concentrated  in  his  single  person  the  offices 
of  mayor  of  Austrasia,  of  Neustria,  ^nd  of  Burgundy,  and 
brought  back  to  subjection  the  great  dukedoms  of  BavaiHa  and 
Thuringia.  He  established  firm  order,  too,  among  the  unruly 
chiefs  of  the  German  frontier,  and  partially  restored  Frankish 
authority  over  Aquitaine,  which  was  now  making  a  gallant 
fight  for  independence. 

The  crushing  blows  Charles  dealt  his  rivala  in  these  struggles 
won  him  the  title  of  the  Hammer  {Martel),  which  he  was  soon 

1  Read  Hodgkin's  Charles  the  Greats  13. 


610  POLITICAL  HISTORY,   600-768  [§768 

to  justify  in  a  more  critical  conflict  that  saved  Europe  from 
Mohammedanism  (§  773).  Except  for  Pippin  and  Martel,  there 
would  have  been  no  Christian  power  able  to  withstand  the  Arab 
onslaught.  The  victory  of  Testry  and  the  pounding  by  the 
"Hammer  of  the  Franks  "  came  none  too  soon. 

For  Further  Reading. — T>?iV\&'  Beading s,  II,  No.  134;  Hodgkin's 
Charles  the  Or  eat  ^  8-45. 

THE   MOHAMMEDAN   PERIL 

768.  Arabia  before  Mohammed.  —  About  a  century  after  Clovi  s 
built  up  the  empire  of  the  Franks,  a  better  man,  out  of  less 
promising  materials,  created  a  mighty  power  in  Arabia, — a 
region  until  then  beyond  the  pale  of  history.  This  new  power 
was  destined,  within  the  time  spanned  by  one  human  life,  to 
win  Persia  from  the  Zoroastrians,  Asia  and  Africa  from  the 
Greek  Empire,  Spain  from  the  Goths,  and  to  contest  the  rest  of 
Western  Europe  with  the  Franks.  Checked  in  this  last  attempt, 
it  still  maintained  itself  in  Spain  for  eight  hundred  years.  In 
the  fourteenth  century  it  won  Eastern  Europe,  whence,  corrupt 
and  decayed,  it  is  only  now  being  driven  out.^ 

The  best  of  the  Arabian  tribes  were  related  to  the  Jews  and 
the  old  Assyrians,  but  on  the  whole  the  peninsula  contained 
a  mongrel  population.  A  few  tribes  near  the  Red  Sea  had 
acquired  some  mechanical  arts  and  some  wealth,  but  the 
greater  number  were  poor  and  ignorant.  All  were  weak,  dis- 
united, and  idolatrous.  The  inspiring  force  that  was  to  lift 
them  to  a  higher  life,  and  fuse  them  into  a  world-conquering 
nation,  was  the  fiery  enthusiasm  of  Mohammed. 

769.  Mohammed,  to  the  Hegira.  —  This  remarkable  man  never 
learned  to  read,  but  his  speech  was  ready  and  forceful,  and 
his  manner  pleasing  and  commanding.  His  youth  had  been 
modest,  serious,  and  truthful,  so  that  he  had  earned  the  sur- 
name of  the  Faithful.  At  twenty-five  he  became  wealthy  by 
marriage  with  his   employer,  the  good  widow  Kadijah;    and 

1  This  passage  is  written  during  the  Balkan  War  of  1913. 


§770]  THE  MOHAMMEDAN  PERIL  611 

until  forty  he  continued  to  live  the  life  of  an  inHuential, 
respected  merchant. 

Mohammed  had  always  been  subject,  however,  to  occasional 
periods  of  religious  ecstasy ;  and  now,  upon  a  time  as  he 
watched  and  prayed  in  the  desert,  a  wondrous  vision  revealed 
to  him  (he  said)  a  higher  religion,  and  enjoined  upon  him  the 
mission  of  preaching  it  to  his  people.  At  first,  Mohammed 
seems  to  have  feared  that  this  vision  was  a  subtle  temptation 
of  the  devil ;  but  Kadijah  convinced  him  that  it  came  truly 
from  heaven,  and  he  entered  upon  his  mighty  task. 

The  better  features  of  the  new  religion  were  drawn  from 
Jewish  and  Christian  sources,  with  which  the  merchant  had 
become  somewhat  acquainted  in  his  travels.  Indeed,  Moham- 
med recognized  Abraham,  Moses,  and  Christ  as  true  prophets, 
but  claimed  that  he  was  to  supersede  them.  His  precepts  were 
embodied  in  the  sacred  book  of  the  Koran.  The  two  essential 
elements  of  his  religious  teaching  were  belief  in  one  God 
{Allah)  and  submission  (Islam)  to  His  will  as  revealed  by  His 
final  prophet/,  Mohammed. 

Mohammed's  closest  intimates  accepted  him  at  once ;  but  be- 
yond them,  in  the  first  twelve  years  of  his  preaching,  he  made 
few  converts.  Especially  were  his  claims  jeered  by  his  towns- 
folk of  Mecca,  the  chief  city  of  Arabia.  The  priests  of  the 
old  religion  roused  the  people  there  against  him,  and  finally  he 
barely  escaped  with  life  from  his  home. 

770.  From  the  Hegira  to  the  Death  of  Mohammed,  622-632 
A.D.  —  This  flight  of  the  prophet  from  Mecca  is  the  Hegira, 
the  point  from  which  the  Mohammedan  world  reckons  time 
as  Christendom  does  from  the  birth  of  Christ.  The  first  year 
of  the  Mohammedan  era  corresponds  to  our  year  622  a.d. 

From  this  event  dates  a  change  in  Mohammed's  policy.  Like 
his  enemies,  he  also  took  up  the  sword.  He  now  made  converts 
rapidly,  and  soon  captured  Mecca,  which  became  the  sacred 
city  of  the  faith.  His  fierce  warriors  were  almost  irresistible. 
They  were  inspired  by  religious  devotion.  They  felt  sure  that 
to  every  man  there  was  an  appointed  time  of  death  which  he 


612  POLITICAL  HISTORY,  600-768  [§770 

could  neither  delay  nor  hasten ;  and  this  high  fatalism  conquered 
fear.  Indeed  they  rejoiced  in  death  in  battle,  as  the  surest 
admission  to  the  joys  of  Paradise. 

"The  sword,"  said  Mohammed,  "is  the  key  of  heaven.  A  drop  of 
blood  shed  in  the  cause  of  God  is  of  more  avail  than  two  months  of  fast- 
ing and  prayer ;  whoso  falls  in  battle,  all  his  sins  are  forgiven ;  at  the 
day  of  judgment  his  wounds  shall  be  resplendent  as  vermilion  and  odorif- 
erous as  musk." 

At  the  same  time,  they  were  comparatively  mild  in  victory. 
Pagans,  it  is  true,  had  to  choose  between  the  new  teaching 
and  death;  but  Jews  and  Christians  were  allowed  to  keep 
their  faith  on  payment  of  tribute. 

Mohammed  was  not  only  prophet,  hut  king  —  supreme  in  all 
matters   civil,    military,   and   religious.      This    character    de- 
scended to  the  Caliphs  who  followed  him  ^  and  has  marked- 
the  chief  rulers  of  the  Mohammedan  world  ever  since.     Mo- 
hammed has  been  vehemently  accused  of  using  fraud  aqj^de- 
ceit  to  advance  his  cause.     To  ascertain  the  ^^t  tn 
the  matter  is  impossible.     In  the  stress  of  conflict,  ai»d 
the  temptation  of  power,  his  character  no  doubt  suffered  som( 
decline.     On   the   whole,   however,   he   seems   to    have    beei 
earnest  and  sincere,  though  self-deluded.     Certainly  his  rules 
restrained  vice,  and  set  up  higher  standards  of  right  than' 
had   ever  been  presented  to  his   people.     The   religious  en- 
thusiasm  he  inspired   created   a  mighty    nation   of   devoted 
courage  and  strict  morals,  and,  finally,  of  noble  culture.    • 

Just  before  his  death,  he  sent  ambassadors  to  demand  the  submission 
of  the  two  great  powers  in  the  East,  — the  Greek  Empire  and  Persia. 
According  to  the  story,  the  Persian  ruler  answered  the  messenger,  natu- 
rally enough  :  "  Who  are  you  to  attack  an  empire  ?  You,  of  all  peoples 
the  poorest,  most  disunited,  most  ignorant ! "  "  What  you  say,"  replied 
the  Arabian,  "  was  true.  But  now  we  are  a  new  people,  God  has  raised 
up  among  us  a  man,  His  prophet ;  and  his  religion  has  enlightened  our 
minds,  extinguished  our  hatreds,  and  made  us  a  society  of  brothers."      «* 


*i  Caliph  means  "  successor  "  of  the  Prophet. 


772] 


THE  MOHAMMEDAN  PERIL 


613 


771.  The  Ninety  Years  of  Conquest.  —  Mohammed  lived  only 
ten  years  after  the  Hegira,  and  his  own  sway  nowhere  reached 
beyond  Arabia  Eighty  years  after  his  death,  his  followers 
stood  victorious  upon  the  Oxus,  the  Indus,  the  Black  Sea,  the 
Atlantic*  All  the  Asiatic  empire  of  Alexander  had  fallen  to 
them ;  all  North  Africa,  besides ;  and  already,  drawing  together 


The  Mosque  of  Omar  —  a  famous  Mohammedan  temple  at  JeriK^ 
site  of  the  Temple  of  Solomon.    Present  condition. 


fe 


the  sweeping  horns  of  its  mighty  crescent-form,  this  new 
ower  was  trying  to  enter  Europe  from  both  east  and  west 
by  the  narrow  straits  of  the  Hellespont  and  of  Gibraltar. 
772.  Repulse  at  Constantinople.  —  The  preservation  of  Europe 
front  the  first  attacks  lay  with  the  Greek  Empire.  After 
Justinian,  that  state  had  fallen  again  to  decay,  and,  for  a 
time,  had  seemed  in  danger  of  annihilation  by  Slavs  from 
Europe  and  Persians  from  Asia.     Now  the  Arabs  conquered 


i 


^Most  of  the  wide  realm  so  bounded  — including  the  great  historic  peoples 
the  Iran  plateau  and  of  the  Nile  and  Euphrates  valleys  —  still  belongs  to 
the  Mohammedan  faith. 
\ 


614  POLITICAL  HISTORY,   600-768  [§773 

Persia,  taking  its  ancient  place  a^  the  champion  of  the  Orient. 
They  overran  Syria  and  Asia  Minor,  also ;  and,  in  672,  they 
besieged  Constantinople  itself.  Their  victory  at  this  time 
(before  the  battle  of  Testry)  would  have  left  all  Europe  open 
to  their  triumphal  march;  but  the  heroism  and  generalship 
of  Constantine  IV  saved  the  Western  world. 

Happily,  in  the  twenty  years'  anarchy  that  followed  this 
emperor's  death,  the  Saracens  made  no  determined  effort.  In 
717,  they  returned  to  the  attack ;  but  a  new  and  vigorous  ruler 
had  just  come  to  the  throne  at  Constantinople.  This  was  Leo 
the  Isaurian,  who  was  to  begin  another  glorious  line  of  Greek 
emperors.  Leo  had  only  five  months  after  his  accession  in 
which  to  restore  order  and  to  prepare  for  the  terrific  onset  of 
the  Mohammedans ;  but  once  more  the  Asiatics  were  beaten 
back  —  after  a  twelve  months'  siege.  Tlie  most  formidable 
menace  to  Europe  wore  itself  away  on  the  walls  of  the  city  of 
Constantine. 

Arabian  chroniclers  themselves  say  that  only  thirty  thousand  survived 
of  a  host  of  one  hundred  and  eighty  thousand  well-appointed  warriors  who 
began  the  siege.  The  Greek  authorities  made  the  Saracen  numbers  some 
three  hundred  thousand,  and  "  by  the  time  the  story  reached  Western 
Europe  these  numbers  had  grown  beyond  all  recognition." 

A  chief  weapon  of  the  defense  was  the  new^ly  invented  Greek  fire,  which 
was  afterward  to  be  used  with  terrible  effect  by  the  Mohammedans  them- 
selves. Six  centuries  later,  Western  Europe  was  still  ignorant  of  its  secret, 
and  an  old  crusader  who  first  saw  it  in  a  night  battle  described  it  as 
follows  :  "Its  nature  was  in  this  wise,  that  it  rushed  forward  as  large 
round  as  a  cask  of  verjuice,  and  the  tail  of  the  fire  which  issued  from  it 
was  as  big  as  a  large-sized  spear.  It  made  such  a  noise  in  coming  that 
it  seemed  as  if  it  were  a  thunderbolt  from  heaven,  and  it  looked  like  a 
dragon  flying  through  the  air.  It  cast  such  a  brilliant  light  that  in  the 
camp  we  could  see  as  clearly  as  if  it  were  noonday."  —  Joinville,  St. 
Louis. 

773.  Repulse  at  Tours.  —  In  711,  however,  the  Arabs  entered 
Spain,  and  were  soon  masters  of  the  kingdom,  except  for  a 
few  remote  mountain  fastnesses.  Then,  crossing  the  Pyrenees, 
the  Mohammedan  flood  spread  over  G-aul,  even  to  the  Loire. 


§  774]  THE  MOHAMMEDAN   PERIL  615 

Now,  indeed,  it  "  seemed  that  the  crescent  was  about  to  round 
to  the  full."  But  the  danger  united  the  Frankish  state.  The 
duke  of  Aquitaine  (who  had  long  led  a  revolt  against  Frankish 
supremacy)  fled  to  Charles  Martel  for  aid;  and  in  732,  in  the 
plains  near  Tours,  the  "  Hammer  of  the  Franks "  with  his 
close  array  of  mailed  Austrasian  infantry  met  the  Arab  host. 
From  dawn  to  dark,  on  a  Saturday  in  October,  the  gallant, 
turbaned  horsemen  of  the  Saracens  hurled  themselves  in  vain 
against  that  stern  wall  of  iron.  That  night  the  surviving 
Arabs  stole  in  silent  flight  from  their  camp.  They  kept  some 
hold  upon  a  fringe  of  Aquitaine  for  a  while,  but  Gaul  was 
saved. 

The  battle  of  Tours,  just  one  hundred  years  after  Moham- 
med's death,  is  the  high-water  mark  of  the  Saracen  invasion. 
Only  a  few  years  afterward,  the  Mohammedan  world,  like 
Christendom,  split  into  rival  empires.  The  Caliph  of  the 
East  built,  for  his  capital,  Bagdad  on  the  Tigris,  the  richest 
and  greatest  city  in  the  world  for  centuries.  The  Caliphate  of 
the  West  established  its  capital  at  Cordova  in  Spain.  The 
two  states  were  bitter  rivals,  and,  with  this  disunion,  the 
critical  danger  to  Western  civilization  for  the  time  passed 
away.  Tlie  repulses  at  Constantinople  and  at  Tours  rank  with 
Marathon,  Salarnis,  Metaurus,  and  Chalons,  in  the  long  struggle 
between  Asia  and  Europe. 

774.  Later  Mohammedanism.  —  The  Arabs  quickly  adopted 
Greek  culture,  and,  to  some  degree,  extended  it.  In  Persia 
and  Spain  they  developed  a  noble  literature.  They  had  the 
most  advanced  schools  and  universities  of  the  Middle  Ages. 
From  India  they  brought  the  "Arabic"  notation.  Algebra 
and  alchemy  (chemistry)  are  Arabic  in  origin  as  in  name.  The 
heavens  retain  evidence  of  their  studies  in  a  thick  sprinkling  of 
Arabic  names  (like  Aldeharan),  while  numerous  astronomical 
terms  (azimuth,  zenith,  nadir,  etc.)  bear  similar  testimony.  In 
material  civilization, —  in  methods  of  agriculture,  in  growth  of 
new  varieties  of  fruits  and  flowers,  in  metal  work,  in  manu- 
factures of  cloths  (muslins  from  Mosul,  damasks  from  Damas- 


616 


POLITICAL  HISTORY,  600-768 


[§774 


cus),  —  they  infinitely  surpassed   Europe   for   four   hundred 
years. 

On  the  whole,  however,  the  Arabs  showed  little  real  creative 
power;  and  at  a  later  time  political  leadership  among  the 
Mohammedans  fell  to  races  like  the  Turks,^  much  less  capable 
of  culture.  Moreover,  Mohammedanism  sanctioned  polygamy 
and  slavery ;  ^  it  left  no  chance  for  the  rise  of  woman  ;  and, 


The  Damascus  Gate  at  Jerusalem  —  part  of  the  Mohammedan  wall  about 
the  city.  The  "minarets"  on  the  battlements  and  the  "pointed  arch" 
are  characteristic  of  Saracenic  architecture. 

since  the  Prophet's  teachings  were  final,  it  crystallized  into  a 
changeless  system,  opposed  to  all  improvement.  Thus  it  was 
doomed  to  decay.     At  its  best,  Mohammedan  civilization  was 


1  The  term  Saracen,  sometimes  applied  to  any  Mohammedan  power,  be- 
longs strictly  to  the  Arabs.  In  North  Africa  the  Arabs  mingled  with  the  Ber- 
bers of  Mauritania,  and  the  race  became  known  as  Moors  (afterward  dom- 
inant in  Spain).  The  Turks,  who  now  for  almost  a  thousand  years  have 
been  the  leading  Mohammedan  people,  come  in  later  from  Northern  Asia  and 
are  allied  to  the  Tartars. 

2  These  evils  were  among  those  which  Mohammed  found  existing  about 
him  and  which  he  accepted. 


§775]  THE  PAPACY  617 

marked  by  an  Oriental  character.  It  was  despotic,  uniform, 
stagnant,  —  sure  to  be  outrun  finally  by  the  Western  world, 
which  was  ruder  at  first,  but  more  progressive. 

For  Further  Reading.  —  Davis'  Headings,  II,  Nos.  140-143  —  ten 
pages.  . 

THE   PAPACY 
A.   Ecclesiastical   Headship 

775.  The  "Petrine  Supremacy." — In  the  fourth  and  fifth 
centuries  the  Christian  church  was  divided  between  the  great 
patriarchs  of  Jerusalem,  Antioch,  Alexandria,  Constantinople, 
and  Rome  (§  682).  JSTo  one  of  these  bishops  had  been  able  to 
establish  authority  over  all  Christendom,  but  claim  to  such 
supremacy  had  been  put  forward  by  the  bishop  of  Rome. 
The  claim  took  this  form :  Christ  had  especially  intrusted  the 
government  of  his  church  to  Peter;  Peter  had  founded  the 
the  first  church  at  Rome ;  hence  the  bishops  of  Rome,  as  the 
successors  of  Peter,  held  spiritual  sway  over  Christendom. 
The  Roman  Catholic  view  of  the  early  church  holds,  indeed, 
that  the  church  was  monarchic  in  organization  from  the  first, 
and  that  the  headship  of  Rome,  in  actual  practice,  dates  from 
Peter.^  As  early  as  the  time  of  Valentinian  III  (§  726),  an 
imperial  decree  commanded  that  all  the  church  should  rec- 
ognize the  headship  of  the  pope.^  In  the  East,  however,  the 
church  did  not  acquiesce  in  this  decree.  The  bishop  of  Con- 
stantinople claimed  an  equal  place. 

1  Sfcholarly  presentations  of  the  Catholic  argument,  together  with  collec- 
tions of  some  of  the  historical  evidence  upon  which  it  is  based,  are  given  in 
Kenrick's  Primacy  of  the  Apostolic  See  and  in  Rivington's  Roman  Primacy. 
Robinson's  Readings,  I,  62-73,  has  a  good  statement  with  valuable  extracts 
from  several  of  the  early  Fathers ;  see  especially  the  argument  of  Pope  Leo 
(pages  69-72). 

2  The  name  pope  ("  papa  ")  was  originally  only  a  term  of  affectionate 
respect  ("father")  applied  to  any  bishop.  It  did  not  become  the  official 
name  of  the  bishops  of  Rome  until  1085.  Special  reports :  Leo  the  Great  and 
Gregory  the  Great. 


618  POLITICAL  HISTORY,   600-768  [§776 

776.  Rome  possessed  many  advantages  in  history  that  helped 
to  make  good  her  claim. 

a.  From  early  times  the  bishops  of  Rome  were  readily 
allowed  a  certain  precedence  in  dignity,  even  by  the  other  pa- 
triarchs, because  men  inevitably  thought  of  Rome  as  the  world- 
capital. 

b.  The  Latin  half  of  the  Roman  Empire,  which  would  most 
naturally  turn  to  Rome  for  leadership,  contained  no  other 
church  founded  by  an  apostle.  Nor  did  it  co7itain  any  other 
great  city,  to  become  a  possible  rival  of  Rome.  The  other 
patriarchs  were  all  east  of  the  Adriatic. 

c.  As  compared  with  the  East,  the  West  had  few  heresies. 
This  made  it  easier  for  a  headship,  once  established,  to 
maintain  itself. 

d.  A  long  line  of  remarkable  popes,  by  their  moderation  and 
statesmanship,  helped  to  confirm  the  place  of  Rome  as  the 
representative  of  all  the  West.  Not  infrequently,  indeed, 
they  were  accepted  as  arbitrators  in  the  disputes  between 
Eastern  patriarchs. 

e.  The  barbarian  invasions  strengthened  the  position  of  the 
pope  in  at  least  two  ways..  (1)  The  decline  of  the  imperial 
power  in  the  West  lessened  the  danger  of  interference  from 
Constantinople.  (2)  The  churches  in  Spain  and  Gaul,  in  their 
dread  of  the  Arian  conquerors,  turned  to  Rome  for  closer 
guidance. 

/.  Rome's  missionary  labors  did  much  to  extend  her  powers.  It 
was  through  her  that  the  Arian  conquerors  in  the  West  were 
finally  brought  to  the  orthodox  doctrine,  and  that  the  pagans 
in  Teutonic  England  and  in  Germany  were  converted  to  CJiris- 
tianity.  To  these  last,  in  particular,  Rome  was  a  mother 
church,  to  be  obeyed  implicitly.^ 

777.  Rome  freed  from  Eastern  Rivals.  —  The  claims  of  Rome, 
however,  carried  little  weight  in  the  East ;  and,  until  about  700, 
to  many  men  of  the  West,  her  bishop  appeared  only  one  (though 

1  Special  report  :  the  life  and  labors  of  Boniface,  "  Apostle  to  the  Ger- 
mans."   See  especially  Robinson's  Readings,  I,  105-111. 


§778]  THE  PAPACY  619 

the  most  loved  and  respected  one)  among  five  great  patriarchs. 
But  the  eighth  century  eliminated  the  other  four  pair iarchs^  so  far 
as  Western  Christendom  tvas  concerned.  In  quick  succession, 
Alexandria,  Jerusalem,  and  Antioch  fell  to  the  Saracens ;  and, 
soon  afterward,  remaining  Christendom  split  into  rival  Latin 
and  Greek  churches,  grouped  respectively  around  Rome  and 
Constantinople. 

778.  This  *'  Great  Schism,"  like  the  division  of  the  Roman 
Empire  into  East  and  West,  followed  the  lines  of  partition  be- 
tiveen  the  Latin  and  Greek  cultures  (§  475).  Political  differences 
of  East  and  West  made  the  split  easy ;  but  the  occasion  for 
actual  separation  was  a  religious  dispute  over  the  use  of  images 
in  worship. 

This  is  known  as  the  "  iconoclast "  (image-breaking)  ques- 
tion. A  small  but  influential  party  in  the  Greek  Empire  de- 
sired to  abolish  the  use  of  images,  which,  they  felt,  the  ignorant 
were  apt  to  degrade  from  symbols  into  idols.  The  great  re- 
forming emperor,  Leo  the  Isaurian  (717-741),  who  had  just 
saved  what  was  left  of  Christendom  from  the  Saracens  (§  772), 
put  himself  at  the  head  of  the  movement,  with  all  his  despotic 
power.  Finally,  he  ordered  all  images  removed  from  the 
churches.^  The  West  believed  in  their  use  as  valuable  aids  to 
worship  ;  and  the  pope  forbade  obedience  to  the  order  of  the 
emperor.  The  result  was  the  separation  of  Christendom  into 
two  halves,  never  since  united. 

Thus,  Rome  was  left  the  unquestioned  head  of  the  Latin  church. 
Other  conditions,  which  we  are  now  to  trace,  raised  this  head- 
ship into  a  real  monarchy,  temporal  as  well  as  spiritual,  such  as 
was  never  attained  in  the  Greek  church,  where  the  patriarchs 
of  Constantinople  were  overshadowed  by  the  imperial  will. 

1  In  the  East,  I^o  and  his  successors  were  temporarily  successful.  The 
monks  and  populace  resisted  them,  however  ;  and,  before  the  year  800,  the 
image-users  regained  the  throne  in  the  person  of  the  Empress  Irene.  Mean- 
time the  question  had  divided  Christendom.  The  churches  of  Greece  and 
Russia  and  the  other  Slav  states  of  Southeastern  Europe  still  belong  to  the 
Greek  communion. 


620  POLITICAL  HISTORY,   600-768  [§779 

B.   The  Pope  becomes  a  Temporal  Sovereign. 

779.  The  Pope  as  a   Civil  Officer  of  the  Greek  Emperor. — 

While  the  Roman  bishops  were  extending  this  spiritual  rule 
over  all  the  West,  they  were  also  becoming  independent  tem- 
poral princes  over  a  small  state  in  Italy. 

This  process  was  assisted  by  the  Lombard  invasion.  In  the 
break-up  of  Italy  (§  738),  the  imperial  governor  (exarch)  at 
Ravenna  was  cut  off  from  Rome  and  the  strip  of  territory 
about  it  that  still  belonged  to  the  Empire  (map  after  page  622). 
From  the  time  of  Constantiiie,  all  bishops  had  held  considerable 
civil  authority.  This  new  condition  left  the  bishop  of  Rome 
the  cJiief  lieutenant  of  the  Empire  in  his  isolated  district;  and 
the  difficulty  of  communication  with  the  East  made  him  in 
practice  almost  an  independent  sovereign.  At  the  same  time, 
as  spiritual  head  of  Christendom,  the  pope  called,  in  some 
matters,  for  submission  from  the  emperor  himself. 

780.  Popes  and  Emperors.  —  The  emperors  did  not  permit  this 
papal  independence  without  a  struggle.  One  pope  was  dragged 
from  the  altar  to  a  dungeon ;  another  died  a  lonely  exile  in  the 
Crimea ;  and  only  a  threatened  revolt  in  Italy  saved  another 
from  a  like  fate  in  701.  But  more  and  more  the  Roman  popu- 
lation of  Italy  rallied  round  its  great  bishop  against  the  dis- 
liked Greek  power.  When  the  Emperor  Leo  the  Isauriau 
tried  to  extend  imperial  taxation  to  Italy,  Pope  Gregory 
sanctioned  resistance.  The  imperial  decree  regarding  images, 
we  have  noted,  met  with  like  reception.  Plans  were  discussed 
in  Italy  for  setting  up  a  new  emperor  in  Rome,  or  for  a  con- 
federation of  the  peninsula  under  the  pope.  In  730  and  731, 
as  the  dispute  over  images  grew  violent,  Leo  was  excommuni- 
cated by  church  councils,  which  had  been  summoned  for  the 
purpose  by  Popes  Gregory  II  and  Gregory  III.  Leo  sent  a  fleet 
and  army  to  seize  the  pope  and  subdue  Italy ;  but  a  storm 
wrecked  the  expedition. 

Until  these  events  the  popes,  though  elected  by  the  clergy 
and  people  of  Rome,  had   been  "confirmed"  in  their  office, 


§782]  THE   FRANKS  AND  THE   PAPACY  621 

like  other  bishops,  by  the  emperor,  l^ut  thereafter  Roman 
bishops  assumed  office  without  sanction  from  the  emperors. 
Fifty  years  later,  Pope  Hadrian  made  the  political  separation 
more  apparent  by  ceasing  to  date  events  by  the  reigns  of  the 
emperors.  Instead,  he  called  a  certain  day  "  December  1,  of 
the  year  781  in  the  reign  of  the  Lord  Jesus  Christ,  our  God  and 
Redeemer,"  ajid  so  began  our  method  of  counting  time.^ 

781.  The  Popes  and  the  Lombards.  —  The  new  papal  sov- 
ereignty was  seriously  threatened  by  the  Lombards.  The 
Lombard  king  Aistulf  had  seized  the  Exarchate  of  Ravenna 
in  the  north,  and  was  bent  upon  seizing  Rome  also.  Had  he 
succeeded,  Italy  would  have  become  one  state  with  a  united 
nation.  The  popes  appealed  to  the  Franks  for  aid.  The 
great  Frankish  mayors  had  need  of  papal  sanction  for  their 
plans  just  then,  and  so  a  bargain  was  struck  (§  782). 

For  Further  Reading.  —  Davis'  Beadings,  H,  No.  144. 

THE   FRANKS   AND  THE   PAPACY 
(From  Charles  the  Hammer  to  Charles  the  Great) 

782.  The  Carolingians^  and  the  Popes.  —  Shortly  after  the 
victory  at  Tours,  the  "  Do-nothing "  king  died.  Charles 
Martel  did  not  venture  to  take  the  title  of  king,  but  neither  did 
he  place  any  Merovingian  upon  the  throne.  He  continued  to 
rule,  in  his  capacity  as  Mayor  of  the  Palace,  without  any  king 
at  all.  Before  his  death  he  secured  the  consent  of  the  nobles 
to  the  division  of  his  office  between  his  sons  Karlmann  and 
Pippin. 

These  young  Mayors,  less  secure  at  first  than  their  victori- 
ous father,  crowned  a  Merovingian  prince,  in  whose  name  they 
governed,  like  their  predecessors.  Their  first  work  was  to 
continue  the  task  of  their  father  and  grandfather  in  restoring 
authority  over  Aquitaine  and  Bavaria.     Then   Karlmann  re- 

1  The  year  should  have  been  called  785  or  perhaps  788 ;  cf .  §  652,  note. 

2  For  this  name,  see  §  786,  note.  The  student  may  prepare  for  this  topic 
and  for  the  following  chapter  by  rereading  the  earlier  history  of  the  Franks. 


622  POLITICAL  HISTORY,   600-768  [§783 

tired  to  a  monastery,  —  as  various  other  princes,  English  and 
Lombard,  did  in  this  age,  — and  Pippin  began  to  think  of 
taking  to  himself  the  name  and  dignity,  as  well  as  the  labors, 
of  royalty. 

He  felt,  however,  the  need  of  powerful  sanction;  and,  in 
750,  he  sent  an  embassy  to  the  pope  to  ask  whether  this  was 
"  a  good  state  of  things  in  regard  to  the  kings  of  the  Franks." 
The  pope,  who  needed  Pippin's  aid  against  Lombard  encroach- 
ment, replied,  "It  seems  better  that  he  who  has  the  power 
should  be  king  rather  than  he  who  is  falsely  called  so." 
Thereupon  the  last  Merovingian  was  sent  to  a  monastery  and 
Pippin  assumed  the  crown.     (Davis'  Headings,  II,  No.  145.) 

783.  Pippin  saves  and  enlarges  the  Temporal  Power  of  the 
Popes.  —  This  brings  us  back  to  the  story  in  Italy  (§  781). 
Shortly  before  the  death  of  Martel,  the  Lombard  king  be- 
sieged the  pope  in  Rome.  The  pope  sent  pressing  requests 
to  the  Frankish  ruler  for  aid.  Since  the  time  of  Clovis, 
the  Franks  had  kept  up  friendly  relations  with  the  Roman 
bishops,  but  Martel  would  not  heed  this  summons.  The 
Lombards  were  his  allies  against  the  Arabs,  and  his  hands 
were  full  at  home. 

Pippin,  however,  owed  more  to  the  papacy.  Therefore,  when 
the  Lombards  attacked  Rome  again  (soon  after  Pippin's  coro- 
nation), Pope  Stephen  set  out  in  person  to  ask  aid  at  the 
Frankish  court.  During  this  visit  he  himself  re-consecrated 
Pippin  king  of  the  Franks.  On  his  part.  Pippin  made  two 
great  expeditions  into  Italy,  winning  easy  victories  over  the 
Lombards.  The  second  time  (756  a.d.)  he  reduced  Lombardy 
to  a  tributary  kingdom,  and  gave  to  the  pope  the  territory  that 
the  Lombards  had  recently  seized  from  the  Exarchate  of  Ravenna. 

784.  This  "Donation  of  Pippin"  created  the  principality 
of  the  Papal  States,  —  a  strip  of  territory  reaching  across 
Italy  from  Rome  to  Ravenna.^     The  exact  terms  of  Pippin's 

1  This  papal  kingdom  lasted  until  1870,  when  its  last  fragment  was  united 
to  the  new-born  kingdom  of  Italy.  Some  Catholics  hope  still  for  its  restora- 
tion.   They  believe  that  the  pope  cannot  be  free  to  direct  kingdoms  and 


^^     '^^^F 


§784]  THE  FRANKS  AND  THE  PAPACY  Y  623 

grant  are  not  known.  Some  writers  hold  that  the  pope  was 
intended  to  be  wholly  sovereign  in  this  territory.  Others 
maintain  that  Pippin  stepped  into  the  place  of  the  Greek 
emperor,  and  simply  intrusted  to  his  lieutenant,  the  pope, 
somewhat  larger  domains. 

Possibly,  at  the  moment,  neither  party  had  any  complete 
theory.  In  practice,  the  Frankish  kings  and  the  popes  long 
remained  close  friends,  and  it  was  not  until  much  later  (when 
disputes  arose)  that  a  theory  of  the  situation  was  needed. 
When  that  time  came,  however,  the  absence  of  clear  definition 
of  powers  in  this  grant  was  to  entangle  well-meaning  men 
on  opposite  sides  in  hopeless  quarrels  for  centuries.  The 
greatest  of  the  popes  held  to  the  first  of  the  two  views ;  the 
greatest  of  the  successors  of  Pippin,  to  the  second/  The  papal 
view  at  length  prevailed. 

rulers  in  moral  questions,  unless  he  is  independent  politically.  This  he  can 
be,  only  if  he  is  himself  a  sovereign  prince.  No  doubt  some  feeling  of  this 
kind  began  very  early  to  inspire  the  popes  in  their  march  toward  kingship. 


CHAPTER   XLVn 

THE   EMPIRE   OF   CHARLEMAGNE 

THE   STORY 

785.  Charlemagne  the  Man.  —  In  768,  Pippin,  king  of  the 
Franks,  was  succeeded  by  liis  son  Karl.  This  prince  is  known 
in  history  as  Charlemagne,  or  Charles  the  Great  (Carolus 
Magnus).^  He  was  one  of  the  most  remarkable  men  that  ever 
lived,  and  his  work  has  profoundly  influenced  all  later  history. 
His  friend  and  secretary,  Einhard,  describes  him  as  a  full- 
blooded  German,  —  an  Austrasian  Frank,  —  with  yellow  hair, 
fair  skin,  and  large,  keen,  blue  eyes.  He  was  unusually  tall,  but 
exceedingly  well  proportioned  and  graceful,  so  that  his  great 
height  did  not  at  first  strike  the  observer.  His  appearance 
was  always  manly  and  stately,  and  his  countenance  commonly 
was  open  and  cheerful;  but,  when  roused  to  anger,  his  eyes 
blazed  with  a  fire  that  few  men  cared  to  stand  before. 

Riding,  hunting,  and  swimming  were  his  favorite  sports,  but 
he  delighted  in  all  forms  of  bodily  exercise,  and  through  most 
of  his  life  he  was  amazingly  strong  and  active.  He  was 
simple  in  habits,  and  very  temperate  in  eating  and  drinking. 
He  was  fond  of  the  old  German  customs,  and  usually  wore  the 
ordinary  dress  of  a  Prankish  noble,  with  sword  at  his  side  and 
a  blue  cloak  flung  over  his  shoulders ;  but  he  was  also  fond 
of  the  Roman  culture,  and  strove  to  preserve  and  extend  it 
among  his  people. 


1  The  French  form  "  Charlemagne  "  has  won  general  acceptance,  but  the 
student  must  not  think  of  Charles  (Karl)  as  a  Frenchman,  or  even  as  "  king 
of  France."  He  was  "  king  of  the  Franks,"  and  in  history  he  was  the  prede- 
cessor of  the  later  German  kings  rather  than  of  French  kings. 

624 


§787]    EXPANSION  OF  TEUTONIC  CIVILIZATION       625 

He  spoke  readily  in  Latin  as  well  as  in  his  native  German ; 
and  he  understood  Greek  when  it  was  spoke;i.  Late  in  life  he 
learned  to  write,  but 
was  never  able  to  do 
.much  more  than  sign 
his  name.  For  the 
times,  however,  he  was 
an  educated  man.  At 
table,  he  liked  to  have 

some  one  read  to  him, 

J    -,  , .  Silver  Coin  of  Charlemagne. 

and    he    was    particu- 
larly fond  of  history.      ^^^  obverse  side  shows  plainly  the  Latin  form 

He     called    scholarly 

men  about  him  from  distant  countries  and  delighted  in  their 
conversation,  and  he  did  much  to  encourage  learning.  After 
his  death,  legend  magnified  and  mystified  his  fame,  until  he 
became  the  great  hero  of  medieval  story.* 

786.  The  Prankish  state  at  the  accession  of  Charlemagne  had' 
much  the  same  area  as  in  the  time  of  the  sons  of  Clovis;  but 
meantime  it  had  been  more  thoroughly  united  and  had  been 
absorbing  more  of  the  old  Roman  culture,  so  that  it  was  now 
ready  to  advance  once  more. 

The  realm  was  still  in  peril,  it  is  true,  from  Mohammedan- 
ism on  one  side,  and,  yet  more,  from  barbarism  on  the  other. 
The  first  Carolingians  ^  —  the  two  Pippins  and  the  Ham- 
mer—  had  checked  the  invasion.  Now,  under  this  vigorous 
new  prince,  the  Franks  took  the  aggressive  and  rolled  back 
the  peril  on  both  sides. 

787.  Wars  of  Charlemagne.  —  This  long  reign  of  nearly  fifty 
years  (768-814)  was  filled  with  ceaseless  border  warfare, 
oftentimes  two  or  more  great  campaigns  to  a  season.  At  first 
glimpse,  therefore,  Charlemagne  stands  forth  a  warlike  figure, 

1  Baldwin's  Story  of  Roland  gives  some  legends  of  Charlemagne's  court. 
Davis'  Readings,  II,  No.  146,  gives  Einhard's  description. 

2  This  name  (from  Karl,  Carolus)  is  applied  to  all  the  rulers  of  this  house 
from  the  time  of  its  founder,  Pippin  of  Heristal. 


626  THE   EMPIRE   OF  CHARLEMAGNE  [§788 

like  Caesar  and  Alexander.  Like  them  he  extended  by  arms 
the  area  of  civilized  life.  But  though  he  planned  campaigns, 
he  rarely  took  charge  of  them,  and  his  warfare  has  little  that  is 
striking  or  romantic.  It  consisted  generally  in  sending  over- 
whelming forces  into  the  enemy's  country  to  besiege  its  strong 
holds  and  waste  its  fields.  He  warred  not  for  glory  or  gain, 
but  to  crush  threatening  perils  before  they  should  become  too 
strong.  Charles  was  not  chiefly  fighter  or  general,  but  rather 
statesman  and  rider. 

788.  The  Winning  of  the  Saxon  Lands,  to  the  Elbe,  772-804.  — 
The  most  desperate  struggle  was  with  the  heathen  Saxons,  who 
were  threatening  to  treat  the  Frankish  state  as  small  bands 
of  them  had  treated  Britain  some  three  centuries  before. 
That  fierce  people  still  held  the  wilderness  between  the  Rhine 
and  the  Elbe,  near  the  North  Sea.  Protected  by  their 
marshes  and  trackless  forests,  these  heathen  kept  up  the  con- 
test against  all  the  power  of  Charlemagne  for  more  than  thirty 
years.  Repeatedly  they  were -vanquished  and  baptized,  —  for 
Charles  forced  the  tribes  that  submitted  to  accept  Christianity 
on  pain  of  death ;  but  nine  times,  after  such  submission,  they 
rebelled,  massacring  Frankish  garrisons  and  returning  to* 
heathen  freedom,  —  to  their  human  sacrifices  and  the  eating  of 
the  bodies  of  witches. 

Charles's  methods  grew  stern  and  cruel.  The  greatest  blot 
on  his  fame  is  the  "massacre  at  Verden,"  where  forty-five 
hundred  leaders  of  rebellion,  who  had  been  given  up  at 
his  demand,  were  put  to  death.  The  embers  of  revolt  still 
flamed  out,  however,  and  finally  Charles  transported  whole 
Saxon  tribes  into  Gaul, '  giving  their  homes  to  Frankish 
pioneers  and  garrisons. 

Whatever  we  think  of  the  methods,  these  wars  were  the 
most  fruitful  of  the  century.  The  long  pounding  of  thiiiy 
years  laid  the  foundation  for  modern  Germany.  Charlemagne 
completed  the  work  that  Caesar  and  Augustus  began  eight 
centuries  before.  Now  that  the  Roman  world  had  been  Ger- 
manized, it  was  time  for  Germany  to  be  Romanized.      Civili- 


§790]         UNION  OF  THE   CIVILIZED  TEUTONS  627 

zatioii  and  Christianity  were  extended  from  the  Rhine  to  the 
Elbe.  The  district  was  planted  with  churches  and  monas- 
teries. Around  them,  towns  grew  up,  so  that  these  foundations 
proved  more  powerful  than  any  army  in  holding  the  Saxon 
lands  to  the  Frankish  state.  The  Saxon  campaigns  of  Charle- 
magne began  the  armed  colonization  of  the  heathen  East  by  the 
civilized  Germans,  — a  movement  which  was  to  become  one  of 
the  great  marks  of  the  later  Middle  Ages. 

789.  Spain,  Italy,  Bavaria.  —  Other  foes  engaged  the  atten- 
tion the  great  king*  would  have  preferred  to  give  to  reconstruc- 
tion. The  Saracens  were  easily  thrust  back  to  the  Ebro,  so 
that  a  strip  of  north  Spain  became  a  Frankish  mark.^  The  last 
vassal  Lombard  king,  Desiderius,  quarreled  with  the  pope. 
After  fruitless  negotiation,  Charles  marched  into  Italy,  con- 
firmed Pippin's  grant  to  the  pope,  sent  Desiderius  to  a 
monastery,  and  crowned  himself  king  of  the  Lombards,  at  Pavia, 
with  the  ancient  iron  crown  of  Lombardy.  Bavaria,  always 
uncertain  in  its  allegiance  (§  766),  rebelled.  Charlemagne 
subdued  it  thoroughly,  sending  its  duke  into  a  monastery  and 
incorporating  it  into  the  Frankish  state.^ 

790.  Union  of  the  German  People. —  Thus,  Visigoth,  Lombard, 
Burgund,  Frank,  Bavarian,  Allemand,  Saxon, — all  the  surviving 
Germanic  peoples,  except  those  in  the  Scandinavian  peninsula 
and  in  Britain,  —  were  united  into  one  Christian  Romano- 
Teutonic  state.^  This  seems  to  have  been  the  aim  of 
Charlemagiie.    More  than  this  he  did  not  wish.    He  might  easily 

1  The  defeat  of  Charlemagne's  rear  guard,  on  the  return,  by  the  wild  tribes- 
men of  the  Pyrenees,  in  the  pass  of  Roncesvalles,  gave  rise  to  the  legend  of  the 
death  of  the  hero  Roland  in  battle  with  Saracens  there.  The  details  are 
fable,  but  the  Song  of  Roland  was  the  most  famous  poem  of  the  early  Middle 
Ages. 

2  Note  the  distinction :  Lombardy  remained  a  separate  kingdom  from  that 
of  the  Franks,  though  the  two  states  had  the  same  king ;  Bavaria  became 
part  of  the  kingdom  of  the  Franks,  with  no  separate  government. 

8  The  population  was  largely  Roman  still,  hut  politically  the  different  parts 
of  the  state  were  essentially  Teutonic.  In  all  its  divisions,  —  in  Italy  and 
south  Gaul,  as  in  Saxon-land,  —  the  rule,  for  the  most  part,  teas  in  Teutonic 
hands. 


628  THE   EMPIRE   OF  CHARLEMAGNE  [§791 

have  seized  more  of  Spain  or  the  provinces  of  the  Greek  Empire 
in  south  Italy.  The  Empire,  indeed,  gave  him  no  little  provoca- 
tion. But  with  rare  moderation  he  returned  freely  some  Adriatic 
provinces  that  had  voluntarily  submitted  to  him.  For  mere 
conquest,  such  realms  would  have  been  vastly  more  attractive 
than  the  bleak  Saxon-land,  but  it  seems  plain  that  Charles  did 
not  wish  to  incorporate  inharmonious  elements  into  his 
German   state. 

It  is  notable  also  that  the  small  Teutonic  states  outside  his 
realms,  —  in  Denmark  and  in  England, -^  recognized  some 
vague  overlordship  in  the  ruler  of  the  Teutonic  continent. 

791.  Wars  against  the  Slavs. — Beyond  the  German  territory 
there  stretched  away  indeiinitely  the  savage  Slavs  and  Avars, 
who  from  time  to  time  hurled  themselves  against  the  barriers 
of  civilization,  as  in  old  Roman  days.  In  the  closing  part  of  his 
reign,  Charlemagne  attacked  barbarism  in  its  own  strongholds. 
These  long  wars  were  really  defensive  in  character.  The  Ger- 
mans had  now  become  the  champions  of  European  civilization. 
Gradually  the  first  line  of  the  savage  peoples  beyond  the  Elbe 
and  Danube  (including  modern  Bohemia  and  Moravia)  was  re- 
duced to  tributary  kingdoms.  Charles  made  no  attempt,  how- 
ever, really  to  incorporate  these  conquests  into  his  German 
state,  or  to  force  Christianity  upon  them.  They  were  intended 
to  serve  as  buffers  against  their  untamed  brethren  farther  east. 

The  most  famous  work  of  Charlemagne,  if  not  the  most  use- 
ful, was  the  reestablishment  of  the  Roman  Empire  in  the  West. 
To  this  we  will  now  direct  our  attention.    . 

792.  Revival  of  the  "  Roman  Empire  "  in  the  West.  —  The  state 
ruled  by  Clovis  and  by  Pippin  had  been  not  so  much  a 
kingdom  as  an  empire,  in  extent  and  character,  comprising,  as 
it  did,  many  sub-states  and  diverse  peoples.  Charlemagne 
intensified  this  imperial  character,  and  he  ruled  also  over 
wide  realms  in  north  Italy  which  were  not  in  the  Frankish 
state  at  all.  Now  he  was  to  strengthen  his  power  by  reviving 
the  dignity  and  the  magic  name  of  the  Roman  Empire.  He  knew 
that  the  mere  "  king  of  the  Franks  "  could  never  sway  the  minds 


§795]    ROMAN  EMPIRE   REVIVED  IN  THE  WEST      629 

of  Visigoth,  Lombard,  Bavarian,  Saxon,  and  especially  of  the 
Roman  populations  they  dwelt  among,  as  could  the  "  Emperor  of 
the  Romans  "  ruling  from  the  old  world-capital. 

There  was  already  a  "Roman  Emperor,"  of  course,  at  Con- 
stantinople,  whose   authority,   in   theory,   extended   over  all  I 
Christendom.     Just  at  this  time,  however,  Irene,  the  empress-  I 
mother,  put  out  the  eyes  of  her  son,  Constantine  VI,  and  seized  | 
the  imperial  power.     To  most  minds.  East  and  West,  it  seemed 
monstrous  that  a  woman  should  pretend  to  sway  the  scepter  of 
the  world,  and  Charles  decided  to  restore  the  throne  to  its  an- 
cient capital  in  the  West. 

793.  Election  and  Coronation.  —  On  Christmas  day,  800  a.d., 
Charlemagne  was  at  Rome,  whither  he  had  been  called  once 
more  to  protect  the  pope  from  turbulent  Italian  enemies.  Dur- 
ing the  Christmas  service,  while  the  king  knelt  in  prayer.  Pope 
Leo  III  placed  upon  his  head  a  gold  crown  and  saluted  him  as 
Charles  Augustus,  Emperor  of  the  Romans.  The  act  was  ratified 
by  the  enthusiastic  acclaim  of  the  multitude.  Once  more  Rome 
had  chosen  an  Imperator. 

794.  Theory  of  the  Empire. — This  act  of  Leo  and  Charles 
was  not  a  partition  of  imperial  duties,  as  between  Diocletian 
and  his  colleague,  nor  a  friendly  division  of  territory,  as  be- 
tween Arcadius  and  Honorius  (§  680).  It  was  in  theory  the 
restoration  of  the  seat  of  the  one  universal  Empire  to  Rome. 
In  fact,  however,  it  created  ttvo  rival  empires,  each  calling 
itself  the  Roman  Empire,  and  Iboking  on  the  other  as  a 
usurpation. 

Men  of  that  day  spoke  of  Charlemagne  as  the  successor  not  of  Rom- 
alus  Augustulus  (the  last  "emperor"  in  the  West,  §728),  but  of  Con- 
stantine VI,  just  deposed  at  Constantinople.  In  course  of  time,  to  be 
sure,  men  had  to  recognize  that  there  were  two  Empires,  as  there  had 
come  to  be  two  branches  of  the  Christian  Church  ;  but  to  the  men  of  the 
West,  their  Empire,  like  their  Ciiurch,  remained  the  only  legitimate  one. 

795.  Western  and  Eastern  Empires  Contrasted. —Neither  Empire 
was  really  Roman.  The  Eastern  grew  more  and  more  Oriental,  until  it 
ended  in  1453  AD,  when  the  Turks  captured  Constantinople.  The  West- 
ern grew  more  and  more  Teutonic,  until  it  ended  in  1806,  before  which 


630  THE  EMPIRE   OF  CHARLEMAGNE  [§796 

time  its  rulers  had  shrunk  into  little  more  than  dukes  of  Austria.  Both 
Empires  continued  to  stand  for  civilization  as  against  barbarism.  The 
Eastern,  however,  was  henceforth  largely  passive,  and  calls  for  little  at- 
tention in  European  history :  the  active  forces  for  civilization  were  found . 
in  the  West.  The  Eastern  Empire  warded  off  from  Europe  inroads  of 
Asiatic  barbarism,  and  served  as  a  storehouse  of  the  old  culture.  The 
Western  Empire  learned  from  the  Eastern  some  of  its  civilization,  and 
extended  Christianity  and  good  order  in  Central  Europe. 

796.  The  Empires  of  Charlemagne  and  of  Constantine  Contrasted. 
—  The  new  Western  Empire,  too,  while  one  in  theory  with  the 
old  Empire  of  Augustus  and  Constantine,  differed  from  it  al- 
most as  widely  as  from  the  Byzantine  Empire. 

a.  The  new  Empire  was  European,  and  even  Teutonic,  rather 
than  Mediterranean,  both  in  area  and  character.  Charlemagne 
and  his  successors  had  to  be  crowned  in  Rome ;  hut  the  German. 
Rhiite,  7iot  the  Italian  Tiber,  was  the  real  ceyiter  of  their  state. 
Aachen,  not  Rome,  was  the  real  capital  of  the  government. 
Greek  and  Oriental  influences  were  almost  wholly  excluded; 
and  Roman  ideas,  so  far  as  they  remained,  were  worked  out  by 
rulers  of  Teutonic  blood. 

6.  The  new  Empire  arose  out  of  a  union  of  the  Papacy  and 
the  Frankish  power.  This  union  began  in  the  coronation  and 
the  donation  of  Pippin,  and  was  confirmed  by  the  Christmas- 
day  coronation  of  Charles.  In  later  times  the  union  was  to  be 
expressed  in  the  name,  The  Holy  Roman  Empire.  The  Empire 
had  its  spiritual  as  well  as  its  temporal  head.  The  limits  of 
authority  between  the  two  were  not  well  defined,  and  dissen- 
sions were  afterward  to  arise  between  them. 

797.  The  Great  Powers  in  8oo  A.D.  —  Thus  at  the  close  of  Ancient 
History  the  world  is  divided  among  four  Great  Powers  —  the  two  Christian 
Empires  and  the  two  rival  Mohammedan  Caliphates.^ 

The  Christian  states  were  in  some  sense  rivals.  Each  was  bitterly 
hostile  to  its  Mohammedan  neighbor,  and  each  in  consequence  was  to 

1  The  Caliph  Haroun  al  Raschid  at  Bagdad,  the  hero  of  the  Arabian  Nights^ 
was  Charlemagne's  contemporary.  In  an  exchange  of  courtesies,  the  Saracen 
sent  to  the  Frankish  king  a  white  elephant  and  a  curious  water  clock  that 
struck  the  hours. 


\i 


798] 


SOCIETY  ABOUT  800  A.D. 


631 


some  degree  on  friendly  terms  with  the  Mohammedan  power  bordering 
the  other.  The  only  one  of  the  four  states  that  was  to  stand  finally  for 
progress  was  the  Western  Empire^  with  its  fringes  in  the  Teutonic  states 
of  Scandinavia  and  England. 


SOCIETY  AND   GOVERNMENT 


798.   Poverty  and  Misery.  —  We  must  not  think  that  the  glory 
and  prosperity  of  the  old  Empire  had  been  restored.     To  ac- 


flit  1 

i 

Thkone  of  Charlemagne  At  Aachen. 


632  THE  EMPIRE   OF  CHARLEMAGNE  [§799 

complish  that  was  to  be  the  work  of  centuries  more.  In  800, 
the  West  was  ignorant  and  poor.  There  was  much  barbarism 
in  the  most  civilized  society.  Roads  had  fallen  into  neglect, 
and  there  was  little  communication  between  one  district  and 
another.  Money  was  little  heard  of.  Trade  hardly  existed. 
Almost  the  only  industry  was  a  primitive  kind  of  agricul- 
ture. 

Perhaps  this  condition  is  best  realized  by  looking  at  the 
revenues  of  Charlemagne  himself.  Great  and  powerful  as  he 
was,  he  was  always  pinched  for  money.  There  were  no  taxes, 
as  we  understand  the  word,  —  partly  because  there  was  no 
money  to  pay  them  with,  and  little  produce.  Payment  was 
made  by  service  in  person.  The  common  freemen  paid  by 
serving  in  the  ranks  in  war ;  the  nobles  paid  by  serving  there, 
with  their  followers,  and  also  by  serving,  without  salary,  as  of- 
ficers in  the  administration.  The  treasury  received  some  fines, 
and  it  was  enriched  somewhat  by  the  "gifts"  which  were 
expected  from  the  wealthy  men  of  the  realm;  but  its  chief 
support  came  from  the  produce  of  the  royal  farms  scattered 
through  the  kingdom.  Charlemagne  took  the  most  minute 
care  that  these  lands  should  be  well  tilled,  and  that  each 
should  pay  him  every  Qgg  and  vegetable  due.  For  the  man- 
agement of  his  estates  he  drew  up  regulations,  from  which  we 
learn  much  about  the  conditions  of  the  times.  (Davis'  Read- 
ings, II,  No.  149.) 

799.  Five  feat^ires  of  the  government  deserve  attention, — 
the  administration  by  counts;  the  watching  of  the  counts  by 
the  missi  dominici;  the  kincfs  own  marvelous  activity;  the  is- 
suing of  capitularies;  and  Mayjields. 

a.  Under  the  Merovingians,  large  fragments  of  the  king- 
dom fell  under  the  rule  of  dukes,  who  became  almost  inde- 
pendent sovereigns  and  who  usually  passed  on  their  authority 
to  their  sons.  Pippin  began  to  replace  these  hereditary  dukes 
with  appointed  counts,  more  closely  dependent  upon  the  royal 
will.     This  practice  was  extended  by  Charlemagne. 

Except  on  the  frontier,  no  one  count  was  given  a  large  dis- 


799] 


GOVERNMENT 


633 


trict ;  therefore  the  number  of  these  officers  was  very  great. 
On  the  frontiers,  to  watch  the  outside  barbarians,  the  imperial 
officers  were  given  large  territories  ("  marks  ")  and  were  known 


L^'^^ui    -^^■j-  -' 

m^m 

If^^Bi^N 

«l! 

■ 

n^ 

^/-Ss^ 

FM^ 

^^■^^■^H      V 

.^i 
■ 

I^^^^^^M»     -^< 

in 

L 

^^^ 

MHwiib 

i^ 

k  '*'•            ^ 

B          "^                       ^ 

S::l*l2 

M 

i 

K...  -1 

1        ! 

3 

« '  *  •  -  '  r       ■    r 

•  V 

Cathedral  of  Aachen  —  the  so-called  Carolingian  part, 

as  margraves.  To  the  counts  and  margraves  was  intrusted  all 
ordinary  business  of  government  for  their  districts.  They 
maintained  order,  administered  justice,  levied  troops,  and  in 
all  ways  represented  the  king  to  the  people. 


634  THE   EMPIRE   OF  CHARLEMAGNE  [§799 

h.  Like  the  old  dukes,  the  counts  tended  to  become  identi- 
fied with  their  localities  as  independent  rulers,  and  to  transmit 
their  power  to  their  sons.  To  oppose  this  tendency  directly 
in  those  times  was  hardly  possible.  So,  to  keep  the  counts 
in  order,  Charlemagne  introduced  a  new  set  of  officers  known 
as  missi  dominici  ("king's  messengers").  The  empire  was 
divided  into  districts,  each  containing  the  governments  of 
several  counts^  and  to  each  such  district  each  year  there  was 
sent  a  pair  of  these  commissioners,  to  examine  the  adminis- 
tration and  to  act,  for  the  year,  as  the  king's  self,  —  over- 
seeing the  work  of  local  counts,  correcting  injustice,  holding 
popular  assemblies,  and  reporting  all  to  the  king.^  The  com- 
missioners were  moved  from  one  circuit  to  another,  year  after 
year,  so  that  they  should  not  establish  too  intimate  relations 
with  one  set  of  counts.  Usually,  too,  the  pair  of  missi  were 
made  up  of  one  layman  and  one  bishop,  so  that  the  two  might 
be  the  more  ready  to  check  each  other. 

c.  This  simple  system  worked  wonderfully  well  in  Charle- 
magne's lifetime,  largely  because  of  his  own  marvelous  activ- 
ity. Despite  the  terrible  conditions  of  the  roads,  and  the 
other  hardships  of  travel  in  those  times,  the  king  was  con- 
stantly on  the  move,  journeying  from  end  to  end  of  his  vast 
dominions  and  attending  unweariedly  to  its  wants.  No  com- 
mercial traveler  of  to-day  travels  more  faithfully,  and  none 
dreams  of  meeting  such  hardships. 

d.  With  the  help  of  his  chief  advisers,  the  king  drew  up 
collections  of  laws  to  suit  the  needs  of  his  people.  These 
collections  are  known  as  capitularies. 

e.  Mayfields.  To  keep  in  closer  touch  with  popular  feeling 
in  all  parts'of  the  kingdom,  Charlemagne  made  use  of  the  old 
Teutonic  assemblies  in  fall  and  spring.  All  freemen  could 
attend  and  speak.  Sometimes,  especially  when  war  was  to 
be  decided  upon,  this  "Mayfield"  gathering  comprised  the 

iCf.  §  76.  Read  Emerton's  Introduction,  220,  221,  or  Adams'  Civilization, 
160-162.  See  also  Charlemagne's  instructions  to  the  missi,  in  Robinson's 
Readings,  1, 139-143. 


§801]  PLACE  IN  HISTORY  635 

bulk  of  the  men  of  the  Frankish  nation.     At  other  times  it 
was  made  up  only  of  the  great  nobles  and  churchmen. 

To  these  assemblies  the  capitularies  were  read;  but  the 
assembly  was  not  itself  a  legislature.  Lawmaking  was  in  the 
hands  of  the  king.  At  the  most,  the  assemblies  could  only 
bring  to  bear  upon  him  the  force  of  public  opinion. 

800.  Education.  —  Attention  has  been  called  (§  785)  to 
Charlemagne's  interest  in  learning.  The  difficulties  in  building 
up  a  better  education  were  almost  beyond  our  comprehension. 
TJiere  seemed  noplace  to  begin.  Not  only  the  nobles,  but  even 
many  of  the  better  clergy  were  densely  ignorant.  The  only 
tools  to  work  with  were  poor. 

Charlemagne  did  much.  He  secured  more  learned  men  for 
the  clergy.  He  brought  about  the  opening  of  schools  in  many 
of  the  monasteries  and  at  the  seats  of  some  of  the  bishops ; 
and  he  urged  that  these  schools  should  not  only  train  the 
clergy  but  that  they  should  teach  all  children  to  read,  even 
those  of  serfs.  Some  of  the  schools  established  or  revived  at 
this  time,  as  at  Tours  and  Orleans,  acquired  much  fame.  For 
teachers,  learned  men  were  brought  from  Italy,  where  the 
Roman  culture  best  survived.  Charlemagne  also  established 
a  famous  "  School  of  the  Palace  "  for  the  young  nobles  of  the 
court ;  and  the  scholar  Alcidn  was  induced  to  come  from  Eng- 
land to  direct  it.  The  emperor  himself,  when  time  permitted, 
studied  at  the  tasks  of  the  boys. 

With  great  zeal,  too,  he  strove  to  secure  a  true  copying  of  val- 
uable manuscripts,  and  especially  a  correction  of  errors  that  had 
crept  into  the  services  of  the  church  through  careless  copying. 

801.  The  Place  of  Charlemagne's  Empire  in  History.  —  In 
the  early  part  of  the  eighth  century  there  were  four  great 
forces  contending  for  Western  Europe,  —  the  Greek  Empire, 
the  Saracens,  the  Franks,  and  the  Papacy.  By  the  year  800, 
the  Carolingians  had  excluded  two  and  had  fused  the  other 
two  into  the  revived  Roman  Empire. 

For  centuries  more,  this  Roman  Empire  was  to  be  one  of 
the  most  important  institutions  in   Europe.     Barbarism   and 


636  THE  EMPIRE   OF  CHARLEMAGNE  [§802 

a\i\archy  were  again  to  break  in,  after  the  death  of  the  great 
Charles;  but  the  imperial  idea  to  which  he  had  given  new 
life  and  new  meaning  was  to  be  for  ages  the  inspiration  of  the 
best  minds  as  they  strove  against  the  forces  of  anarchy  in 
behalf  of  order,  peace,  and  progress. 

802.  The  Place  of  Charlemagne.  —  For  his  lifetime,  Charle- 
magne restored  order  to  Europe.  It  is  true  he  was  ahead  of 
his  age ;  and,  after  his  death,  his  great  design  in  many  respects 
broke  to  pieces.  It  is  true,  too,  that  he  built  upon  the  work  of 
his  father  and  grandfather.  But  he  towers  above  them,  and 
above  all  other  men  from  the  fifth  to  the  fifteenth  century,  — 
easily  the  greatest  figure  of  a  thousand  years. 

He  stands  for  five  great  movements.  He  expanded  the  area 
of  civilization,  created  one  great  Romano-Teutonic  state,  revived 
the  Roman  Empire  in  the  West  for  the  outward  form  of  this 
state,  reorganized  the  church  and  civil  society,  and  brought 
about  a  revival  of  learning.  Looking  at  this  work  as  a  whole, 
we  may  say  he  wrought  wisely  to  combine  the  best  elements 
of  Roman  and  of  Teutonic  society  into  a  new  civilization. 
In  his  Empire  the  various  streams  of  influence  that  loe  have 
traced  in  Ancient  History  were  at  last  fused  in  one  great  current^ 
—  and  Modern  History  was  begun. 


For  Further  Reading.  —  A  good  brief  treatment  of  Charlemagne's 
work  may  be  found  in  Emerton's  Introduction,  180-235,  or  in  Adams' 
Civilization,  154-169.  Einhard's  contemporary  Life  of  Charlemagne  is 
published  in  Harper's  Half-Hour  Series  (30  cents).  Hodgkins'  Charles 
the  Great  is  a  readable  and  valuable  little  book. 

EXERCISES   ON  PART  VI 

1.  Topical  and  "  catchword  "  reviews  :    {a)  The  church  (see  Part  V 
(&)    The  Franks ,    (c)   The  Empire. 

2.  Dates  to  be  added  for  events  subsequent  to  the  Teutonic  invasions  : 
378,  410,  476,  622,  732,  800. 

What  events  connected  with  the  invasions  can  the  student  locate,  in 
order,  between  378  and  476  ?  What  events  in  the  history  of  the  Empire 
between  476  and  732  ?     (Similar  tests  for  other  periods. ) 

3.  Battles.    Add  to  previous  lists  five  battles  for  the  period  378-800. 


APPENDIX 


A  SELECT  LIST  OF  BOOKS  ON  ANCIENT  HISTORY  FOR 
HIGH  SCHOOLS 

Prehistoric  Culture 

Clodd,  E.,  Story  of  Primitive  Man.     Appleton,  New  York.     $0.36. 

Story  of  the  Alphabet.     Appleton.    $1. 

Dodge,  R.  J.,  Our  Wild  Indians.     Hartford.     $2.60. 

Joly,  N.,  Man  before  Metals.     Appleton.     $1.75. 

Mason,  0.  T.,  Woman''s  Share  in  Primitive  Culture.    Appleton.     $1.75. 

Starr,  F. ,  Some  First  Steps  in  Human  Progress.     Flood  and  Vincent, 
Meadville,  Pa.     $1. 

It  is  not  suggested  that  a  school  library  should  own  all  of  the  above 
works,  until  it  is  well  supplied  in  other  directions.  But  any  of  them 
will  make  entertaining  reading.  For  Fiction^  on  the  same  period, 
the  only  good  attempt  is  Stanley  Waterloo's  Story  of  Ab. 

Oriental  History 

Baikie,  James,  Story  of  the  Pharaohs  (illustrated).    Macmillan,  New 

York.     $2. 
Breasted,  J.  H. ,  History  of  the  Ancient  Egyptians.    Scribner,  New  York. 
$1.25. 

The  same  author  has  a  larger,  finely  illustrated  work  covering  the 
same  ground. 

History  of  Egypt.    Scribner,  New  York.    $6. 

This  is  the  most  recent  and  scholarly  work  in  English  on  Egypt 

(1909).    But  the  smaller  work  is  good  ;  and  Baikie's  Story  (above) 

•    is  perhaps  more  readable  than  either. 

*  Davis,  William  Stearns,  Beadings   in  Ancient  History.     Allyn  and 

Bacon,  Boston.    Two  volumes  :  "  Greece  and  the  East "  and  '*  Rome 

and  the  West."     Each  $1. 

The  first  volume  contains  sixty  pages  of  "source  material"  on 
Oriental  history,  with  valuable  introductions.     The  Headings  (unless 

637 


638  APPENDIX 

bought  by  each  student  in  the  class)  should  be  present  in  the  library 
in  multiple  copies.  See  Suggestions  for  Reading  on  page  9  of  this 
text. 

Hommel,  F.,  Civilization  of  the  East  ("Primer").     Macmillan.    $0.40. 

Jackson,  A.  V.  W.,  Zoroaster.     Macmillan.     $1.50. 

*  Myres,  J.  L.,  Dawn  of  History  (Home  University  Series).     Holt,  New 

York.    10.50.    An  admirable  little  book. 
Petrie,  W.  Flinders,  Arts  and  Crafts  of  Ancient  Egypt  (illustrated). 
McClurg,  Chicago.    $1.75. 

Valuable  for  students  in  industrial  courses,  but  somewhat  techni- 
cal.   Professor  Petrie  is  the  most  famous  Egyptian  explorer  of  our 
times. 
Sayce,  A.  H.,  Assyria:  Its  Princes^  Priests^  and  People  (illustrated). 
Revell,   Chicago.     $1. 

Babylonians  and  Assyrians.     Revell,  Chicago.     $1. 

A  somewhat  later  work  than  the  preceding.    One  of  the  two  is 
well  worth  while  in  a  high  school  library.     Very  readable. 
Winckler,  Hugo,  Babylonia  and  Assyria.     Scribner.     $1.25. 

More  recent  in  scholarship  than  Sayce,  but  hardly  so  readable. 

Civilization  in  Ancient  Crete 

Baikie,  James,  Sea  Kings  of  Crete  (handsomely  illustrated).     Mac- 

mnian.     $2.     The  best  single  volume  on  the  topic. 
Hawes  and  Hawes,    Crete,   the  Forerunner  of  Qreece.     Harper,  New 

York.    $0.75. 

Greek  Histort 
Source  Material. 

*  Davis,  William  Stearns,  Readings  in  Ancient  History.    This  work  is 

described  in  the  list  for  Oriental  history  above.     It  is  particularly 
valuable  for  Greek  history,  and  should  be  the  first  library  material 
purchased  on  that  subject.     The  use  of  it,  however,  will  certainly. 
lead  many  students  to  wish  to  know  more  of  certain  ancient  authors 
quoted  in  it ;  and  the  small  list  below  ought  to  be  accessible. 

Aristotle,  On  the  Constitution  of  Athens ;  translated  by  Kenyon.    Mac- 
millan.    $1. 

This  is  the  least  readable  of  the  books  mentioned  in  this  list ;  but 
it  can  be  used  in  parts,  under  a  teacher's  direction. 

Herodotus,   Rawlinson's   translation,  edited   by  Grant ;    two  volumes  : 
Scribner.     $3.50. 


A  SELECT  LIST  OF  BOOKS  639 

Macaulay's  translation,  two  volumes.     Macmillan,     $4.50. 

*  Homer^s  Iliad,  translated  by  Lang,  Leaf,  and  Myers.    Macmillan.    (0.80. 

*  Homer^s  Odyssey,  translated  by  Butcher  and  Lang.    Macmillan.    10.80. 

Translated  by  Palmer.     Houghton.     .|0.75. 

Plutarch,  Lives;  translated  by  Clough ;  Everyman's  Library  (Dutton, 
New  York)  ;  three  volumes,  each  $0.76. 

Thucydides,  History  of  the  Peloponnesian  War.  Jowett's  translation ; 
Clarendon  Press,  Oxford  ;  four  volumes.  $3.50.  Or  the  same  edited 
in  one  volume  and  published  by  Lothrop,  Boston.     $2.50. 

Everyman's  Library  (Dutton,  New  York)  gives  several  volumes  of 
these  classics  at  cheaper  rates.  Constant  additions'  are  made  to  the 
Library.  Herodotus  and  Thucydides  can  be  obtained  also  in  less  de- 
sirable translations,  but  much  cheaper,  in  Harper's  Classical  Librar)'. 

Modern  Works. 

*  Abbott,  E.,  Pericles  ("  Heroes").     Putnams,  New  York.    $L50. 

Bliimner,  H.,  Home  Life  of  the  Ancient  Greeks  (profusely  illustrated) 

Cassell,  New  York.     $2. 

(Still  valuable  ;  but  if  the  library  is  buying  a  new  book  on  the  sub- 
ject, it  should  get  Gulick,  below). 

*  Bury,  J.  B.,  History  of  Greece  to  the  Death  of  Alexander.    Macmillan. 

$1.90.     The  best  single  volume  on  the  whole  field. 

*  Church,  E.  J.,  Trial  and  Death  of  Socrates.    Macmillan.     $1. 

A  translation  of  four  of  Plato's  Dialogues  touching  upon  this 
period  of  Socrates'  life.  They  are  also  the  easiest  of  Plato's  writings 
for  young  people  to  understand.     It  has  valuable  comments. 

Cox,  G.  W.,  Greeks  and  Persians.  Epochs  Series.  Longmans,  New 
York.     $1 . 

*  Cox,  G.  W.,  The  Athenian  Empire.     Epochs  Series.     Longmans.     $1. 
Cunningham,  W.,  Western  Civilization  in  its  Economic  Aspects :  Ancient 

Times.     Macmillan.     $1.25. 
The  best  work  on  its  special  phase.     Very  full  for  Greece. 

*  Davis,  William  Stearns,  A  Day  in   Old  Athens,  Allyn  and  Bacon, 

Boston. 

A  Victor  of  Salamis  {no\e\) .     Macmillan.     $1.50. 

Exceedingly  vivid  presentation  of  Greek  life. 
Gayley,  C.  M.,  Classic  Myths.     Ginn,  Boston.     $1. 

*  Grant,  A.  J.,  Greece  in  the  Age  of  Pericles.    Scribner.    $1. 


640  APPENDIX 

*Gulick,  Chas.  B.,  Life  of  the  Ancient  Greeks  (illustrated).    Appleton. 
$1.40. 

The  best  treatment ;  preferable  to  the  older  one  by  Bltimner  men- 
tioned above. 

Gardiner,  E.  N.,  Greek  Athletic  Sports  and  Festivals  (illustrated).    Mac- 
millan.    $2.50. 

*  Mahaffy,  J.  P.,  Alexander's  Empire.    Putnams,  New  York.    $1.50. 
Old  Greek  Life  (Primer).     American  Book  Co.     $0.35. 

Progress  of  Hellenism  in  Alexander's  Empire.     University  of  Chi- 
cago Press.     $1. 

*  Wheeler,  Benjamin  Ida,  Alexander  the  Great  ("  Heroes").     Putnams. 

$1.50. 

As  is  said  above.  Bury  is  the  best  single  work  on  Greek  history. 
It  closes  with  the  death  of  Alexander.  Cox's  little  volumes  in  the 
Epochs  Series  are  slightly  preferable  for  the  Athenian  period ;  and 
Wheeler's  Alexander  is  admirable  for  its  period.  For  the  age  after 
Alexander,  the  best  book  is  Mahaffy's  Alexander's  Empire  or  his 
Progress  of  Hellenism. 

Roman  History 
Source  Material. 

*  Davis,  William  Stearns,  Readings  in  Ancient  History,  as  for  Greek 

History  above. 

Munro,  D.  C,  Source  Book  in  Boman  History.     Heath.     $1. 
Tacitus.     2  vols.     MaCmillan.     $2. 

Modern  Works. 

*  Beesly,  A.  H.,  The  Gracchi,  Marius  and  Sulla.    Epochs  Series.    Long- 

mans.    $1. 

Bradley,  H.,  TTie  G'oiA.'?  ("Nations").     Putnams.     $1.50. 
Bury,  J.  B.,  The  Boman  Empire  to  180  a.d.  ("  Student's").     American 
Book  Co.     $1.50. 

*  Capes,  W.  W.,  Early  Boman  Empire.    Epochs  Series.    Longmans.    $1. 
Age  of  the  Antonines.     Epochs  Series.     Longmans.     $1. 

Carr,  The  Church  and  the  Empire.     Longmans.    $0.80. 

Church,  A.  J.,  Boman  Life  in  the  Days  of  Cicero.     Macmillan.     $0.50. 

Church,  R.  W.,  Beginning  of  the  Middle  Ages.     Epochs  Series.     Long- 
mans.   $1. 


A  SELECT   LIST   OF   BOOKS  641 

Davis,  William  Stearns,  A  Friend  of  Caesar  (fiction).    Macmillan.    $1.60. 
Fowler,  Warde,  Caesar  ("Heroes").     Putnams.    $1.5(). 
Fowler,  Social  Life  in  the  Age  of  Cicero.     Macmillan.     .$1.60. 
A  useful  and  readable  book. 

*  How  and  Leigh,  History  of  Borne  to  the  Death  of  Caesar.     Longmans. 

12. 

*  Ihne,  Wilhelm,  JE'aW^/ Some.     Epochs  Series.     Longmans.     §1. 
Inge,  W.  R.,  Society  in  Borne  under  the  Caesars.     Scribners.     $1.25. 
Johnston,  H.  W.,  Private  Life  of  the  Bomans.     Scott,  Foresman  &  Co. 

Chicago.    $1.00. 

Jones,  H.  S.,  The  Roman  Empire.     Putnams.     $1.50. 

*  Pelham,  H.  F.,  Outlines  of  Boman  History.     Putnams.     $1.75. 

A  single  volume  covering  the  whole  period  to  476  a.d.,  by  a  great 

scholar  and  teacher. 
Pellison,  Boman  Life  in  Pliny^s  Time.    New  York.    $1. 
Preston  and  Dodge,  Private  Life  of  the  Bomans.    Leach,  Boston.    $1. 
Smith,  R.  B.,  Bome  and  Carthage.    Epochs  Series.     Longmans.     $1. 
*Tighe,  Ambrose,  Development  of  the  Boman  Constitution  ("Primers"). 

American  Book  Co.     $0.36. 

The  Teutonic  Period  —  to  800  a.d. 
Sources. 

*  Davis,  William  Steams,  Beadings,  as  for  Greece  and  Rome,  above. 
Robinson,  H.,  Beadings  in  European  History^  Vol.  I.     Ginu.     $1.60. 

Modern  Works. 

Church,  A.  J.,  The  Count  of  the  Saxon  Shore  (fiction). 
Emerton,  Introduction  to  the  Middle  Ages.     Ginn.     $1.12. 
Hodgkin,  T.,  77ieoc?onc  ("Heroes").     Putnams.     $1.50. 
Charles  the  Great.    Macmillan.     $0.75. 

These  lists  do  not  contain  nearly  all  the  books  in  these  fields  which  * 
may  well  be  found  in  a  large  high  school  library.    They  represent  only 
such  volumes  as  ought  to  be  constantly  accessible  to  a  first-year  class  in 
the  study.     The  starred  volumes  should  he  present  in  multiple  copies. 


INDEX 


Pronunciation,  except  for  the  more  familiar  names  and  terms,  is  indicated 
by  accentuation  and  division  into  syllables.  As  a  rule,  the  simpler  diacritical 
marks  of  Webster's  International  Dictionary  are  used.  The  soft  aspirated 
gfuttural  g  of  the  German  is  represented  by  g,  the  guttural  ch  by  bh  and  the 
French  nhy  n-,  italics  are  used  to  mark  silent  letters ;  ae  and  oe  =  e;  ei=i\ 
eu  =  it;  y  =  i;  y  =  1.  In  French  words  with  an  accent  on  the  final  syllable, 
that  accent  only  is  marked ;  but  it  should  be  understood  that  in  such  words 
the  syllables  as  a  rule  receive  nearly  equal  stress. 

The  index  may  be  utilized  for  reviews  upon  "  cross-topics,"  or  topics  that 
call  for  an  arrangement  different  from  that  of  the  text.  The  most  important 
subjects  for  such  review  are  indicated  in  black  italic. 


The  references  are  to  sections. 


Aachen  (ach'en),  796,  a.  Map  after 
p.  630. 

Abraham,  founder  of  Hebrew  race,  58. 

Absolute  monarchy,  in  Egypt,  11 ;  in 
Assyria,  43;  character  of  Oriental, 
80;  in  Cretan  period,  97;  modified 
in  Homeric  Greece,  105 ;  reappears 
in  the  tyrants,  126  (see  Pisistratus) ; 
after  Alexander  in  Graeco-Oriental 
world,  280, 304,  note ;  in  early  Rome, 
346,  349 ;  of  Caesar,  557 ;  of  Augus- 
tus, 570,  592;  of  Diocletian  and 
the  later  Empire,  669-671 ;  growth 
toward,  in  Teutonic  states,  761; 
Mohammedan,  774;  of  Charle- 
magne, 7{H). 

Ab-ys-sln'i-a,  6;  Abyssinians  in 
Eg>'pt,  6,  10.     Map,  p.  16. 

Academy,  at  Athens,  182. 

Ac  ar-na'ni-a,  195.    Map  after  p.  94. 

Ac'cad,  37,  38.    Map  after  p.  12. 

A-«hae'a,  part  of  Athenian  league, 
199.    Maps  after  pp.  94,  98,  198. 

A«haea,  Greece  becomes  Province 
of,  471. 

A-€haean  culture,  98,  100-112 ;  eco- 
nomic side  of,  108-110;  clan  and 
tribe,  100-102;  government,  105- 
107;  overthrown  by  Dorians,  113. 


A-ehaean  League,  296-311;  origin, 
300;  constitution,  301;  first  expan- 
sion beyond  Achaea,  303;  and 
Aratus,  304;  and  Lydiadas,  305; 
and  Athens  and  Argos,  306;  and 
Sparta,  307-310 ;  fall,  311,  471. 

A^haeans,  mythical  origin  of,  116,  h. 
See  Achaean  culture. 

A--€hae'u8,  fabled  ancestor  of  Achae- 
ans,  116,  h. 

A--€hines,  110,  112. 

Ac'o-lyte",  681,  note. 

A-cr6p'o-lis,  the  central  hill-fort 
about  which  grew  Greek  and  Latin 
cities,  103,  333  d. 

.Acropolis  of  Athens,  138,  148,  177 ; 
in  Age  of  Pericles,  218-219;  plan, 
p.  209;  view,  p.  210;  "  restoration," 
p.  221. 

Ac'ti-iim,  567.     Map  after  p.  94. 

Ad'rl-an-6'ple,  battle  of,  679,  712. 
Map  after  p.  544. 

Adriatic  Sea,  map  after  p.  132. 

Ae'dilps,  396. 

"  Ae-gre'an  cxilture,"  95  ff. 

Ae-ge'an  Sea,  73,  i^,  85,  d,  95,  114, 
120,  121,  122,  163,  166,  167,  189,  190, 
191,  W2,  193,  IJM,  202,  207,  and  else- 
where.   Maps  after  pp.  82,  84,  94. 


643 


644 


INDEX 

The  references  are  to  sections. 


Ae-gi'na,  at  war  with  Athens,  200; 
gains  prize  of  merit  at  Salamis,  180. 
Map  after  p.  98. 

Ae-gos-p6fr>-mi,  battle  of,  251; 
Conon  a"f  259.    Map  after  p.  246. 

Ae-mil'i-a'nus,  644,  note. 

Ae-ne'as,  544. 

Ae-o'li-ans,  116*,  h.  ) 

Ae'o-lus,  116,  b. 

Aequians  (e'kwi-ans),  409.  Map, 
p.  305. 

Aeschylus  (6s'ki-lus),  222;  on  Sala- 
mis, 179.  f 

A-e'ti-us,  722.  •  \ 

Ae-toli-an  League,  299,  310.  Map, I 
p.  283. 

Af-gr^an-is-tan',  in  Persian  Empire, 
73;  and  Alexander,  279.  Map  after 
p.  84. 

Africa,  early  civilizations  in,  6;  cir- 
cumnavigation of,  32;  Phoenician 
sailors  on  coast  of,  34,  56;  Greek 
colonies  in,  122;  under  Roman 
Empire,  610;  Diocese  of,  666; 
Vandal  kingdom  in,  718;  recon- 
quered by  Justinian,  736;  Moham- 
medan conquest,  771.  See  Egypt, 
Carthage. 

Ag-a-m§in'nOn,  king  of  Mycenae, 
87,  107. 

"Age  of  Cicero,'"  625. 

•'  Agre  of  Pericles,"  193-240. 

"  Agre  of  Tyrants,"  126. 

A-gSs-i-la'us,  king  of  Sparta,  258. 

A'gris,  reforming  king  of  Sparta,  307. 

Agr'o-ra,  in  Athens.    Map,  p.  202. 

Agrarian  laws,  Solon's,  141,  142; 
Agis'  and  Cleomones,  307-309;  Li- 
cinian,  370,  371;  of  the  Gracchi, 
507-520 ;  of  Caesar,  558. 

A-grlc'o-la,  584. 

Agriculture,  prehistoric  selection  of 
food  plants,  3  c;  in  Egypt,  17,  18; 
Babylonian,  44,  51;  in  Homeric 
Greece,  110;  in  Sparta,  129;  in  Age 
of  Pericles,  237,  238;  early  Roman, 
340,  357,  a58;  Roman,  about  200  B.C., 
408,  409 ;  after  Punic  Wars,  488-490 ; 

•  under  the  Empire,  610,  611;  in  later 
Empire,  694,  698,  699;    revived  in 


Italy  under  Theodoric,  731 ;  prim- 
itive, in  Empire  of  Charlemagne, 
798. 

A-grlp'pa,  622. 

A-hu'ra  Maz'dSl,  78. 

Aistulf  (is'tulf),781. 

Aix  (aks),  see  Aquae  Sextiae. 

ll'ar-ic,  713-715. 

AlbaJLonga,  337,  339.    Map,  p.  305. 

Al-cae'us,  155. 

Archem-y,  774. 

Al-ci-bi'a-de§,  247. 

Alcuin  (al'kwin),  800. 

Alemanni  (a-la-man'ne) ,  678,  and 
map,  p.  572. 

Alexander  Se-ve'rus,  643. 

Alexander  the  Great,  276-286; 
youth  and  character,  276;  acces- 
sion and  restoration  of  order, 
277;  invades  Asia  as  Champion  of 
Hellas,  278  ff. ;  Persian  campaigns, 
278;  in  the  far  East,  279;  results 
of  work,  280  ff . ;  significance  of, 
286;  routes  of  march,  map  after 
p.  266. 

Alexandria,  name  of  many  Greek 
cities  in  Asia  after  Alexander,  280- 
282.     Map  after  p.  266. 

Alexandria  in  Egypt,  founded,  278 ; 
glory  of,  293, 312  ff. ;  library  at,  319; 
and  lighthouse,  320.  Map  after 
p.  266. 

Alexandrian  Age,  the,  312-327. 

Alexandrian  Library,  319. 

Alexandrian  Museum,  319. 

Algebra,  used  by  the  Saracens,  774. 

AUia,  battle  of,  375.    Mar,  P-  305. 

"Allies"  (socii),  the  Italian,  391- 
394;  after  Punic  Wars,  497;  "Social 
War,"  for  citizenship,  526 ;  admitted 
to  Roman  citizenship,  527. 

Alphabet,  growth,  3  e ;  marks  stage 
of  culture,  10;   germs  of,  in  Egyp- 

i    tian  hieroglyphs,  22;    and  Phoeni- 

1  cians,  56;  and  Cretan  writing,  93 
and  especially  96 ;  late  use  in  Greece, 
87,  115. 

Kmbrose,  of  Milan,  680,  702. 

Am-mi-a'nus,  701,  a. 

Am-phlc'ti-on-ies,  119, 121. 


INDEX 

The  references  are  to  sections. 


645 


Am-phic'ty-on-ic  League,  the,  119. 

Am-phi-the'a-ter,  Etruscan  origin 
of  sports  of,  331;  games  in, 
see  Gladiatorial  games;  buildings, 
622. 

Am'ten,  statue  of,  p.  22. 

An-ab'a-sis,  257. 

An-ac're-on,  146,  155. 

An-ax-ag'o-ras,  225,  227. 

An-ax-i-man'der,  156. 

An-ax-Im'i-nes,  156. 

Ancestor  worship,  Egypt,  24 ;  Baby- 
lonia, 53;  Greek,  98,  100,  101;  Ro- 
man, 341,  572. 

Ancient  History,  4;  field  of,  map 
on  p.  3. 

An'cus  Mar'ti-us,  335. 

Angles,  the,  in  Britain,  720.  Map 
after  p.  594. 

Animal  worship,  24. 

Anio  River,  362.    Map,  p.  305. 

An-tal'd-das,  Peace  of,  260. 

Anthony,  Saint,  702. 

Antioch,  312 ;  under  Roman  Empire, 
611 ;  patriarchate  of,  682 ;  captured 
by  Mohammedans,  677.  Map  after 
p.  488. 

An-ti'o-chus,  of  Syria,  464,  465. 

Antiochus  IV,  467. 

An'to-nines,  the,  585-591. 

An-to-ni'nus,  Marcus  Aurelius, 
589;  quotations  from  Thoughts  of, 
638. 

Antoninus,  Pius,  588. 

Antonius,  Marcus  ("  Mark  An- 
tony"),  563-567. 

Antony,  Mark,  see  Antonius. 

A-p61'les,  314. 

Apennines,  the,  326.  Map  after 
p.  302. 

Aph-ro-di'te,  111. 

A-p61'lo,  100,  111.  See  Delphic  Or- 
acle, Belvidere. 

"Apologies,"  of  the  Church 
"Fathers,"  651. 

"Apostolical  Constitutions," 

quoted,  703. 

Ap'pi-an,  628. 

Appian  Way,  the,  395.  See  Roman 
Roads,  and  map,  p.  348. 


Appius  Claudius,  the  decemvir,  3«2, 

364. 

Appius  Claudius,  censor,  382,  395, 
.399,  402. 

Aquae  Sextiae  (a'kwae  s6x'tl-aei 
battle  of,  524.     Map  after  p.  372. 

Aque-ducts,  of  Pisistratus,  146;  in 
Graeco-Oriental  cities,  282 ;  in  cities 
of  Roman  Empire,  610. 

Aquitaine  (a-kwi-tan'),  764.  Map 
after  p.  608. 

A-ra'bi-a,  58, 293 ;  Arabians  in  Egypt, 
10,  32;  and  Egyptian  trade,  19; 
modern,  in  Chaldea,  35;  language, 
36.    See  Mohammedanism. 

Arabic  notation,  774. 

A-ra'tus,  general  of  Achaean  League, 
302-311;  character  and  services, 
303;  enmity  to  Lydiadas,  304;  be- 
trayal of  Corinth,  310. 

Ar-be'la,  battle  of,  278.  Map  after 
p.  266. 

Ar-ca'di-a,  261,  265.    Map  after  p.  98. 

Arcadius,  680. 

Arch,  Egyptian,  21;  Etruscan,  331; 
Roman,  414,  621 ;  triumphal,  622. 

Archbishops,  681. 

Ar-«hi-me'des,  320,  446. 

Architecture,  in  Egypt,  22 ;  in  Chaldea 
and  Assyria,  52;  Persian  borrowed, 
74;  Oriental  contrasted  with  Euro- 
pean, 80;  in  Greece,  orders  of,  154; 
in  Athens  of  Pericles,  218-220 ;  early 
Roman,  338,  340, 414 ;  later  Republic, 
411,  484-485;  Early  Empire,  621- 
622;  early  Christian,  623. 

Ar'-ehi-traVe,  in  Doric  order  of  archi- 
tecture, 154. 

Ar'^hSn,  at  Athens,  134,  135,  144, 
152;  king-archon,  134. 

Ar-e-6p'a-gus,  135, 142. 

A'res,  111. 

Ar-gi-nu'sae,  248.    Map  after  p.  246. 

Ar-gives,  see  Argos. 

Ar'go-lis.  91.     Map  after  p.  98. 

Ar'gos,  persistence  of  kingship  in, 
124 ;  hostile  to  Sparta,  127 ;  crippled 
by  Sparta,  161 ;  friendly  to  Persia, 
172 ;  allied  to  Athens  against  Sparta, 
199;  joins  League  against  Sparta, 


646 


INDEX 


The  references  are  to  sections. 


259;     joins    Achaean    League,   305. 

_Maps  after  pp.  94,  98,  etc. 

A'ri-an  heresy,  684. 

A-ri-o-vIs'tus,  547. 

Ar-is-tar'-ehus,  320. 

Ar-is-ti'des,  Athenian  leader,  170; 
proposes  plan  for  Delian  League,  191. 

Aristocracy,  definition,  85 ;  return  to 
Dorian  Greece,  120 ;  in  Sparta,  128 ; 
in  Achaean  League,  301 ;  in  early- 
Rome,  344,  347,  356;  in  later  Re- 
public, 397,  400,  401,  484;  in  Roman 
Empire,  690,  691,  698;  among  the 
Germans,  709;  in  new  Teutonic 
states,  761. 

Ar-is-t6ph'a-nes,  148,  221. 

Ar'is-tot-le,  quoted  on  Athenian  his- 
tory, 136,  146;  place  in  philosophy, 
315;  tutor  of  Alexander  the  Great, 
276;  Natural  History  of,  2S5;  proofs 
of  sphericity  of  the  earth,  320. 

Arithmetic,  Egyptian,  23;  Chaldean, 

_49;  Roman,  619. 

A'ri-us,  684. 

Ar-me'ni-a,  and  Phoenician  com- 
merce, 55;  a  Roman  province,  606. 
Map  after  p.  12,  etc. 

Army,  Egyptian,  12;  Achaean,  113; 
Dorian,  113;  Spartan,  130;  citizen 
armies  based  on  wealth  at  Athens, 
137;  Theban  phalanx,  263;  Mace- 
donian, 273;  Roman,  reformed  by 
Servius,  347,  348;  under  the  Re- 
public, 403-406;  under  Early  Em- 
pire, 601-603;  agency  in  unifying 
the  Empire  socially,  406,  603;  re- 
forms of  Diocletian,  667;  in  fourth 
century,  687 ;  Teutonic,  709,  710. 

Ar'ri-a,  632. 

Art,    prehistoric,    1;     Egyptian,    21 
Babylonian,  51,  52;  no  Hebrew,  67 
Persian,  borrowed,  74;  Oriental,  80 
Cretan,  %;  no  Spartan,  130;  Greek, 
of  6th  century,  154,  157 ;  in  age  of 
Pericles,   217-222;    in    Alexandrian 
Age,  312,  314;   Greek  influence  on 
Roman,  487;    Roman,  484,  487;    in 
Augustan  Age,  621  ff. 

Ar-tax-erx'es,  king  of  Persia,  257, 
260. 


Ar'te-mis,  111. 

Ar-te-mls'i-um,  battle  of,  176.  Map 
after  p.  98. 

Asia,  see  Oriental  culture  and  geog- 
raphy. 

Asia,  Province  of,  472,  510. 

Asia  Minor,  Assyrians  in,  40 ;  under 
Croesus,  70;  Persia,  72;  Helleniz- 
ing  of  the  coast,  121 ;  Persian  Wars, 
163-164,  189  ff. ;  Greek  cities  be- 
trayed to  Persia  by  Sparta,  250,  260; 
Agesilaus  in,  258;  Alexander  in, 
278 ;  Gauls  in,  290 ;  part  of  Graeco- 
Oriental  world,  287  ff. ;  Lyciari  Con- 
federacy, 301 ;  Roman  province,  472 ; 
and  Saracens,  772.    . 

As-pa'si-a,  230. 

Assembly,  Homeric  folk-moot,  107; 
Spartan,  128;  in  cities  of  Delian 
League,  191,  194;  Achaean  League, 
300,  301.  See  Athenian,  Roman, 
Teutonic,  and  Mayfield. 

As'sur-Nat'sir-Pal,  king  of  Assyria, 
inscription  of,  41. 

As-syr'i-a,  35 ;  Semitic,  36 ;  Empire, 
40;  fall,  41 ;  contribution  to  govern- 
ment, 40;  religion  and  morality, 
41,  53;  society  and  culture,  44-52; 
cuneiform  writing,  47 ;  art,  52 ;  Ro- 
man province,  606.  Maps  after  pp. 
12,  82,  etc.,  and  488. 

As-tar'te,  57. 

Astrology,  Chaldean,  49. 

Astronomy,  Egyptian,  23 ;  Chaldean, 
49 ;  Greek,  156,  320 ;  Saracenic,  774. 

A'taulf,  715. 

A'ten,  24. 

Ath-an-a'si-us,  684. 

A-the'ne,  111;  statues  on  the  Acrop- 
olis of  Athens,  218,  219,  220. 

Athenian  Assembly,  under  Eupatrid 
rule,  135;  constitution  of  classes, 
137 ;  after  Solon,  142,  6, 144, 145, 149; 
after  Cleisthenes,  151-152;  of  Peri- 
cles, 210. 

Athenian  colonization,  see  Cler- 
\ichs. 

Athenian  "  Generals,"  152,  209. 

Athenian  juries,  211 ;  payment  of, 
212. 


INDEX 

The  references  are  to  sections. 


647 


Athenian  "Leaders  of  the  Peo- 
ple "  {demagogues) ,  209. 

Athenian  oratory,  223. 

Athenian  political  capacity,  213, 
214,  229. 

Athenian  senate,  after  Solon,  142,  a ; 
after  Cleisthenes,  152,  210.  See 
Areopagus. 

Athenian  state  pay,  212. 

Athens,  legendary  founding,  103,  132; 
type  of  Ionic  cities,  120;  metropolis 
of  Ionia,  121 ;  oligarchy  replaces  old 
kingship,  134-137;  progress  toward 
democracy,  to  Solon,  137-139;  So- 
lon's reforms,  140-143 ;  factions,  145 ; 
tyrants,  145-148;  under  Pisistratus, 
146;  Cleisthenes'  reforms,  149-153; 
and  democracy,  152,  153;  leader  in 
culture  after  600, 146  ff . ;  condition  at 
Persian  attack,  161 ;  part  in  Ionian 
revolt,  104,  165;  Persian  heralds, 
167 ;  Marathon,  167, 168 ;  from  Mar- 
athon   to    Thermopylae,    169,    170; 

'internal  factions  crushed,  169;  a 
naval  power,  170 ;  at  battle  of  Arte- 
misium,  176 ;  abandoned  to  Persians, 
177;  battle  of  Salamis,  178, 179;  re- 
ceives offers  from  Persians,  181; 
building  of  walls,  184,  185;  com- 
merce, 185, 186;  proposes  League  of 
Plataea,  187;  glory  from  Persian 
War,  188;  assumes  leadership  of 
Asiatic  Greeks,  190 ;  Confederacy  of 
Delos,  191-194 ;  '  Athenian  Empire, 
1 95  ff . ;  jealousy  between  Sparta  and , 
196;  greatest  extent,  199;  activity, 
200;  power,  204;  population,  205; 
colonies,  206 ;  revenue,  207;  govern- 
ment, 208-211 ;  "juries,"  211;  state 
pay,  212;  Athenian  political  ability, 
213,  229;  verdict  on  the  empire,  214; 
leaders  and  parties,  215;  Pericles, 
216;  intellectual  and  artistic  devel- 
opment, 217-232;  theater  money, 
222;  tribute  by  Pericles,  229;  faults 
in,  230,  231 ;  life  in  Age  of  Pericles, 
233-240;  houses,  233;  family,  236; 
industries,  237;  banquets,  239;  edu- 
cation, 240 ;  and  Peloponnesian  War, 
241-251 ;  plague  in,  344;  rule  of  the 


Four  Hundred,  249;  the  "Thirty," 
255;  regains  freedom,  256;  in  new 
league  against  Sparta,  2i59;  and 
Peace  of  Antalcidas,  2^)0;  and  Spar- 
tan treachery,  261 ;  shelters  Theban 
democrats,  262;  saves  Sparta,  266; 
and  Macedon,  272,  274,  277;  and 
Achaean  League,  305 ;  home  of  phi- 
losophy in  Hellenistic  Age,  316,  319; 
and  learning,  312,  319;  "ally"  of 
Rome,  464j    welcomes  Mithridates, 

«^.632p~iHtellectual  center  under  Ro- 
man Empire,  619;  sacked  by  Groths, 
648;  spared  by  Alaric,  713.  Maps 
after  pp.  94,  98,  etc.,  and  on  pp.  180, 
189,  202. 

A'thos,  Mount,  166;  canal  of,  171. 
Maps  after  pp.  94,  98,  etc. 

At'ti-ca,  products,  85;  consolidated, 
103,  132.  See  Athens.  Maps  after 
pp.  94,  98,  and  on  p.  180. 

Attic  comedy,  221. 

At'til-a,  722,  723,  724. 

Augurs,  342,  343. 

Augustan  Ag-e,  the,  571.  ' 

Au'gus-tlne,  Saint,  702. 

Augustus,  569-573,  575,  605.  See 
Octavius. 

Augustus,  a  title  for  Roman  Em- 
perors, 593. 

Aurelian,  emperor,  646. 

Au-re'li-us,  Marcus,  see  Antoninus. 

Aus'plc-es,  331,  note,  342. 

Aus-tra'si-a,  764,  765.  Map  after 
p.  608. 

Autun  (o-tfin') ,  620.    Map  after  p.  544. 

Avars,  721,  791.     Map  after  p.  680. 

A'vSn-tine,  the,  map,  p.  311. 

Ba'al,  57. 

Babylon,  geography,  34,  35;  one  of 
the  early  city-states,  38 ;  First  Em- 
pire of,  39;  Second,  42;  society  and 
culture,  43-^3;  law  and  property, 
45 ;  special  privilege  of  rich  in  law, 
46 ;  cuneiform  script,  47 ;  literature, 
48;  science,  49;  legends  of  creation 
and  deluge,  50;  industry  and  art, 
51-52;  religion  and  morals,  53. 
Maps  after  pp.  12,  82,  84,  etc. 


648 


INDEX 


The  references  are  to  sections. 


Bac'tri-&n'a,  279.    Map  after,  p.  84. 

Bag'dad,  map  after  p.  630. 

Bal-bi'-nus,  644,  note. 

Baltic  Sea,  and  Phoenicians,  54. 

Banking,  in  Roman  Empire,  614. 

Banquet,  place  of,  in  Greek  life,  239. 

Barbarian  invasions,  in  Egypt,  10, 31 ; 
in  Euphrates  lands,  36, 38, 41 ;  Scyth- 
ians (and  Persia),  75;  Gauls  (and 
Graeco-Oriental  world),  290;  into 
Italy,  330, 375 ;  Cimbri  and  Teutones, 
523:  and  Caesar,  547,  548;  on  fron- 
tiers of  Roman  Empire,  605,  607; 
from  Aurelius  to  Aurelian,  648 :  suc- 
cessful in  fourth  century,  712  ff. 
(see  Germans)  ;  Huns  repulsed,  721- 
724;  and  Charlemagne,  788-791. 

"  Barbarians  "  (to  the  Greeks),  116  a. 

Barca,  see  Haniilcar. 

"  Barrack  Emperors,"  639  ff. 

Barter,  trade  by,  19,  70. 

Basil,  Saint,  702. 

Basilica,  623. 

Bavaria,  map  after  p.  608. 

B61-i-sa'ri-us,  736. 

B§l'vi-dere',  Apollo,  314. 

Benedict,  Saint,  "rule"  of,  759. 

Ben-e-v§n'tum,  battle  of,  381.  Map 
after  p.  302. 

Beowulf  Cbe'o-wulf  or  ba'o-wulf), 
song  of,  707. 

Berbers,  10. 

Bible,  the,  translated  into  Greek  (Old 
Testament),  319;  translated  into 
Latin,  702;  into  Gothic,  702. 

Bishops,  681. 

Bi-th^n'i-a,  map  after  p.  266. 

Black  Sea,  and  Phoenicians,  55; 
Greek  colonies  on,  122.  Map  after 
p.  82. 

B6-a-di-ce'a,  609. 

Boe-6'tl-a,  cities  of,  and  Thebes,  132; 
early  poets  of,  155 ;  under  Athenian 
control,  199;  falls  away  from 
Athens,  201.  See  Thebes  and 
Plataea.  Maps  after  pp.  94, 
98,  etc. 

Bokhara  (boch-a'ra),  77. 

Bordeaux  (bOr-do'),  map  after  p.  586. 

Bras'i-das,  247. 


"  Bread  and  g-ames,"  558,  633. 

BrSn'nus,  375,  note. 

Britain,  Phoenician  sailors  in,  56, 
Caesar  in,  547 ;  Roman  conquest  of 
Southern,  578,  584,  606;  Hadrian's 
Wall  in,  587,  607;  diocese  of,  666; 
abandoned  by  Roman  Empire,  606, 
720;  Teutonic  invasions,  720; 
gradual  conquest,  a  Teutonic  state, 
745,  746 ;  conversion  to  Christianity, 
747;  political  results  of  conversion, 
748.    Map  after  pp.  488,  544,  etc. 

Bronze,  explained,  2. 

Bronze  culture,  in  Egypt,  10;  in 
Chaldea  (see) ;  in  Crete,  96 ;  dis- 
placed in  Greece  by  Achaeans,  98, 99. 

Bru'tus,  Lucius  Junius,  first  consul 
of  Rome,  350,  note. 

Brutus,  Marcus,  the  Republican,  561, 
566. 

Bulgarians,  721. 

Burgundians,  705 ;  in  Gaul,  716,  717 ; 
at  Chalons,  722;  numbers,  752; 
Arians,  742;  conquered  by  Clovis, 
742.    Maps,  p.  572  and  after  p.  594. 

Burgundy,  764.    Map  after  p.  608. 

By'zan-tlne  Empire,  734-738.  See 
Roman  Empire  in  the  East. 

By-zS,n'ti-um,  122;  a  free  city  in  the 
Graeco-Oriental  world,  288,  674. 
Map  after  p.  132. 

Ca'diz  (Gades),  founded  by  Phoeni- 
cians, 56.    Map  after  p.  132. 

Caeli-an  Hill,  the,  338.    Map,  p.  311. 

Caesar,  Caius  Julius,  544 ;  appears 
as  leader,  544-547 ;  in  Gaul,  547, 548 ; 
rupture  with  Pompey,.  549;  five 
years'  rule,  550-561;  hope  of  sub- 
ject nations,  551;  crosses  Rubicon, 
553;  campaign  in  Italy,  553;  in 
Spain  and  Greece,  554;  in  Asia, 
Egypt,  Africa,  and  Spain,  555;  con- 
structive work,  556-560;  form  of 
his  monarchy,  557;  murder,  561; 
character,  544,  562. 

"  Caesar,"  a  title,  593,  663. 

Cal'e-do'ni-a,  584. 

Calendar,  Egyptian,   23;    Caesar's 
558. 


INDEX 


649 


The  references  are  to  sections. 


CaUg'a-la,  577. 

Caliphs,  770,  note. 

Cai-llc'ra-tes,  218. 

Cam-pa'ni-a,  map  after  p.  302. 

Cam'pus  Mar'ti-us,  413.  Map,  p.  311. 

Canaan,  60.     See  Palestine. 

Canal  from  Nile  to  Red  Sea,  28; 

and  Neco,  32 ;  restored  by  Ptolemies, 

293.  ^ap,  p  16. 
Can'nae,  battle  of,  442.    Map  after 

p.  302. 
Capital,  in  architecture,  154. 
C&p'i-t6-lin(?,  the,  338.    Map,  p.  311. 
C&-pIt'u-la-ries,  799  d. 
Cap-pa-do'ci-ans,  77.    Map  after  p. 

84. 
Capri  (cap're).  Isle  of,  map,  p.  473. 
Cap'u-a,   443,  450,   558.      Map  after 

p.  ;302. 

Car-a-cal'la,  642. 
Ca'ri-ans,  77.    Map  after  p.  84. 
Ca-ri'nus,  647,  note. 
CSr-o-lin'gl-ans,    name    explained, 

78(i,  note. 
Carpentry,  tools  in  ancient  Crete,  96. 
Carthage,    Phoenician    colony,    56, 

160  ;  and  Greeks  in  Sicily,  160,  181 ; 

held  in  check  by  Athenian  name, 

204;     and    Rome,    417-421;     Punic 

Wars,  421-429,  4^1,  436  ff.,  459-462; 

rebuilt    by    Caesar,    558;     Vandal 

capital,  718.    Map  after  p.  132. 
Ca'rus,  646,  note. 

Cassius  (cash'i-us),  and  Caesar,  561. 
Cassius,  Spurius,  362,  373,  note. 
Catholic  Church,  see  Church. 
Cat'i-line,  545. 
Cato,  Marcus   Fortius,   459,    506, 

624. 
Cato  the  Younger,  543,  555. 
Ca-tul'lua,  625. 

Cau'dine  Porks,  battle  of,  380. 
Cavemen,  1 ;  weapons  of,  2. 
Celts,  720. 

Censors,  at  Rome,  368. 
Centralization    in     government, 

term  explained,  671  and  note. 
Centuries,  Assembly  of,  see  Roman 

Assembly. 
Ce'reg,  111. 


C6r-y-ne'a,  299.    Map  after  p.  \^. 

•€haer-o-ne'a,  battle  of,  274. 

-Chai'cis,  map  after  p.  98. 

■€5hfi,l-de'a,  convenient  but  not  strictly 
proper  name  for  Euphrates  district, 
35,  note.  Map  after  p.  12.  See 
Babylon. 

Chalons  (shal-loh'),  battle  of,  723. 
Map  after  p.  576. 

ChampoUion  (sh6n-p6l-yon),  5. 

Charlemagne  (sharre-man),  785. 
See  Empire  of  Charlemagne. 

Charles  Mar-tel',  767. 

Charms,  Chaldean,  49. 

-Che'ops,  21,  27.     See  Khufu. 

■Cher-so-ne'sus,  169.  Map  after 
p.  132. 

Chiefs.,  Council  of.,  Homeric,  106; 
origin  of  Spartan  senate,  128;  of 
Athenian  Areopagus,  135;  Roman, 
346;  German,  709,  710. 

China,  early  civilization,  why  not 
studied,  4. 

-Chln'vat  Bridge,  the,  78. 

-Chi'os,  195.    Map  after  p.  94. 

Christ,  birth  of,  575, 652;  Crucifixion, 
576. 

Christianity,  rise,  652 ;  extension  to 
gentiles,  653;  later  growth  in  first 
two  centuries,  654 ;  Nero's  persecu- 
tion, 654  ;  some  sources  of  power, 
655;  debt  to  Empire,  656;  persecu- 
tions of,  657-660;  and  Constantine, 
675-676;  edict  of  Galerius,  673;  of 
Milan,  676;  and  Theodosius,  680; 
reaction  from  victory  over  Empire, 
686;  in  "Dark  Ages,"  756.  See 
Church. 

Chry-s6s'tom,  John,  702. 

Church,  the,  organization, 681;  unity, 
682 ;  growth  of  creeds^683.  684j  per- 
secution of  heresies, _684;  attitude 
toward  pagan  learning,  703  ;  and 
the  barbarians,  756;  schism — Greek, 
and  Latin  churches,  778.  See 
Papacy,  Monasticism. 

Cicero,  543,  565,  625. 

Ci-llc'ia,  77.    Map  after  p.  84. 

Cilician  pirates,  541. 

CIm'bri,  the,  523,  524. 


650 


INDEX 

The  references  are  to  sections. 


Oi'mon,  192,  197,  198. 

CIn-cIn-na'tus,  373,  note. 

CIn'na,  530,  531. 

Cl8-arpin«  Gaul  (Gal'li-a  Cis'al- 
pi'na) ,  326.    Map  after  p.  302. 

Citizenship,  Spartan,  129;  Athenian, 
150,151,256;  Roman,  about  200  B.C., 
383-388  ff . ;  attenapt  to  extend  to  all 
Italy,  518,  527 ;  secured  by  Italians 
in  Social  War,  528;  and  Caesar's 
extensions,  560,  616;  later  exten- 
sions, 616. 

City-states,  iu  old  Egypt,  11;  in  Eu- 
phrates valley,  37 ;  in  Phoenicia,  55, 
57;  in  Hellas,  103 ;  the  limit  of  Greek 
political  ideals,  104 ;  decline  and  fall, 
268,  275;  Roman,  see  Rome. 

Civilization,  and  prehistoric  contri- 
butions, 3 ;  early  centers,  6, 7 ;  stages 
of  ("culture"),  10;  characteristics  of 
Oriental,  79-81 ;  Oriental  and  Euro- 
pean (influence  of  geography),  82-86. 

Civil  service,  term  defined,  extent 
at  Athens,  212  and  note. 

Oi-vi'lis,  609. 

Clan,  in  Homeric  Greece,  100  ff . ; 
in  Athens,  149  ff. ;  Roman,  345 ;  Ger- 
man, 709. 

Olaud'i-an,  poet,  617. 

Claudius,  Emperor,  578. 

Claudius  II,  645. 

Cla  z6m'e-nae,  map  after  p.  132. 

Cle-om'e-nes,  reformer  at  Sparta, 
308-310. 

Cle'on,  Athenian  leader,  247. 

Cle-o-pa'tra,  33,  555,  567. 

C16r'uchs,  148,  205,  206. 

Clls'the-nes,  147-153. 

Clo  ac'a  Max'i-ma,  the,  338. 

Clo-t/al'da,  741. 

Clovis,  740-742. 

Cni-dus,  259.     Map  after  p.  246. 

Col'chis,  56.    Map  after  p.  132. 

C61-l-se'um,  622. 

Col'line  Gate,  battle  of,  533.  Map, 
p.  311. 

Cologne  (ko-l6n'),  map  after  p.  488. 

C6-16'ni,  see  Serfdom. 

Colonization,  Phoenician, 56;  Greek, 
121,  122;    New  Athenian  plan,  148, 


205,  206;  in  Graeco-Oriental  world, 
280-282;  Roman,  384,  389. 

Column,  in  Egyptian  architecture, 
21 ;  Greek,  154. 

Commerce,  early  routes,  7 ;  Egyptian, 
19 ;  Euphrates  states,  38,  51 ;  Phoeni- 
cian, 54-56;  and  invention  of  coin- 
age, 70 ;  early  Cretan,  95 ;  and  Greek 
geography,  85  a ;  in  Homeric  Greece, 
110;  Athenian,  and  Pisistratus,  146; 
growth  in  Athens,  148,  237;  in 
Graeco-Oriental  world,  284;  Roman, 
about  200  B.C.,  408;  under  Empire, 
612,  613. 

Com-mo'dus,  590. 

"Companions"  (German  institu- 
tion) ,  710. 

Com-pur-ga'tion,  trial  by,  760. 

Co'non,  259. 

Con'stans,  677. 

Constantino  the  Great,  673  ff. 

Constantino  II,  677. 

Const antine  IV,  772. 

Constantine  VI,  792. 

Constantinople,  674.  Map  after 
p.  544. 

Con-stan'ti-us,  672. 

Constantius  II,  677. 

Consular  Tribunes,  367. 

Consuls,  350-352. 

Cooking,  in  ancient  Crete,  96;  in 
Greece,  233. 

Cor-cy'ra,  172,  242.  Maps  after  pp. 
94,  98,  etc. 

Cor-do'va,  map  after  p.  630. 

C6-rin'na,  155. 

Cor'inth,  and  Periander,  126;  Pan- 
Hellenic  Congress  at,  172;  jealous 
of  Athens,  184,  200,  241 ;  and  Pelo» 
ponnesian  War,  241,  242 ;  jealous  of 
Sparta,  259;  Congress  of,  under 
Philip,  274;  and  Achaean  Confed- 
eracy, 304,  310 ;  destroyed  by  Rome, 
471 ;  rebuilt  by  Caesar,  558 ;  sacked 
by  Goths,  713.  Maps  after  pp.  94, 
98,  etc. 

Corinthian  order  of  architecture, 
154. 

Cornelia,  mother  of  the  Gracchi,  507, 
513. 


INDEX 

The  references  are  to  sections. 


651 


Crassus,  538. 

Cretan  civilization,  93-96. 

Crit'i-as,  255. 

Cri/to,  friend  of  Socrates,  227. 

Croe'sus,  70,  72,  163. 

Culture  (stage  of  civilization),  10. 

Cu-nax'a,  battle  of,  257. 

Cu-ne'i-form  script,  47. 

Curia,  the  Roman,  345. 

Cu'ri-als,  691. 

Curio,  and  Caesar,  562. 

Curio,  Manius,  409. 

Curule  officers,  396,  397. 

Cylinder  seals,  Babylonian,  53 . 

Cy'lon,  138. 

Cynic  philosophy,  317. 

Cy-nos-c6ph'a-lae,    battle    of,   464. 

Map  after  p.  372. 
Cy-re'ne,  122.    Map  after  p.  132. 
Cyrus  the  Great,  72,  163. 
Cyrus  the  Younger,  257. 

Da'cia,  586,  606.    Map  after  p.  488. 

Damascus,  map  after  p.  12. 

Da-ri'us  Cod-o-man'nus,  278. 

Darius  the  Organizer,  75,  76,  77, 
78. 

"  Dark  Ages,"  the,  749  If. 

Dates,  Table  of,  to  500  b.c,  158;  for 
Greek  history,  p.  295;  Roman  and 
Greek,  396-398;  Roman,  465,  569; 
Teutonic,  636. 

David,  king  of  the  Hebrews,  63,  64. 

Debt,  laws  about,  in  Athens,  136, 141. 

D§c'arch-ies,  under  Spartan  protec- 
tion, 253. 

De-cSm'virs,  364. 

De'cius,  644. 

De'dan,  55. 

Delos,  Confederacy  of,  191-194. 

Delos,  plan  of  house  from,  and  de- 
scription, 233;  island  of,  map  after 
p.  94. 

Delphi,  118;  repulse  of  Gauls  from, 
290.    Maps  after  pp.  94,  98,  etc. 

Delphic  Oracle,  118,  174,  177. 

Demps,  in  Attica,  151. 

De-moc'rI-tus,  philosopher,  225. 

Democracy,  definition  of,  85;  germs 
of,  in  Homeric  Greece,  107;  tyrants 


pave  way  for,  126 ;  Greek  conception 
of,  128;  Athens  a  democracy,  142, 
162,  208-214;  Athens  mother  of 
Ionian  democracy,  195;  attempted 
overthrow  in  Athens,  249,  255;  in 
Greece  overthrown  by  Sparta,  253; 
in  Thebes,  268;  lack  in  Achaean 
League,  301;  in  Republican  Rome, 
in  form,  396-402;  among  Teutons, 
709. 

De-mds'the-nes,  Athenian  general, 
247. 

Demos'thenes,  Athenian  orator,  223, 
272. 

DS-si-de'ri-us,  789. 

Diana,  111. 

Dictator  (Roman),  354. 

Dioceses  (civil),  665;  table  of,  666; 
ecclesiastical,  681. 

Di-5-cle'ti-an,  661-671 ;  edict  regard- 
ing prices,  693,  698. 

Di-o-do'rus,  626. 

Di-6g'e-ne§,  the  cynic,  317. 

Di-o-ny'si-us,  historian,  334,  626. 

Di-o-ny'sus,  god  of  the  vintage  and 
the  drama,  146,  221 ;  theater  of,  at 
Athens,  222,  223. 

Divination,  Chaldean,  49;  Etruscan, 
331,  note;  Roman,  :^2,  343. 

"  Do  Nothing  Kings,"  765. 

Domestication  of  animals,  pre- 
historic, 3,  6  ;  in  Egypt,  18. 

Domitian,  584,  (>07. 

"  Donation  of  Pippin,"  783,  784. 

Do'ri-ans,  113;  and  lonians,  120; 
mythical  origin  of,  116,  6;  in  Pelo- 
ponnesus, 127-130. 

Doric  order  (in  architecture),  154. 

Dorus,  fabled  ancestor  of  Dorians, 
116,  h. 

Dra'co,  139. 

Drainage  system,  at  Knossos,  93. 

Drama,  Greek,  146,  155.  221,  222;  of 
Graeco-Oriental  world,  282,  313; 
Roman,  624  ff. 

Dress,  Egyptian,  see  illustrations, 
pp.  22  ff. ;  Assyrian,  p.  68;  Persian, 
p.  87;  Cretan,  96;  Greek,  236; 
Roman,  412. 

Drasus.  rival  of  Gracchus,  617. 


652 


INDEX 

The  references  are  to  sections. 


Drusus,  champion  of  Italians,  526. 
Dy'ar«h-y,  592. 

Ebro,  the,  map  after  p.  372, 

Bc-bat'a-na,  map  after  p.  82. 

Economic  conditions,  definition  of 
term,  136;  in  Egypt,  12-21;  in 
Chaldea  and  Assyria,  44-46,  51;  in 
Cretan  civilization,  97;  in  Homeric 
Greece,  lp8-110;  in  Sparta,  129;  in 
Athens  at  600  B.C.,  136;  Solon's  re- 
forms, 141 ;  in  age  of  Pericles,  237 ; 
reaction  of  Oriental  conquests  on 
European  Greece,  284;  in  late 
Sparta,  306;  attempts  at  reform 
by  Agis  and  Cleomenes,  307,  308; 
early  Roman,  340,  408-410;  after 
Punic  Wars,  480-484,  488;  reforms 
of  the  Gracchi,  506-518 ;  overthrown, 
519;  Caesar's  attempts  at  reform, 
558;  in  early  Empire,  609-611,  613, 
614,  631 ;  decline  in  3d  century,  649, 
650  ;  more  serious  in  4th  century, 
687-^99;  in  Charlemagne's  Empire, 
798. 

Education  and  learning,  in  Egypt, 
24;  in  Chaldea,  47-49;  in  Persia, 
78;  in  Sparta,  130;  importance  of 
Greek  theater  for,  222,  223  ;  in 
Athens  (typical  of  Greece),  240; 
early  Roman,  413;  under  Empire, 
619,  620  ;  decline  in  4th  century, 
703-704;  in  "Dark  Ages,"  751;  and 
Monasteries,  759 ;  and  Charlemagne, 
800. 

E-ge'ri-a,  335. 

Bgrypt,  early  history  rediscovered,  5 ; 
home  of  early  culture,  6  ;  geogra- 
phy of,  8,  9 ;  people,  10 ;  growth  of 
city-states  into  a  kingdom,  11;  so- 
cial classes,  12,  13 ;  life  of  the 
wealthy,  14;  life  of  the  poor,  15; 
position  of  woman,  16;  irrigation, 
17;  agriculture,  18;  trade,  19;  in- 
dustrial arts,  20;  fine  arts,  21; 
pyramids,  21 ;  literature  and  hiero- 
glyphs, 22;  science,  23;  religion,  24; 
idea  of  future  life,  25;  morals,  26; 
story  of  the  pharaohs,  27-33 ;  under 
the    Ptolemies,    293;     Alexandrian 


Age,  312-320;  and  Rome,  463,  464, 
466 ;  and  Roman  Empire,  619,  620. 

Bl'b6,  the,  map  after  p.  488. 

Elections,  in  Sparta,  128 ;  in  Athens 
142,  152,  210;  in  Achaean  League 
301,  302. 

Elgin  marbles,  219. 

Elis,  117.    Map  after  p.  98. 

Elishah,  55. 

E-lys'I-um,  112. 

Embalming,  Egyptian,  25. 

Em-p§d'6-cles,  philosopher,  225. 

Empire,  defined,  37,  close. 

Empire  of  Charlemagne,  prepara- 
tion for,  by  early  Franks,  744,  764- 
767,  782-784,  786;  by  wars  of  Charle- 
magne, 787,  788,  789;  revival  of 
"Roman  Empire,"  792-794;  com- 
pared with  "Greek  Empire,"  795; 
Teutonic  character,  796 ;  society  and 
government,  798,  799;  place  in  his- 
tory, 801-802.    Map  after  p.  630. 

England,  see  Britain. 

En'ni-us,  624. 

E-pam-i-n6n'das,  264-267. 

Bph'e-sus,  122,  156.  Maps  after  pp. 
94,  98,  etc. 

Eph-i-al'tes,  Athenian  statesman, 
197,  198. 

Ephialtes,  "Judas  of  Greece,"  176. 

Ephors,  Spartan,  128,  129. 

Epic  Age,  in  Greece,  155. 

Ep'Ic-te'tus,  630. 

Ep-i-cu-re'an-ism,  316,  317. 

Ep-i-cu'rus,  316. 

E-pi'rus,  85.    Map  after  p.  94. 

Eqmtes  (6k'wi-tez),  Roman  monied 
aristocracy,  480-484. 

Er-a^tSs'the-nes,  keeper  of  the 
Alexandrian  library,  320. 

E-reeh-the'um,  218. 

E-re'tri-a,  164,  167.    Map  after  p.  98. 

E-sar-hS,d'don,  40. 

Es'quMine,  the,  map,  p.  311. 

E-thI-6'pI-a,  9,  28,  30,  31.    Map,  p.  16. 

E-tru'ri-a,  map  after  p.  302. 

Etruscans,  331,  338. 

Eu-boe'a,  122.    Maps  after  pp.  94, 98. 

Eu'clid,  320. 

Eu-dox'i-a,  726. 


INDEX 


653 


The  references  are  to  sections. 


Eu-pa'trlds,  at  Athens,  135-142. 

Eu-phra'tes,  early  home  of  civiliza- 
tion, 6;  "soul  of  the  land,"  34.  Maps 
after  pp.  12,  82,  etc.,  and  on  p.  55. 

Bu-rlp'i-des,  Greek  tragedian,  221. 

Europe,  contrasted  with  Asia,  82; 
typified  by  Greece,  84  ff. 

Eu-rym'e-don,  battle  of  the,  192. 

Eu-se'bi-us,  702. 

Eu-tro' pi-US,  701. 

Ex-areh'ate  of  Ra-v6n'-na,  map 
after  p.  622. 

Ex'or-cist,  681,  note. 

Experiment,  method  of,  not  known 
to  Greeks,  230. 

Explorations,  in  the  east,  5;  at 
Troy,  90 ;  at  Mycenae,  91 ;  in  Crete, 
93. 

Bzekiel,  describing  the  grandeur  of 
Tyre,  55. 

Pa'bi-an  policy,  441. 

Fa'bi-us  (Q.  Fabius  Maximus),  441. 

Pabius  Pictor,  334,  624. 

Factories,  in  Athens,  237;  in  cities  of 
Roman  Empire,  611. 

Pire-makingr,  and  prehistoric  man, 
3. 

Plam-i-ni'nus,  464. 

Pla'vi-an  Caesars,  the,  580  ff. 

Fla'vi-us,  democratic  aedile,  397, 
note,  402. 

Plo-ri-a'nus,  646,  note. 

Po'rum,  at  Rome,  338.    Map,  p.  529. 

Pranks,  the,  705,  719;  preeminence 
among  Teutonic  conquerors,  739; 
Clovis  and  his  empire,  740-742; 
Prankish  empire  of  the  7th  century, 
-743,  744,  764-766;  and  the  early 
Carolingians,  767,  773,782-784;  Em- 
pire of  Charlemagne  (which  see). 
Maps  after  pp.  572,  576,  594,  etc. 

Prey  a,  708. 

Prieze  (frez),  in  architecture,  154. 

Ga'des,  see  Cadiz. 

Ga-la'ti-a,  290.    Map  after  p.  488. 

Gal'bM,,  580. 

Ga'len,  628. 

Ga-le'ri-us,  672;  edict  of,  672. 


Gal-li-e'nus,  644,  note. 

Gauls,  invasion  of  Greece  and  Asia, 
290;  in  Cisalpine  Gaul,  3;i2;  sack 
Rome,  375  ;  conquest  by  Caesar,  547 ; 
admitted  to  citizenship,  560. 

Gei'ser-ic,  718. 

Ge'lon,  of  Syracuse,  160. 

Ge-mel'lus,  612. 

"  General,"  political  administrator 
at  Athens,  152,  209;  in  Achaean 
League,  300. 

Gens,  pi.  gentes,  see  Clan. 

Ge-nG'ci-us,  3()2,  363. 

Geography,  and  history,  in  Egypt,  6, 
9,  11;  in  Euphrates  regions,  6,  34; 
contrasts  between  Europe  and  Asia, 
82,  84;  Greece,  typical  of  Europe, 
85,  86;  influence  of  Mediterranean, 
83 ;  of  Rome  and  Italy,  326-329,  333. 

Geometry,  Egyptian,  24;  Babylo- 
nian, 49;  later  Greek,  390. 

Germans,  early  invasion,  523-^524; 
and  Caesar,  547 ;  and  Augustus,  606 ; 
revolt  of  Hermann,  606;  invasions 
renewed,  648-687,  710  ff.;  early 
homes,  705;  stage  of  culture,  706; 
character,  707 ;  religion,  708 ;  gov- 
ernment, 709,  710.  See  Alemanni, 
Burgundians,  Goths,  etc. 

Gibraltar,  Straits  of,  54,  note.  Map 
after  p.  132. 

Gid'e-on,  61. 

Gilds,  Roman,  408,  693. 

Gladiators,  486,  629. 

Gor-di-a'nus  I,  644,  note. 

Gordianus  II,  (M4,  note. 

Gordianus  III,  644,  note. 

G6r'grl-as,  sophist,  225. 

Goshen,  59. 

Goths,  see  Ostrogoths  and  Visigoths. 

Government,  class  rule  selfish,  125. 
See  Monarchy,  Oligarchy,  Democ- 
racy. 

Grac'<5hu8,  Caius,  513-^20. 

Gracchus.  Tiberius.  506-512. 

Graeco-Oriental  world,  the,  280- 
327;  mingling  of  East  and  West, 
280;  Hellenism  the  active  element 
in,  281;  Greek  cities  in  (the  many 
Alexandrias) ,   282;    reaction    upon 


654 


INDEX 

The  references  are  to  sections. 


European  Hellas,  283-286;  Wars  of 
the  Succession,  287;  third  century 
B.C.  in,  288 ;  resemblance  to  modern 
Europe,  289;  Gallic  invasion,  290; 
decline,  291;  some  separate  states, 
292-295;  Achaean  League  (which 
see) ;  society  and  culture,  312-321. 

Gra-ni'cus,  battle  of  the,  278.  Map 
after  p.  266. 

Gra'ti-an,  672. 

Greek  Church,  the,  778. 

"  Greek  Empire,"  the,  734-738. 

Greek  federations,  age  of,  297; 
Aetolian,  298;  Achaean,  299-311; 
Lycian,  301;  Olynthiac,  261.  See 
Peloponnesian  League,  Confederacy 
of  Delos,  Rhodes. 

Greek  fire,  772. 

Greek  life,  in  Homeric  Age,  108-110 ; 
in  Age  of  Pericles,  233-240.  See 
Sparta. 

Greek  philosophy,  "Ionic"  (sixth 
century),  156;  in  Age  of  Pericles, 
225-227;  in  Alexandrian  Age,  315- 
318. 

Greek  religion,  98,  100-lcfe,  111-112, 
231. 

Greeks,  the,  invasions  into  Egypt 
about  1350  B.C.,  31;  and  geography, 
82-86;  rediscovery  of  prehistoric 
Greece,  87-93;  Cretan  culture,  94- 
97;  Achaean  culture  (Homeric),  98- 
112;  clan  and  tribe,  100-103;  the 
city-state,  103,  104;  government  in 
Homeric  Age,  105-107;  simple  so- 
ciety, 108;  manners  harsh,  109; 
occupations,  110;  Dorian  conquest, 
113;  Phoenician  influence,  114;  gap 
in  our  knowledge,  from  1100  to  600, 
115;  unity  of  feeling  attained,  116- 
119;  expansion  by  colonization, 
121-123;  disappearance  of  Homeric 
kingship,  124;  "Age  of  Tyrants," 
126 ;  rise  of  Sparta  to  military  head- 
ship, see  Sparta;  rise  of  democ- 
racy in  Athens,  see  Athens ;  art  and 
philosophy  at  600,  154-157 ;  Persian 
Wars  (which  see) ;  Athenian  leader- 
ship, see  Athens  ;  Spartan  leader- 
ship, see  Sparta ;  Theban  leadership, 


264-267 ;  art,  literature,  and  philos- 
ophy, in  Age  of  Pericles,  217-232; 
life  and  industries,  233-240 ;  Mace- 
donian conquest,  269-275 ;  failure  of 
city-state,  268,  275;  in  the  Orient, 
after  Alexander,  280-282;  reaction 
from  the  Orient,  283-285;  political 
situation  in  third  century,  296; 
Achaean  League  (which  see) ;  Alex- 
andrian Age,  312-321 ;  civilization 
compared  with  Roman,  324,  325; 
geography  of,  compared  with  Italian, 
328,  329;  Magna  Graecia  falls  to 
Rome,  381 ;  GreeW  cities  friendly  to 
Rome,  463,  464, 4^5 ;  Roman  ' '  allies ' ' 
defended  by  Rome  against  Antio- 
chus,  465;  petty  quarrels  among, 
and  revulsion  of  feeling  toward 
Rome,  470 ;  rearrangements  by 
Rome,  and  a  Roman  province,  471 ; 
diocese,  666;  Alaric  in  Greece,  713. 

Greeks  in  Italy,  122,  331 ;  conquest 
by  Rome,  381 ;  influence  on  Rome, 
413-^16.    See  Magna  Graecia. 

Gregory  II,  Pope,  780. 

Gregory  III,  Pope,  780. 

Gregory  of  Tours  (toor),  quoted, 
742. 

Gun'do-bald,  717. 

Hadrian,  Emperor,  587. 

Hadrian,  Pope,  780. 

Hadrian's  Wall,  587, 607.  Map  after 
p.  544. 

Hal-i-car-nas'sus,  224.  Map  after 
p.  94. 

Ha'lys  River,  70.    Map  after  p.  82. 

Ha-mil'car  Barca,  427,  431,  436,  437. 

Ham-mu-ra'bi,  king  of  Babylon,  39; 
code  of,  45,  46. 

Hanging  Gardens  of  Babylon,  52. 

H&n'ni-bal,  437-455,  459. 

Har'mosts,  Spartan,  253. 

Ha-roun'  al  Raschid,  797,  note. 

Hasdrubal,  the  Barcide,  447, 452, 453. 

Hebrews,  58-66;  age  of  patriarchs, 
58;  Egyptian  captivity,  31,  59;  set- 
tlement in  Palestine,  60 ;  the  Judges, 
61;  Kings  and  Prophets,  62;  David 
and  Solomon,  63;  division  and  d^- 


INDEX 

The  references  are  to  sections. 


655 


cline,  64  ;  Assyrian  captivity,  40, 
65;  repulse  of  Sennacherib,  from 
Jerusalem,  40;  Babylonian  captiv- 
ity, 42,  65;  return  to  Palestine,  66, 
78;  priestly  rule,  66;  a  dependent 
state,  ()6 ;  the  Maccabees,  i\Q ;  mis- 
sion in  history  —  religion,  67,  68 ;  in 
Alexandria,  319  ;  Maccabees  and 
Rome,  467;  a  dependent  state  and 
finally  a  province,  582;  destruction 
and  dispersion,  582. 

Hector,  Trojan  hero,  109. 

He-gi'ra,  the,  769. 

Helen  of  Troy,  87. 

HSl'las,  84. 

H§rien,  mythical  ancestor  of  Hel- 
lenes, 84,  116,  h. 

Hel-le'nes,  84. 

Hellenism  and  Hellenistic,  terms 
explained,  275. 

H§ries-pont,  the,  16(),  171.  Maps 
after  pp.  94,  98,  132,  etc. 

H§rots,  129,  197. 

Hel-ve'ti-i,  547. 

Hephaestus  (he-f6s'tus).  111. 

He'ra,  111. 

Her-a-clei'tus,  156. 

Herat',  281. 

Her-cu-la'ne-um,  583.     Map,  p.  473. 

Her'cu-les,  111,  note. 

Hermann,  (>05. 

Her'mes,  111. 

Hermits,  759. 

He-rod'o-tus,  in  Egypt,  21 ;  place  in 
literature,  224. 

Her-u-li,  the,  728. 

He'si-od,  155. 

Hes'ti-a,  111. 

Hi'e-ro  II,  422,  429. 

Hi'er-o-glyplis,  Egyptian,  22;  on 
the  Rosetta  stone,  5.  See  Cunei- 
form vjHting. 

Hlm'e-ra,  battle  of,  181.  Map  after 
p.  132. 

Hindoos,  see  India. 

Hip-par'«hus,  son  of  Pisistratus,  147. 

Hipparchus,  the  scientist,  320. 

Hip'pi-as,  son  of  Pisistratus,  147,  167. 

History,  definition  of,  1,4;  divisions, 
4,  802. 


HIt'tites,  7 ;  and  Egyptians,  32.  Maps, 
pp.  55,  77. 

Homeric  Age,  the,  see  Achaean 
cuHnz((tion. 

Ho-mSr'ic  poems,  87. 

H6-no'ri-us,  680. 

Hdp'lites,  and  political  power,  137. 

Horace,  626;  quoted,  489. 

Ho-ra'ti-us,  3r>0,  note. 

H6r-t6n'si-an  Law.  the,_399. 

H6s-tiri-us,  Ttil'lus,  335. 

Houses,  Egyptian,  14,  15;  in  Eu- 
phrates valley,  52;  in  primitive 
Aegean  civilization,  94;  in  age  of 
Pericles,  233;  early  Roman,  340; 
Roman  about  200  B.C.,  411 ;  after 
Punic  Wars,  485. 

Huns,  721-724.     Map  after  p.  57(). 

Hyk'sos,  29,  30,  57. 

Hy-m§t'tus,  146.    Map,  p.  180. 

Hy-p6r'b6-lus,  247. 

Hy'pha-sis  River,  279.  Map  after 
p.  266. 

I-a-pygr'i-ans,  332.    Map,  p.  304. 

I-con-o-clS,s'tic  question,  the,  778, 
note. 

Ic-ti'nus,  218. 

H'i-ad,  87. 

Il'i-um,  87.    See  Troy. 

lUyrla,  270,  277,  432.   Map  after  p.  iM. 

Im'bros,  260.    Map  after  p.  94. 

Immortality,  belief  in,  prehistoric 
man,  1;  Egyptian,  25;  Babylonian, 
53;  Persian,  78;  Greeks,  112,  231; 
Socrates  on,  227. 

Im-per-a'tor,  title  adopted  by  Caesar, 
537 ;  by  Augustus,  509 ;  by  later  em- 
perors, 593. 

India,  early  civilization  in,  why  not 
studied,  4;  and  Persian  Empire,  73; 
and  Alexander  the  Great,  279. 

Indus,  the,  73.     Map  after  p.  84. 

Industries,  in  Egypt,  18-20;  in  Eu- 
phrates states,  51 ;  in  Crete,  96 ;  in 
Homeric  Greece,  110 ;  in  Age  of  Per- 
icles, 237;  early  Roman,  340;  about 
200  B.C.,  408,  409;  after  Punic  Wars 
—  growth  of  capitalism  and  decline 
of  free  industries,  480-483,  488-492; 


656 


INDEX 

The  references  are  to  sections. 


in  Early  Empire,  611-613;  in  later 
Empire,  649,  687-695  ;  in  Empire  of 
Cliarlemagne,  798. 

Ion,  fabled  ancestor  of  lonians,  116,  &. 

I-6'nI-a,  Phoenicians  in,  55 ;  colonized 
by  Greeks,  121 ;  early  center  of  art 
and  philosophy,  154-157;  Persian 
conquest  of,  163;  revolt,  164,  165; 
Persian  War  in,  after  Plataea,  188, 

189  ff. ;  calls  Athens  to  leadership, 

190  (see  Confederacy  of  Delos) ; 
betrayed  to  Persia  by  Sparta,  250, 
260.    Map  after  p.  94. 

lonians,  Greek  "race,"  mythical  or- 
igin of,  116,  6;  driven  out  of  Pelo- 
ponnesus by  Dorians,  113,  121 ; 
contrasted  with  Dorians,  120;  colo- 
nization of  Ionia,  121  (see  Ionia) ; 
democracy  among,  120,  195 ;  in  Sic- 
ily, 195. 

Ionic  order  of  architecture,  154. 

Iran  (e-rau'),  Plateau  of,  40,  41,  71, 

_  72.    Map  after  p.  12. 

I-rene',  Empress,  792. 

Iron,  importance  of,  in  civilization,  2 ; 
no  manufactures  of,  in  Egypt  until 
800  B.C.,  20;  known  to  Achaeans,  98. 

Irrigation,  in  Egypt,  a  cause  of 
political  union,  11;  description  of, 
17;  the  work  of  the  "  Middle  King- 
dom," 28;  in  Babylonia,  35. 

Is'e-as,  patriot-tyrant,  299. 

Is-kan'dar,  281.    Map  after  p.  266. 

I-s6c'ra-tes,  225. 

Israel,  Kingdom  of,  64,  65.  See 
Hebrews.    Map,  p.  77. 

Is'sus,  battle  of,  278.  Map  after 
p.  266. 

Italy,  map  after  p.  302.  Greek  colo- 
nies in,  see  Magna  Graecia  ;  mean- 
ing of  name  in  ancient  times,  326; 
geography,  326-329;  peoples,  330- 
332.    See  Rome,  Goths,  Lombards. 

Ith'a-ca,  maps  after  pp.  94,  98. 

I-a'lus,  544. 

Jacob,  58. 

Ja-nlc'a-lum,    Mount,    339.    Map, 

p.  305. 
Ja'nus,  341. 


Javan,  55. 

Jax-ar'tes  River,  73.  Map  after  p.  84. 

Jeph'thah,  61. 

Je-rome',  Saint,  702. 

Jerusalem,  besieged  by  Sennacherib, 
40;  sacked  by  Nebuchadnezzar,  35, 
42,  65 ;  capital  of  Kingdom  of  Judah, 
64 ;  destruction  by  Titus,  582 ;  patri- 
archate of,  682 ;  becomes  a  Moham- 
medan possession,  777.  Maps  after 
pp.  12,  82,  etc.,  and  on  p.  77. 

Jews,  see  Hebrews. 

Joseph,  12,  59. 

Joshua,  60. 

J6'vi-an,  679. 

Judeh,  Kingrdom  of,  64  ff.  Map  on 
p.  77.     See  Hebrews. 

Judea,  see  Hebrews  and  Judah. 

Judges,  of  Hebrews,  61.  | 

Jtig'e-ra,  370.  I 

Ju-gur'tha,  521,  522. 

Julian  the  Apostate  678.       1 

Julian  Caesars,  the,  591  ff. 

Ju-li-a'nus,  640. 

Ju'no,  111.^ 

Ju'pi-tej; 

Athenian,  211 ;  pay  for,  212. 

Jiis-tln'i-an,  736-738 ;  code  of,  737. 

Jutes,  in  Britain,  720.  Map  after 
p.  594. 

Ju'v§-nal,  628;  quoted,  484,  632. 

Ka-di'jah,  769. 

Kan-da-har',  281.    Map  after  p.  266. 

Karl'mann,  782. 

Kar'nak(_j<ie!mple  at,  21.    Map,  p.  16. 

Khu-fu,  see  Cheops. 

King-priest,  in  Athens,  134 ;  in  Rome, 

350. 
Kingship,  see  Absolute  Monarchy. 

Greek,  in  Hom'eric  Age,  105 ;  in  early 

Rome,  346 ;  Teutonic,  709 ;  in  "  Dark 

Ages,"  761. 
Kitchen  utensils,  in  ancient  Crete, 

96.    Illustration  on  p.  113. 
KIt'i-on,  55. 
Knossos,  Palace  of,  93,  96;  fall,  97. 

See  Cretan  Civilization.    Map  after 

p.  12. 
K6-ran'.  the.  769. 


INDEX 

The  references  are  to  sections. 


657 


Labor,  see  Agriculture,  Industries. 

Lac-e-dae-mS'ni-ans,  see  Sparta. 

La-c6'ni-a,  Spartan  supremacy  in, 
127;  classes  in,  129.  Map  after  p. 
98. 

Lac-tan'ti-us,  651, 

Landholding,  in  Eygpt,  12;  in  Chal- 
dea,  44;  in  Sparta,  129;  Cleomenes' 
reforms  in,  306-308;  in  early  Ath- 
ens, 136;  Solon's  reforms  concern- 
ing, 141;  in  Age  of  Pericles,  237, 
238 ;  in  early  Rome,  341,  357,  359, 
3(51;  Licinian  laws,  370;  grants  to 
poor  citizens,  409;  land  engrossed 
by  the  wealthy  after  Punic  Wars, 
480-492;  attempts  at  reform,  the 
Gracchi's,  507-519;  Caesar's,  558; 
monopoly  of,  under  Empire,  611, 
694,  699;  serfdom,  698. 

Lang'uage,  prehistoric  development, 
3,  d;  race  and,  36,  close;  Semitic, 
ih.;  unity  of  Greek,  116,  a;  in 
Graeco-Oriental  world,  281,  282; 
Latin  in  the  West,  475 ;  Greek  in  the 
East,  ih. ;  growth  of  Romance 
tongues,  751,  6. 

La-6c'6-on,  statue  and  gtory  of,  p. 
290. 

Latin  colonies,  3f)0. 

Latins,  331. 

Latin  War  of  338  B.C.,  379. 

La'ti-um,  337.    Map  after  p.  302. 

Laws,  Babylonian,  45,  46;  of  "  Ly- 
curgus,"  30 ;  of  Draco,  139;  of  Solon, 
141-143 ;  in  early  Rome,  unwritten, 
356 ;  the  "  Twelve  T^lJles,"  ^,  3gJ^ 
"plebiscites,"  365;  LicinianT  370, 
371;  Hortensian,  399;  of  the  Grac- 
chi, 507-519 ;  of  Caesar,  5S8 ;  sources 
of,  under  Empire^  593,  669;  Justin- 
ian's Code,  737 ;  Teutonic,  717,  731, 
760. 

Lay^ard,  47. 

Leaders  of  the  People,  in  Athens, 
209. 

Lebanon  Mountains,  map  on  p.  77. 

Legion,  the  Roman,  403. 

Lem'nos,  260.    Maps  after  pp.  94,  98. 

Leo  II,  Pope,  and  Attila,  724. 

Leo  III,  Pope,  and  Charlemagne,  793. 


Leo  the  I-sau'ri-an,  778-780. 

Le-dn'i-das,  176. 

Le-o-ty-eh'i-de|,  188,  note. 

L§p'i-du8,  564,  565. 

L§s'bo8,  155,  195.    Map  after  p.  94. 

Leuctra,  battle  of,  263.  Map  after 
p.  98. 

Libations,  in  Greek  worship,  101. 

Libraries,  Babylonian,  47,  48;  in 
Graeco-Oriental  world,  282;  at  Al- 
exandria, 319. 

Li-cln'i-an  laws,  the,  370. 

Li-cln'i-us,  Emperor,  673. 

Ll-gu'ri-ans,  map,  p.  304,  and  after 
p.  :i02. 

Li'ris,  the,  map  after  p.  302. 

Literature,  Egyptian,  22;  Chaldean, 
48-50;  spread  over  Syria,  38;  He- 
brew, 67;  Oriental  contrasted  with 
European,  80;  early  Greek  Epic 
Age,  87,  155;  in  Athens  of  Pisistra- 
tus,  146;  Lyric  Age,  155;  drama, 
146,  155,  221-222,  313;  the  Age  of 
Pericles,  221-224 ;  Alexandrian  Age, 
312-313 ;  Roman  about  200  B.C.,  414 ; 
before  Cicero,  624 ;  Age  of  Cicero, 
625;  Augustan  Age,  626;  1st  cen- 
tury after  Augustus,  627;  2d  cen- 
tury, 628;  3d  century,  651;  4th 
century,  700-702;  and  the  church, 
703;  and  the  barbarians,  703;  in 
the  "  Dark  Ages,"  751. 

LIv'i-us  An-dro-ni'cus,  024. 

Livy,  334,  362,  626. 

Lo'cris,  map  after  p.  98. 

Loire  (Iwiir),  map  after  p.  576. 

Lombards,  738. 

Long-  Walls  of  Athens,  200  (plan, 
p.  189) ;  demolished,  254. 

Lot,  in  elections,  142. 

Louvre  (loovr) ,  art  museum  in  mod- 
ern Paris. 

Lu'can,  627. 

Lu'ci-an,  628. 

Lu-cre'ti-us,  625. 

Lyc'i-an  Confederacy,  301. 

Ly-ciir'grus,  127,  1:30. 

Lyd'i-a,  map  after  p.  82. 

Ly-di'a-das,  304,  309. 

Lyons,  map  after  p.  686. 


658 


INDEX 


The  references  are  to  sections. 


Lyric  Ag-e,  the,  155. 
Ly-san'der,  247,  251. 


Mac'ca-bees,  the,  66,  467. 

Mac-e-do'nia,  map  after  p.  94;  sub- 
ject to  Persia  in  500,  165;  under 
Theban  influence,  266;  and  Philip 
II,  269-270;  expansion  by  Philip, 
270-271;  army,  273;  conquest  of 
Greece,  274-275;  under  Alexander, 
see  Alexander;  after  Wars  of  the 
Succession,  one  of  three  Great  Pow- 
ers, 287,  294;  decline,  291;  and 
Achaean  League,  296, 310 ;  and  Rome, 
445,  463-471. 

Macedonian  Army,  273. 

Macedonian  Wars,  First,  463;  Sec- 
ond, 4(i4;  Third,  470. 

Ma-cri'nus,  642. 

Mae-ce'nas,  571,  note. 

Mae'li-us,  Spu'ri-us,  362. 

Magic,  Chaldean,  49. 

Magism  (Persian),  78. 

Magna  Graecia,  122.  Map  after 
p.  132. 

Mag-ne'si-a,  battle  of,  465.  Map 
after  p.  372. 

Mam'er-tines,  422. 

Man-i-chae'ans,  684. 

Man-ti-ne'a,  broken  up  into  villages 
by  Sparta,  261;  restored,  265;  bat- 
tle of,  267.    Map  after  p.  258. 

Manufactures,  see  Industrial  arts, 
Factories. 

Mar'a-thon,  battle  of,  167;  impor- 
tance, 168.  Maps  after  pp.  94,  98, 
and  on  pp.  170,  171,  180. 

March  of  the  Ten  Thousand,  257. 

Mar-cel'lus,  448. 

Mar-d5'nl-us,  166,  167,  181, 182. 

Ma'ri-us,  522,  523. 

Marriage,  Greek,  100;  in  Age  of  Per- 
icles, 235. 

Mars,  111,  .341. 

Mar'ti-al,  631. 

Mas-sn'i-a,  122.    Map  after  p.  132. 

Mas-si-nis'sa,  459. 

Max-im'i-an,  663. 

Mayflelds,  761,  c,  799,  e. 

Medea,  41,71. 


Me'di-a,  see  Medes.    Map  on  p.  55. 
Medieval  history,  759,  note. 
Med-i-ter-ra'ne-an  Sea,  importance 

of,  83. 
Meg-a-16p'o-lis,  265,  304.   Maps  after 

pp.  98,  258. 
M6g'a-ra,    captures    Salamis    from 

Athenians,  140;   Athenian  alliance, 

199;  treachery  of,  201;   commercial 

interests,     241 ;      enters     Achaean 

League,  304.    Maps  after  pp.  98, 198. 
Meg'a-ris,  map  after  p.  98. 
Mgm'phis,  11.    Map,  p.  16. 
Me-nan'der,  313. 
Men-e-la'us,  87,  92. 
Me'neg,  king  of  Egypt,  11,  27. 
Mercenaries,  "War  of  the,  431. 
Me-ro-vln'gi-ans,   name    explained, 

744;  Empire  of,  765. 
Me'sheck,  55. 
Mes-o-po-ta'mi-a,    35.     Map    after 

p.  12. 
Mes-sa'na,  map  after  p.  372. 
Mes-se'ne,  265.    Map  after  p.  258. 
Mes-se'ni-a,  127, 196.   Map  after  p.  98. 
Me-tau'rus,  battle  of  the,  453.    Map 

after  p.  :302. 
Met'o-pe,  154. 

Metropolis,  of  a  Greek  colony,  123. 
Met-ro-pdl'i-tan,  see  Archbishops. 
"Middle  Ages,"  759,  note. 
Mi-lan',  map  after  p.  302.    Edict  of, 

676. 
Mi-le'tus,  map  after  pp.  94,  98,  etc. 
Mil-ti'a-des,  167,  169. 
Mil'vi-an  Bridge,  battle  of  the,  673. 
Mi'nos,  of  Crete,  93, 
MIs'si  Do-min'i-ci,  799,  b. 
Mith-ri-da'teg  the  Great,  528,  632, 

542. 
irn§8'i-cleg,  218. 
Mo-h&m'med,  768-770. 
Mo-h&m'me-d&n-ism,  768-774. 
Monarchy,  definition  of,  SSr"    ' 
Mo-nas'ti-cism,  origin,  759. 
Money,  no  coinage  in  ancient  Egypt, 

19;  nor    in    Euphrates    states,    70; 

coinage  in  Lydia,  70 ;  at  Sparta,  130 ; 

Solon's,  at  Athens,  143 ;  abundant  in 

Greece  after  Alexander,  284;  early 


INDEX 

The  references  are  to  sections. 


659 


Roman,  410;  under  Empire,  drain 
to  Orient,  613;  lack  in  later  Em- 
pire, 688;  and  in  Middle  Ages,  798. 

Morality,  Egyptian,  24-26;  Chaldean 
and  Assyrian,  36,  41,  45,  46,  53;  He- 
brew, 67,  68;  Persian,  78;  Greek, 
86,  226,  227,  231 ;  Roman,  about  200 
B.C.,  411,  415-416 ;  after  Punic  Wars, 
480, 484 ;  under  the  Empire,  630-638 ; 
Teutonic,  707;  and  "Dark  Ages," 
756. 

Moses,  60. 

Mount  Athos,  166,  177.  Map  after 
p.  94. 

Miin'da,  555.    Map  after  p.  372. 

Municipal  government,  under  the 
Empire,  597. 

Municipia  (Roman),  385. 

Museum  (mu-se'um),  Plato's,  at 
Athens,  319;  Ptolemy's,  at  Alexan- 
dria, 319. 

Myc'a-le,  battle  of^  189.  Map  after 
p.  94. 

My-ce'nae,  91.    Map  after  p.  94. 

Mycenaean  culture,  term  ex- 
plained, iWt. 

Myths,  Greek,  111;  Roman,  341. 

Nae'vi-us,  624. 

Nahum,  on  fall  of  Assyria,  41. 

Nar-bonne',  620.    Map  after  p.  586. 

Nar'ses,  736. 

Nature  worship,  Egyptian,  24; 
Chaldean,  53;  Greek,  98,  111;  Ro- 
man, 341;  Teutonic,  708. 

Nau-pac'tus,  195.    Map  after  p.  98. 

Nau-slc'a-a,  108. 

Navy,  growth  of  Athenian,  170,  176, 
178,  186;  skill  with,  242,  246  (see 
Trireme)  ;  Roman,  424,  425. 

Nax'os,195.    Maps  after  pp.  94, 98, 198. 

Ne-ap'o-lis  (Naples),  195.  Map  after 
p.  1302. 

Ne-ar'chus,  285 ;  route  of,  map  after 
p.  26(5. 

Neb-u--ehad-n§z'zar,  42 ;  prayer  of, 
.58. 

Ne'co,  king  of  Egypt,  32. 

Ne'pos,  625. 

Nero,  Claudius,  consul,  453. 


Nero,  Emperor,  579. 

N6r'va,  585. 

Neus'tri-a,  764.     Map  after  p.  60S. 

New  Stone  Age,  2. 

Ni-cae'a,  Council  of,  684.  Map  after 
p.  586. 

Ni-cene'  Creed,  the,  684. 

NIc'i-as,  247,  248. 

Nic-o-me'di-a.    Map  after  p.  544. 

Nile,  9.    Map,  p.  16. 
j  Nineveh,  37,  40,  41 ;  palace  of,  de- 
scribed, 52;  commerce  of,  61.    Map 
after  p.  12. 

Nor-th\im'bri-a.    Map  after  p.  630. 

Na'ma,  3.35 ;  and  gilds,  408. 

Nu-mer-i-a'nus,  646,  note. 

Ob-sld'i-an,  95. 

Oc-ta'vi-us,  trifcune,  deposed  by 
Gracchus,  509. 

Octavius  Caesar,  564-567.  See 
Augustus. 

O-de'um,  218. 

O-do-a'cer,  see  Odovaker. 

O-do-va'ker,  728. 

O-dys'seus,  87,  92,  107,  108,  110,  112. 

Od'ys-sey,  87. 

Oe-no'phy-ta,  battle  of,  200.  Map 
after  p.  246. 

Old  Stone  Age,  2. 

Oligarchy,  definition  of,  85;  origin  in 
Greece,  124 ;  overthrown  by  tyrants, 
125;  in  Athens,  135-139;  overthrow 
in  Athens,  141-142;  struggle  with 
democracy  iu  Greece,  159;  set  up 
by  Sparta  iu  subject  cities,  253;  in 
Thebes  (see  Thebes) ;  in  early  Rome, 
.344  ff. 

O-lym'pi-a,  117.     Map  after  p.  98. 

Olympiad,  116. 

Olympias,  276. 

Olympic  games,  116,  117. 

Olympus,  111.    Map  after  p.  91. 

O-lyn'thi-ac  Confederacy,  261,  297. 

Olynthus,  122.     Map  after  p.  94. 

Oratory,  in  Greece  and  Athens,  223. 

Ordeal,  Trial  by,  7()0. 

0-r§8'tes,  728. 

Oriental^  history,  introductory  to 
Greek  history,  4 ;  summary,  79-81. 


660 


INDEX 

The  references  are  to  sections. 


Or'i-gen,  651. 
0-rI8r'i-ne§,  of  Cato,  624. 
Orleans.    Map  after  p.  676. 
Os'ti-a,  339.    Map  on  p.  305. 
Ostracism,  153 ;  of  oligarchic  leaders 

at  Athens,   169;    of  Aristides,  170; 

of  Cimon,  198. 
Os'tro-goths,  729-733.    Map,  p.  572. 
Otho,  580. 
Ovid,  6L8. 

Oxus  River,  279.    Map  after  p.  84. 
O-zy-man'di-as,  p.  11. 

Pae'tus,  632. 

Pagans,  term  explained,  685,  note. 

Painting,  Egyptian,  21 ;  Greek,  154, 
314. 

Pal'a-tine  Hill,  map,  p.  311. 

Palestine,  60.    Map,  p.  77. 

Pallas  Athene,  see  Athene. 

Pal-my'ra,  map  after  p.  488. 

Pam-phy-ri-a,  192.     Map  after  p.  132. 

Pan-Hellenic  Confederation,  pro- 
posed by  Athens,  187,  188. 

Pan'the-on,  622. 

Papacy,  the,  claims  of  Roman  bishops 
to  headship  of  church,  775 ;  advant- 
ages of  Rome,  776 ;  Eastern  rivals  re- 
moved by  Mohammedan  conquest, 
777,  and  by  the  Great  Schism,  778 ; 
growth  into  a  temporal  power,  779- 
784. 

Pa-pln'i-an,  643. 

Papy'rus,  5. 

Pa'ros,  169.    Map  after  p.  94. 

Par-rAa'si-us,  314. 

Par'the-non,  219,  220.  See  plan  of 
Acropolis,  p.  209,  and  illustrations, 
pp.  156,  158,  212. 

Par'thi-ans,  278, 549.  Map  after  p. 488. 

"  Partnership  Emperors,"  663  ff. 

Patriarch,  in  the  Church  organiza- 
tion, 681. 

Patriarchs,  Hebrew,  58. 

Pa-tri'cians,  344 ;  organization,  345 ; 
government,  346;  struggles  with 
plebeians,  356-371. 

Paul,  Apostle  to  the  Gentiles,  653. 

Pau-sa'ni-as,  king  of  Sparta,  190. 

Pausanias,  historian,  628. 


Peace  of  Antal'cidas,  260. 

Peasantry,  Egyptian,  15,  18;  Chal- 
dean, 44 ;  Greek,  in  Age  of  Pericles, 
237;  Roman,  early,  340,  408-412; 
after  Punic  Wars,  480,  488-491;  in 
later  Empire,  694. 

Pediments,  in  architecture,  154. 

Pe-16p'i-das,  262. 

Pel-o-pon-ne'si-an  League,  162. 

Peloponnesian  "War,  241-251. 

Pel-o-pon-ne'sus,  map,  p.  165. 

Pe-na'tes,  101. 

Pen-t§l'i-cus,  167.    Map  on  p.  180. 

Per'ga-mos,  295,  312.  Map  after 
p.  372. 

Per-i-&n'der,  126. 

Per'i-cle§,  197,  198, 199,  200,  202  if. 

P6r-sep'6-lis,  74.    Map  after  p.  84. 

Per'seus,  of  Macedonia,  470. 

Persian  Gulf,  maps  after  pp.  12,  82, 
84,  etc. 

Persian  Wars,  159-183,  187-193,  200- 
202,  258-260;  the  antagonists,  159- 
161;  conquest  of  Ionia,  163;  revolt 
of  Ionia  and  Athenian  aid,  164 ;  first 
two  attacks  on  Greece,  165-167 ;  re- 
lation of  Ionian  revolt  to  Persian 
attack,  165;  first  expedition.  Mount 
Athos,  166;  second  expedition, 
Marathon,  167;  from  Marathon  to 
Thermopylae  in  Athens,  168-170; 
the  third  attack,  171-183;  Persian 
preparation,  171;  Greek  prepara- 
tion, 172;  Greek  lines  of  defense 
and  plan  of  campaign,  173, 174;  loss 
of  Thessaly,  175 ;  Thermopylae,  loss 
of  Central  Greece,  176 ;  strategy  of 
Themistocles,  178;  battle  of  Sala- 
mis,  179;  temptation  of  Athens, 
181 ;  Plataea,  182 ;  meaning  of  Greek 
victory,  183;  league  of  Plataea, 
187;  war  to  free  Ionia,  189-192; 
peace,  202;  war  revived  in  Asia, 
258-259 ;  peace  of  Antalcidas,  260. 
Per'ti-nax,  640. 

Pe'trine  supremacy,  doctrine  of  ,775. 
Phaed'rus,  232. 

Phalanx,  Theban,  263;  Macedonian, 
273;  compared  with  legion,  403; 
conquered  by  legion,  464. 


INDEX 

The  references  are  to  sections. 


661 


Pha,-16'rum,  186.    Map,  p.  189. 

Pha'raohs,  of  Egypt,  12. 

Pha'rSs,  lighthouse  on,  320. 

Phar-sa'lus,  battle  of,  554.  Map 
after  p.  488. 

Phld'1-as,  220. 

Phi-dlp'pi-des,  167. 

Philip  II,  king  of  Macedonia,  270; 
aims  and  methods,  271 ;  army,  273 ; 
invades  Greece,  274;  assassinated, 
276. 

Philip  V,  of  Macedon,  293,  445,  463, 
464. 

Phi-llp'pi,  battle  of,  566.  Map  after 
p.  488. 

Phi-lip'pics,  of  Demosthenes,  272. 

Phi-Up'pus,  644,  note. 

Phi-lIs'tin('S,  61.    Map,  p.  77. 

Phil-o-poe'men,  311. 

Philosophy,  see  Greek  Philosophy ;  of 
Marcus  Aurelius,  638;  of  3d  cen- 
tury, 651. 

Pho'cis,  maps  after  pp.  94,  98. 

Phoe-ni'cians,  54-57;  influence  on 
Greece,  114.    Map  on  p.  77. 

Phor'mi-o,  246.  » 

Phryg'i-a,  maps  after  pp.  82,  84. 

Physical  Geography,  as  a  factor  in  his- 
torical development,  6,  7,  9,  10,  11, 
23,  34,  35,  52,  54,  58,  82,  83, 84,  85,  86, 
120,  133,  327-329,  333. 

Pillars  of  Hercules,  56.  Map  after 
p.  132. 

PIn'dar,  155,  277. 

Pip'pin  of  H§r'is-tal,  766. 

Pippin  the  Short,  782-784. 

Pi-rae'us,  185.     Map,  p.  189. 

Pis-Is'tra-tus,  146. 

Plague,  at  Athens,  244;  in  Roman 
world,  649. 

"  Plain,"  the,  party  in  Athens,  145. 

Pla-tae'a,  aids  Athens  at  Marathon, 
167 ;  battle  of,  182,  183 ;  League  of, 
187.    Maps  after  pp.  94,  98,  etc. 

Plato,  315,  319. 

Plau'tus,  624. 

Plebeians,  Roman,  344. 

Pleb'i-scltes,  365. 

Pliny  the  Youngrer,  598,  630,  657. 

Plo-ti'nus,  651. 


Plutarch,  130, 628 ;  quoted  frequently. 

Pnyx,  210.    Map,  p.  202. 

PSl'e-march,  i;^. 

Political,  term  explained,  104,  note. 

P61'li-o,  6S5. 

Po-lyb'i-us,  628;  quoted  frequently. 

Pom-pe'ii,  583.     Map,  p.  473. 

Pompey  the  Great,  537-556. 

Pon'ti-fex  Max'i-mus,  557,  693. 

Pontiffs,  Roman,  342. 

Pon'tus,  map  after  p.  644. 

Pope,  origin  of  name,  775,  note. 

P6r'phyr-3^,  651. 

P6r-sen'na,  350,  note. 

Po-sei'don,  111. 

Post  roads,  Persian,  77.    Map  after 

p.  84.    See  Roman  roads. 
Pottery,  significance  of,  in  culture, 

10;  wheel  a  Babylonian  invention, 

51 ;    in  Cretan  civilization,  95,  96. 

Many  illustrations  of,  and  of  Greek 

painting  on,  passim. 
Prae-n§s'te,  map,  p.  305. 
Praetor,  372. 
Prae-to'ri-ans,  569. 
Prax4t'e-les,  220. 
Pre-'fect'ure,  in  Italy,  390 ;  model  for 

provincial  government,  435 ;  a  divi- 
sion of  the  Empire,  665;  table  of, 

666.    Map  of,  after  p.  544. 
Prehistoric  time,  1;    ages    of,    2; 

contributions  to  civilization,  3;  in 

Egypt,    10;    in    Greece,   87-97;    in 

Italy,  337  ff. 
Priests,  of  Egypt,  12;   of  Hebrews, 

66;  in  early  Greece  and  Rome,  see 

King-priest 
Pro'con-sul,  406. 
Prophets,  Hebrew,  62. 
Prop-y-lae'a,  of  Acropolis^  218,  and 

illustration,  p.  211. 
Pro-t§c't6-rate,  term  explained,  293. 
provincial    government,    Roman, 

435,  498-503;  and  Caesar,  559,  560; 

under  Empire,  599,  608-^10,  616-617, 

665-668. 
Psam-m6t'i-chu8,  Pharaoh,  32. 
Ptolemy  I,  of  Egypt,  293. 
Ptolemy  II  (Philadelphus)  ,21,/,  293, 

319,  320. 


662 


INDEX 

'T'he  references  are  to  sections. 


Ptolemy  III,  293. 

Ptolemy,  geographer,  028. 

Pul,  see  Tiglath-Plleser  II. 

Punic  Wars,  see  Carthage. 

Punjab,  the,  73.    Map  after  p.  84. 

Pu-pl-e'nus,  G44,  note. 

Pyd'na,   battle  of,  470.    Map   after 

p.  372. 
Pyramids,  Egyptian,  21. 
Pyr'rAus,  381. 
Py-thS-g-'o-ras,  156. 

Quad'i,  the,  650. 
Quad-rlv'i-um,  the,  619. 
Quaestors,  396. 
Quin-til'i-an,  627. 
Quir'i-nal,  the,  map,  p.  311. 

Rad'o-gast,  726. 

Ra-me'ses  II,  30. 

Ra-ven'na,  map  after  p.  302. 

Re-gll'lus,  Lake,  350.    Map,  p.  305. 

R§g'u-lus,  425-426. 

Re-ho-bo'am,  64. 

Relief  sculpture,  definition  of,  p. 
18,  note;  specimens  of  Egyptian, 
Assyrian,  Greek,  and  Roman,  in 
illustrations,  passim. 

Heligion,  Egyptian,  24-26;  Chaldean, 
53;  Assyrian,  45,  53;  Phoenician, 
57;  Hebrew,  67,  68;  Persian  78; 
Oriental,  80;  in  Greece,  98,  100-102, 
111,  112,  118,  119,  227,  231,  232  (see 
Greek  Philosophy) ;  Roman,  341- 
;H3  ;  Teutonic,  707,  708.  See  Chris- 
tianity. 

Representative  government,  not 
a  feature  even  of  the  Greek  federa- 
tions, 301;  none  in  Rome,  384;  not 
in  the  provincial  assemblies  of  the 
Empire,  599;  to  grow  out  of  Teutonic 
Assemblies,  762. 

Rex  sa-cro'rum,  350. 

R'/e'g-i-um,  195.    Map  after  p.  132. 

R/iOdes,  maps  after  pp.  94, 132.  Con- 
federacy of,  288;  center  of  Hellen- 
istic culture,  312;  and  Rome,  473. 
Map  after  p.  132. 

Rlk'i-mer,  727. 

Roland,  Song  of,  789,  note. 


Roman  Assemblies,  patrician  (curi- 
ate),  346 ;  by  centuries,  347,  348,  398, 
399;  by  Tribes,  3(i5,  386,  398,  399; 
decline  after  Punic  Wars,  494;  in 
Early  Empire,  596. 

Roman  camp,  404.    Plan  of,  p.  355. 

Romance  languages,  751  and  note. 

Roman  colonies,  384,  389.  Map, 
p.  348. 

Roman  Empire,  conditions-4eading 
to,  see  Rome ;  despotism  a  medi- 
cine for,  551,  552;  civil  war,  Caesar 
and  Pompey,  553-556;  work  of 
Caesar,  556-559;  form  of  Caesar's 
government,  557 ;  Julius  to  Octavius, 
563-668 ;  Augustus,  568-573 ;  in  first 
two  centuries,  574  ff . ;  story  of,  575- 
591 ;  character  of  government  (prin- 
cipate),  592-595;  local* government, 
596-599 ;  im'perial  defense,  600-607  ; 
boundaries,  605-606 ;  two  centuries  of 
peace  and  prosperity,  608-610 ;  cities, 
610-611;  forms  of  industry,  611; 
commerce,  612,  613;  travel,  612; 
banking  and  panics,  614;  taxation 
and  roads,  615 ;  the  vrorld  Roman- 

•ized,  616,  617,  618;  education,  619, 
620;  architecture,  621-623;  litera- 
ture, 624-628;  morals,  630-638; 
"  barrack  emperors  "  of  3d  century, 
639-649;  general  decline  of  3d  cen- 
tury, 747-749;  barbarian  attacks, 
748;  decline  of  population,  649; 
slavery  as  a  cause' of  decline,  650; 
decay  in  literature,  651 ;  rise  of 
Christianity  (which  see),  652-660; 
Diocletian's  reorganization,  661  ff. ; 
Constantine  and  victory  of  Chris- 
tianity, 672-677;  Constantine  to 
Theodosius,  677-680 ;  the  Church  of 
the  4th  century,  681-686;  society  in 
the  4th  century,  6^7-697;  govern- 
ment and  the  "  money  power,"  698- 
699;  decay  in  literature  and  science, 
700-704.  See  Teutons,  Barharianin- 
vasions,  Roman  Efnpire  in  the  West, 
Roman  Empire  in  the  East. 

Roman  Empire  in  the  Bast,  parti- 
tion (administrative)  by  Diocletian, 
663 ;  final  separation  from  the  West, 


INDEX 

The  references  are  to  sections. 


663 


680 ;  West  Groths  in ,  712-713 ;  nominal 
rule  over  Italy  under  Zeno,  728; 
East  Goths  in,  729 ;  left  alone,  as  a 
"  Greek  Empire,"  734 ;  Slavs  in,  735 ; 
revival  under  Justinian,  reconquests 
of  A-frica  and  Italy,  7:36-737 ;  Justi- 
nian Code,  737 ;  loss  of  Italy,  except 
the  South  and  the  exarchate,  738; 
decay  and  new  revival  in  eighth 
century,  repulse  of  Mohammedans 
by  Constantine  IV  and  by  Leo  III, 
722;  iconoclastic  agitation  in,  778; 
attempts  to  maintain  control  over 
Rome,  779-780;  relation  to  the  Em- 
pire of  Charlemagne,  794,  795,  797. 

Roman  Empire  in  the  West,  sepa- 
ration from  the  East,  680 ;  crumbles 
away  —  causes,  687-699  (see  Ger- 
mans) ;  idea  survives  in  Dark  Ages, 
758;  contributions  to  Europe,  762; 
revival  by  Charlemagne,  785-796. 
See  Empire  of  Charlemagne. 

Roman  family,  345. 

Roman  Law,  early,  unwritten,  356; 
Twelve  Tables,  362,  364;  "plebi- 
scites," 365;  codification  begun  by 
Caesar,  558;  sources  of  imperial, 
593,  669;  gentler  spirit  in  first  and 
second  centuries,  636,  637;  further 
development  by  great  jurists  in  third 
century,  651 ;  Justinian's  codifica- 
tion, 737. 

Roman  life,  early,  340,  341,  345 ;  about 
200  B.C.,  407-416;  after  Punic  Wars^ 
484-492;  in  Early  Empire,  608-618, 
630-636;  decline  in  3d  and  4th  cen- 
turies, 647-651,  687-699. 

Roman  names,  454,  note. 

Roman  roads,  395, 615.  Maps,  p.  348 
and  (for  Empire)  after  p.  488. 

Roman  Senate,  origin,  34<);  of  200 
B.C.,  400;  decline  after  Punic  Wars, 
495 ;  in  early  Empire,  592-593,  594 ; 
disappears  except  as  city  council 
after  Diocletian,  669. 

Rome  (history),  place  in  history,  322- 
324;  contrasted  with  Greece,  325; 
geography,  333;  legendary  history, 
334-335;  conclusions,  as  to  regal, 
337-354;     growth,     338-339;     early 


home  life,  1340;  religion',  1341-343; 
classes,  344  ff. ;  patrician  organiza- 
tion and  government,  345-346;  ple- 
beians make  way  into  Assembly  of 
Centuries  (which  see),  347-348;  life 
king  replaced  by  consuls,  .349-350; 
class  struggles  in  early  Republic, 
357-370 ;  first  secession  of  plebs,  and 
tribunes,  362,  363;  characteristics  of 
contest,  362,  369;  Twelve  Tables 
(Decemvirs),  362-364;  Assembly  of 
Tribes  and  plebiscites,  365  ;  social 
fusion,  366;  plebeians  admitted  to 
consulship,  367-372  (see  lAcinian 
Rogations) ;  unification  of  Italy,  373 
ff. ;  progress  before  3(57  b.c,  373- 
375;  sacked  by  Gauls,  375;  advance 
to  266  B.C.  (Italy  united),  376-381; 
Rome  champion  of  Lowland  civiliza- 
tion against  barbarians  of  the  High- 
lands and  the  Gauls,  377 ;  acquires 
Central  Italy,  378-380;  Samnite 
wars,  380;  Pyrrhic,  381 ;  Italy  under 
Rome,  382  ff. ;  Roman  state,  extent, 
383;  rights  of  citizens,  383,  386-387, 
3<>4;  subjects,  388-391,393;  policy 
toward  subjects,  394;  roads,  395; 
perfected  Republican  constitution, 
396  ff. ;  democratic  theory  and 
aristocratic  practice,  397, 401 ;  army, 
403-406;  Roman  life  in  its  noblest 
age,  407^16;  Greek  influence,  416; 
winning  of  the  West,  417  ff. ;  First 
Punic  War,  417  ff. ;  strength  of 
parties,*  423;  Rome  becomes  sea 
power,  424-425;  wins  Sicily,  429; 
between  Punic  Wars  seizes  Sardinia, 
430-431 :  Adriatic  a  Roman  sea,  432 ; 
conquest  of  Cisalpine  Gaul,  433;  pro- 
vincial system  begun,  435;  Second 
Punic  War,  436  ff.;  Hannibal  in 
Italy,  439;  Cannae,  442;  fidelity  of 
Latins  and  Italians,  443 ;  grandeur  in 
disaster,  444 ;  Hannibal  at  the  gates, 
449 ;  invasion  of  Africa  and  victory, 
454 ;  Rome  mistress  of  the  West,  455 ; 
Rome  in  Spain,  4.56-457;  Third 
Punic  War,  459  ff . ;  destroys  Car- 
thage, wins  Africa,  462;  Rome  in 
the  East,  463  ff. ;  First  Macedonian 


664 


moEx 


The  references  are  to  sections. 


War,  463;  Second,  464;  Syrian  War, 
465;  protectorates  become  provinces, 
466-469;  sole  Great  Power,  474 ;  two 
halves  of  Roman  world,  475;  new 
strife  of  classes,  476  ff . ;  industrial 
and  moral  decline  after  Punic  wars, 
480-483;  decay  of  yeomanry,  480, 
488-492;  a  new  capitalism,  481: 
trade  monopolies,  482;  "money 
power "  and  the  government,  483 ; 
rise  of  luxury,  484;  a  proletariat, 
492 ;  decay  of  the  constitution,  493- 
495 ;  the  evils  in  Italy,  496-497  ;  evils 
in  the  provinces,  498-503;  slavery, 
504, 505 ;  Cato's  and  Scipio's  attempts 
at  reform,  506;  the  Gracchi,  507- 
519;  work  overthrown,  519;  new 
character  of  Roman  history,  bio- 
graphical, 520 ;  Jugurthine  War,  521- 
522 ;  Marius  saves  from  Cimbri,  523- 
524;  disorders  and  Social  War, 
525-527;  Italy  enters  Roman  state, 
527;  Marius  and  Sulla,  528  S.; 
Marian  massacres,  530;  Sulla  in 
East,  532;  return,  civil  war,  533; 
Sullan  massacres,  534 ;  restores  sen- 
atorial rule,  535;  Pompey  and 
Caesar,  537  ff. ;  Pompe:['s  leadership, 
538-542;  expansion  in  East,  542; 
new  leaders,  543 ;  Catiline,  545 ;  rise 
of  Caesar;  544-549;  expansion  in 
West,  547-549 ;  founding  the  Empire, 
549  ff.    See  Roman  Empire. 

Rome,  city  under  the  Empire, 
fire,  579;  government,  596;  indus- 
tries, 611,  614;  "patriarchate,"  681, 
775-777 ;  sacked  by  West  Goths,  714 ; 
by  Vandals,  718,  726 ;  by  East  Goths, 
736. 

R6m'a-lus,  335. 

Romulus  Au-giis'tu-lus,  726. 

Roncesvalles  (r6ns-val'),  789,  note. 
Map  after  p.  630. 

Ro-s6t'ta  stone,  5. 

Rubicon,  553.    Map  after  p.  302. 

Sa'bines,  338.    Map  after  p.  302. 
Sa-giin'tum,  438.    Map  after  p.  372. 
Sa'is,  map,  p.  16. 
Sal'a-mis,   Athenian    war    for,   140; 


battle  of,  178-180;  significance  of. 
183.  Maps  after  pp.  94,  98,  and  on 
p.  180. 

Sai'lust,  625. 

Sa-ma'ri-a,  map,  p.  77. 

Siim'nites,  map  after  p.  302. 

Sa'moQ,  156,  195.  Maps  after  pp.  94. 
98,  etc. 

Samson,  61. 

Samuel,  61. 

Sa'por,  644. 

Sappho  (saf'o),  155. 

Saracens,  774,  note. 

Sardinia,  map  after  p.  132. 

Sar'dis,  77 ;  burned  in  Ionian  Revolt, 
164.     Maps  after  pp.  82,  84. 

Sar'gron  the  Elder,  38. 

Sar'gon,  of  Assyria,  40. 

Sas-san'i-dae,  the,  648. 

Satraps,  introduced  by  Assyrians, 
40;  adopted  by  Persia,  76. 

Saturn,  341. 

Saul,  62. 

Saxons,  in  Britain,  720  (map  after 
p.  594) ;  and  Charlemagne,  788. 

Schliemann  (shle'man),  life  of,  89; 
discoveries,of ,  90, 91 ;  importance,  92. 

Schools,  in  Age  of  Pericles,  240;  in 
Roman  Republic,  413;  in  Empire, 
620 ;  in  Empire  of  Charlemagne,  800. 

Science,  Egyptian,  23;  Chaldean,  49; 
early  Greek,  related  to  philosophy, 
156;  in  the  age  of  Pericles  still 
bound  up  with  philosophy,  225 ;  lack 
of  method  of  experiment,  230 ;  Alex- 
andrian Age,  320 ;  Roman,  under  the 
Republic,  414;  under  the  Empire, 
decline  after  2d  century,  700,  703, 
704;  in  "Dark  Ages,"  750-751. 

Scipio  (P.  Cornelius  Scipio  Africa- 
nus),  447,  454. 

Scipio  Africanus  the  Younger, 
462,465,  note,  493;  fails  at  reform, 
506. 

Scipio  Asiaticus,  465,  note. 

Sculpture,  Egyptian,  21;  Chaldean, 
52;  Assyrian,  52;  Oriental  con- 
trasted with  European,  80;  Greek, 
154,  218-220;  in  Graeco-Oriental 
world,  314.     See  Relief  sculpture. 


INDEX 


665 


The  references  are  to  sections. 


Sc^'ros,  260.     Maps  after  pp.  1)4,  98. 

Scyth'i-ans,  in  Assyria,  41 ;  repulsed 
by  Persians,  75. 

Se-gSs'ta,  195.    Map  after  p.  132. 

Se-leu'ci-dae,  rulers  of  the  family  of 
Seleucus. 

Se-leu'cus,  general  of  Alexander, 
and  king  of  Syria,  292. 

S§m'ites,  36. 

Semitic  languag-e,  36. 

Sen-nS/€h'e-rib,  40. 

Sep'tu-a-gint,  319. 

Serfdom,  in  Roman  Empire,  694. 

S§r-to'ri-us,  530,  531,  539,  640. 

S6r'vi-us  Tul'li-us,  335. 

Se-vB'rus,  Alexander,  643. 

Se-ve'rus,  S§p-tlm'i-us,  641. 

Shaft,  use  in  architecture,  154. 

"  Shaking  off  of  Burdens,"  141. 

"Shore,"  the,  party  in  Athens,  145. 

Sicily,  Greek  colonies  in,  122;  Car- 
thaginian War  in,  159,  160;  Athe- 
nian disaster  in,  248 ;  and  the  Punic 
Wars,  422,  427,  429,  446. 

Sicyon  (sish'i-on)  and  Aratus,  302. 
Maps  after  pp.  94,  98,  etc. 

Si'don,  55.    Map  after  p.  12. 

SIm'i-lis,  631. 

Si-mon'i-des,  155. 

Slavery,  Egyptian,  15;  Greek,  in 
Sparta,  129;  in  Athens,  205,  230, 
237;  Roman,  under  Republic  after 
Punic  Wars,  504,  505;  imder  Em- 
pire, milder,  635 ;  a  cause  of  decline 
of  population,  650.    See  Serfdom. 

Slavs,  721,  735. 

Social  War,  the,  526,  527. 

S6c'ra-te|,  the  man,  226;  teachings, 
225 ;  on  immortality,  227. 

Sog'-di-a'na,  map  after  p.  82. 

Soissons  (swii-son'),  battle  of,  740. 
Map  after  p.  608. 

Solomon,  63,  64,  76,  note. 

So'lon,  and  a  priest  of  Sais,  23;  and 
overthrow  of  Eupatrids,  140-144. 

Sdph'ists,  225. 

Soph'o-cles,  221. 

Sparta,  leading  Dorian  city,  120; 
kings  in,*  128;  early  history,  127; 
government,  128;  classes  of  people 


in  Laconia,  129;  "Spartan  train- 
ing," 130;  and  Persian  Wars,  161, 
162,  164,  167,  172  ff . ;  delays  and 
losses  thereby,  167,  175,  176,  181; 
strife  with  Athens,  196-201 ;  Messe- 
nian  revolt,  197 ;  Peloponnesian  War, 
241-251 ;  supremacy  in  Greece,  253- 
263;  Leuctra,  263;  and  Thebes,  265- 
267;  decay  and  need  of  social  re- 
form, 306;  Agis  and  Cleomenes, 
307-308;  and  Achaean  League,  309; 
sacked  by  Goths,  648,  713.  Maps 
after  pp.  94,  98,  etc. 

Spar'ta-cus,  505. 

Sphinx,  21. 

State,  definition,  11,  note. 

Stephen,  Pope,  and  Pippin,  783. 

Stn'i-€ho,  726. 

Stoics,  317. 

Stone  Age,  the,  1,  2,  3;  in  Egypt, 
10 ;  in  Aegean  islands,  95. 

Stra'bo,  628. 

Strassbiirg,  battle  of,  Julian's,  678; 
Clovis',  740,  741.     Map  after  p.  576. 

Str6m'bo-U,  733. 

Sul'la,  522,  526,  528-536. 

Sul-pl'ci-us,  528,  529. 

Susa,  map  after  p.  84. 

Syracuse,  248.    Map  after  p.  132. 

Syria,  7.  Map  after  p.  12,  and  on 
p.  55.  Kingdom  of  Syria  (in  Graeco- 
Roman  world),  292;  Roman  con- 
quest, 465  ff. ;  and  the  Jews,  467. 

Tac'i-tus,  Emperor,  646,  note. 

Tacitus,  historian,  627;  quoted  fre- 
quently; on  Teutons,  707,  709. 

Tai'mud,  the,  49  and  note. 

T&n'a-gra,  battle  of,  200.  Map  after 
p.  98. 

Ta-r6n'tum,  122.     Map  after  p.  132. 

Tar'quin  the  First,  335. 

Tarquin  the  Proud,  335. 

Tar'quln'i-us  (Lu'ci-us  Tarquinius 
Col-la-tl'nus),  350. 

Tar'shlsh,  55. 

Tar'tar-us,  112. 

Tar-t§s'su8,  55. 

Taurus  Mountains.  Maps,  pp.  45, 
55. 


666 


INDEX 

The  references  are  to  sections. 


Taxation,  Egyptian,  12,  15 ;  Hebrew, 
64;  Athenian,  195;  Roman,  500; 
imperial,  615;  in  later  Empire,  691, 
696;  in  Empire  of  Charlemagne,  798. 

Tel'lus,  341. 

T§m'pe,Valeof,174.  Mapafterp.94. 

Temple  of  Solomon,  63. 

Ten  Thousand,  march  of  the,  257. 

Terence,  624. 

Ter'ml-nus,  god  of  bounds,  341. 

T§r-tul'li-an,  651. 

T§s'try,  battle  of,  766. 

Teu'to-berg,  battle  of,  577, 605.  Map 
after  p.  488. 

Teu-to'nes,  523,  524. 

Teutonic  Assembly,  709;  affected 
by  conquests,  761,  c. 

Teutonic  contributions  to  Eu- 
rope, 762. 

Teutonic  kingship,  761. 

Teutonic  Law,  760. 

Teutons,  see  Germans. 

Tha'les,  156,  164. 

ThS,p'sus,  555.    Map  after  p.  372. 

Tha'sos,  196.    Map  after  p.  94. 

Theaters,  Greek,  222;  of  Dionysus  at 
Athens,  223;  Pericles'  policy  as  to, 
223. 

Thebes,  in  Egypt,  11.    Map  on  p.  16. 

Thebes,  in  Greece,  limited  leadership 
in  Boeotia,  132 ;  at  war  with  Athens, 
161 ;  refuses  to  attend  Congress  at 
Corinth,  161 ;  welcomes  Xerxes,  176  ; 
war  with  Sparta,  259;  Democracy 
in,  262;  Leuctra,  263;  supremacy, 
264-267;  Epaminondas,  264;  over- 
throw, 267 ;  destroyed  by  Alexander, 
277.     Maps  after  pp.  94,  98,  etc. 

The-mls'to-cles,  170,  177,  178,  180, 
184,  185,  186,  197. 

The-6c'ri-tus,  313. 

The-6d'o-ric,  East  Goth,  729-733. 

Theodoric,  Visigoth,  722. 

The-o-do'si-an  Code,  the,  737. 

The-o-do' si-US  I,  680. 

Theodosius  II,  72(5. 

The-6gr'o-ny,  1.55. 

Ther-m6p'y-lae,  173,174;  battle  of , 
17(5,  177.     Maps  after  pp.  94,  98. 

Ther-9i'tes,  107. 


The'seus,  100,  111,  note. 

ThSs'pis,  146,  155,  221. 

Th§s-sa-lo-ni'ca,  map  after  p.  586. 

Thessaly,  map  after  p.  94. 

Thirty  Years'  Truce,  the,  between 
Athens  and  Sparta,  202. 

TAor',  708. 

Thrace,  part  of  Persian  Empire,  73, 
165;  colonized  by  Chalcis,  122; 
changing  bounds,  122,  note;  Athe- 
nian colonies  in,  148.  Maps  after 
pp.  84,  132. 

Thrasybulus  (thras-i-boo'lus),  256. 

Thucydides  (thoo-cld'i-dez),  224; 
quoted,  129,  184,  299. 

Thu-rln'gi-a,  map  after  p.  608. 

Thutmosis  III  (thoo-mo'sis) ,  30. 

Tiber,  commerce  of  early,  333.  Map 
after  p.  132. 

Ti-be'ri-us,  576,  594,  614. 

Ti-ci'nus,  battle  of,  440.  Map  after 
p.  302. 

TIg'lath-Pi-le'ser  I,  40. 

Tiglath-Pileser  II,  40. 

Tigris-Euphrates  states,  34-53 ; 
Alexander  in,  278. 

Tigris  River,  34.  Maps  after  pp.  12, 
82,  etc. 

Ti'tus,  583. 

To-gar'mah,  55. 

To'tem-ism,  Egyptian,  24. 

T6t'i-la,  736. 

Tou-louse',  620.    Map  after  p.  576. 

Tours  (toor),  battle  of,  773.  Map 
after  p.  608. 

Tra'jan,  586,  598. 

Tras-i-me'ne,  battle  of,  440.  Map 
after  p.  302. 

Tre'bi-a,  battle  of,  440.  Map  after 
p.  302. 

Trib-u-nic'i-an  power,  the,  557. 

Tributary  state,  defined,  11,  note. 

Trier,  618.    Map  after  p.  586. 

Tri'glyph,  155. 

Tri'reme,  200,  note. 

Tri-iim'vi-rate,  First, 540 ff. ;  Second, 
565  ff. 

Triv'i-um,  the,  619. 

Troy,  story  of  siege  of,  87 ;  excava- 
tions at,  90.    Map  after  p.  132. 


INDEX 

The  references  are  to  sections. 


667 


Ta'bal,  55. 

Tu-ra'ni-ans,  721. 

"  Twelve  Tables,"  laws  of  the,  362, 

3(54;  Roman  textbook,  413. 
"  Twilight  of  the  Gods,"  707. 
Tyrants,  Greek,  125,  126;  in  Athens, 

146,  147;  set  up  by 'Persia  in  Ionia, 

164;  set  up  by  Macedonia,  296;  in 

early  Rome,  349,  350. 
Tyre,  55, 57 ;  siege  of,  277.  Maps  after 

pp.  12,  132. 
Tyr-rA6n'i-an  Sea,  map  after  p.  302. 
Tyr-tae'us,  155. 

Ul'fn-as,  702. 

Ul'pi-an,  632,  637,  643. 

Universities,  origin,  319;  in  Alex- 
andrian Age,  319 ;  in  Roman  Empire, 
319. 

Ur,  in  Chaldea,  37,  38.  Map  after  p. 
12. 

U'ti-Qa,  founded  by  Phoenicians,  56; 
capital  of  Roman  Africa,  390.  Map 
after  p.  132. 

Va'lens,  679;  and  Visigoths,  713. 
Va-l§n-tln'i-an  I,  679. 
Valentinian  II,  679. 
Valentinian  III,  726 ;  and  the  papacy, 

775. 
Va-le'ri-an,  Emperor,  644. 
Va-le'ri-us,  M.,  362. 
Valerius,  Pub-llc'o-la,  352. 
Vandals,  715,  716,  718. 
Vaph'i-o  cups,  the,   illustration  on 

p.  108. 
Varro,  consul,  444. 
Varro,  historian,  625. 
Va'rus,  605. 
Ve'ii,  374.    Map,  p.  305. 
Ve-ne'ti,  map,  p.  332. 
Venice,  founded,  724. 
Ve'nus,  111,  341. 
Ver'den,  Massacre  of,  788. 
Ves-pa-si-an  (Fla'vi-us  Ves-pa-si-a'- 

nus),580,  587. 
V§s'-ta,  341. 
Vestal  Virgins,  341. 


Virgil,  626. 

Virginia,  story  of,  ;i62. 

Vir-i-a'thus,  4.56. 

Vls'i-goths,  679,  712-714,  map  after 

p.  .576;  in  Spain,  715; 
Vi-tSrii-us,  580. 
V61'scl-ans,  331.    Map,  p.  305. 
Vulcan,  111. 
Vm'gat^,  the,  702. 

Wars  of  the  Succession,  287. 

Wergeld  (v6r'g61t),  760. 

Wheat,  prehistoric  cultivation,  3,  c; 
native  to  Euphrates  district,  55. 
See  Agriculture. 

Whit'by,  map  after  p.  630. 

Wingless  Victory,  temple  of,  218; 
illustration,  p.  159. 

Wo'den,  708. 

Woman,  position  of,  in  Egypt,  16;  in 
Chaldea  and  Assyria,  45;  in  the 
court  of  King  Minos,  96;  in  early 
Greece,  230;  in  Sparta,  130;  in 
Athens,  230,  233,  2a5,  238,  239;  in 
early  Rome,  345 ;  in  Roman  Empire, 
632 ;  in  the  early  church,  654 ;  among 
the  Teutons,  707. 

"Works  and  Days,"  of  Hesiod, 
155. 

Writing,  stages  in  invention,  3,  e. 
See  Alphabet,  Hieroglyphs,  Cunei- 
form. 

Xe-noph'anes,  156. 
X§n'o-phon,  224,  257.  ^ 
Xerx'es,  169,  171,  178,  181. 
Xuthus  (zoo'thus),  116,  h. 

York,  map  after  p.  544. 

Za'ma,  battle  of,    454.     Map  after 

p.  :364. 
Zend  A-vSs'ta,  78. 
Ze'no,  Emperor,  728. 
Zeno  the  Stoic,  317. 
Ze-no'bi-a,  646. 
Zeus,  111. 
Zeux'is,  314. 
Zo-ro-as'ter,  78. 


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